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Brevet Brigadier-General William Graves Bates. 
Commanding Officer, 71st Infantry, 1899-1917; Commanding Officer, 
54th Pioneer Infantry. 



SEVENTY-FIRST 



NEW YORK 



IN THE WORLD WAR 



Compiled By 

ROBERT STEWART SUTLIFFE 

Treasurer, 71st Infantry, N. Y. N. G. 
Regimental Historian 




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33 



Copyright, 1922, 
By EOBEET STEWART SUTLIFFE 






• T I PEINTED IN TeS -aNITElSrSTATES O^HlliE^OiJp ^ / 



IN FLANDERS FIELDS 

In Flanders fields the poppies blow 

Between the crosses, row on row, 
That mark our place; and in the sky 
The larks, still bravely singing, fly 

Scarce heard amid the guns below. 

We are the Dead. Short days ago 
We lived, felt dawn, saw sunset glow. 
Loved and were loved, and now we lie 
In Flanders fields. 

Take up our quarrel with the foe: 
To you from failing hands we throw 

The torch ; be yours to hold it high. 

If ye break faith with us who die 
We shall not sleep, though poppies grow 
In Flanders fields. 

Lieutenant-Colonel John McCrae. 



I HAVE A RENDEZVOUS WITH DEATH . . . 

I have a rendezvous with Death 
At some disputed barricade. 
When Spring comes back with rustling shade 
And apple-blossoms fill the air — 
I have a rendezvous with Death 
When Spring brings back blue days and fair. 

It may be he shall take my hand 
And lead me into his dark land 
And close my eyes and quench my breath — 
It may be I shaU pass him still. 
I have a rendezvous with Death 
On some scarred slope of battered hill, 
When Spring comes round again this year 
And the first meadow-flowers appear. 

God knows 't were better to be deep 
Pillowed in silk and scented down. 
Where Love throbs out in blissful sleep 
Pulse nigh to pulse, and breath to breath, 
Where hushed awakenings are dear. . . . 
But I've a rendezvous with Death 
At midnight in some flaming town, 
When Spring trips north again this year, 
And I to my pledged word am true, 
I shall not fail that rendezvous. 

Alan Seeoeb. 
ill 



CONTENTS 



PAOB 

Foreword ix 

Its Soul Goes Marching On xi 

War Units in Which 71st Men Served 1 

Ways and Means 5 

After the Eeturn from the Border — Up-State Service .... 7 

At Van Cortlandt Park — The Transfer to the 165th .... 21 

Off to Spartanburg — The Farewell Parades 27 

The Disintegration 34 

Training the 27th Division for War 40 

Training the 71st at Spartanburg 49 

A Phase of Training at Camp Wads worth 57 

To the Hindenburg Line and Through the Hospitals .... 63 

The Sergeant's Story 101 

Eeminiscences of a Captain 150 

After Spartanburg What? 181 

The Story of Company L 196 

Activities of a Corporal 240 

The Story of B Company 243 

Kecollections at Easy Chair Gatherings Back Home .... 257 

Commendations 270 

The 54th Pioneer Infantry 279 

The 106th Field Artillery 281 

Battles of the 27th Division 292 

Killed and Died of Wounds, Accident and Disease 375 

Wounded 375 

V 



vi CONTENTS 

PAOK 

Decoeations and Citations 376 

Individual Eecords of Officers and Enlisted Men 402 

History of the Home Eegiment 463 

Officers of the 71st Infantry, 1899-1916 512 

Summary of the History of the 71st Infantry, 1899-1917 . . . 516 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 

Brevet Brigadier-General W. G. Bates Frontispiece 

PAGE 

Oflaeers, 71st Infantry, McAUen, Texas 4 

Machine Gun Company, Orr's Mills, N. Y 20 

En Eoute to the Train for Camp Wadsworth 26 

Lieutenant-Colonel James Eben 34 

Battalion Headquarters, 105th Infantry, near Dickebusch Late . . 62 

Walker Farm, near Dickebusch Lake 62 

Dickebusch Lake 62 

Lieutenant-Colonel Stanley Bulkley 88 

German Prisoners, LeSelle Eiver Battle 100 

Hunting the Seam-Squirrel 100 

The Bund, Dickebusch Lake 150 

105th Infantry at Doullens 150 

Lys Eiver 172 

Dickebusch Village 172 

Boni Cemetery 172 

Convoy with "President Grant'' 180 

Brest 180 

40 Hommes and 8 Cheveau Car 180 

Corbie 218 

Euins of Peronne Cathedral 218 

St. Souplet 242 

Volnay 242 

Eeceiving Eations at Mazingheim 256 

Eeading President Wilson's Message to the Kaiser 256 

vii 



viii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGB 

Australian Artillery 272 

Australian Infantry 272 

71st-54th Non-coms, Coblenz 278 

Burial of Corporal O'Shea, Coblenz 278 

Eeview 54th Pioneer Infantry, Coblenz 278 

General O'Eyan, Major Kincaid and Captain Eddy 292 

Peronne 292 

Prisoners Carrying American Wounded, LeSelle Eiver 320 

Hindenburg Line between Boni and Duncan Post 320 

Eegimental Headquarters, August, 1918 348 

St. Quentin 348 

Bridge at St. Souplet 368 

German Prisoners 368 

Colonel J. Hollis Wells 462 

Officers 71st Infantry New York Guard, 1917 490 

71st-105th Infantry Post at Funeral of Corporal Steed 520 



FOREWORD 

The facts and statistics herein have been collected with much 
difficulty. As stated at another place in this book, the old regi- 
ment when it left the Armory for five months' service in New 
York State, took with it its records for several years previous. 
These records, together with all records of the regiment between 
the time it left the Armory and when it was broken up at Spar- 
tanburg, were sent to Washington and have not been accessible 
since that time. When this story was started there was no roster 
of the old regiment in the Armory and no record of the transfers 
of the officers or enlisted men to other organizations. 

This history is the direct result of a desire on the part of 
Colonel J. Hollis Wells to have it written. Colonel Wells, with 
his usual attitude that nothing is quite good enough for the 71st, 
has never hesitated to approve the necessary expense. 

The writer is greatly indebted to Captain (later Lieutenant- 
Colonel) Stanley Bulkley, Captain Henry Maslin^ Captain (later 
Major) Raymond D. Hodgdon, Lieutenant (later Major) Harry 
Merz, Lieutenant (later Captain) Charles H. Scott and others, 
for support, counsel and encouragement in the compiling of this 
book. Captain Scott particularly has been of the greatest assist- 
ance. 



ITS SOUL GOES MARCHING ON 

"There's a divinity that shapes our ends, 
Eough-hew them how we will." 

We of the 71st are spiritualists. We believe that the old 71st 
has a spirit — a tangible, live factor. That even though the 
regiment were wiped out of existence, by disbandment or disin- 
tegration, the spirit of the 71st, so interwoven with the history 
of the Country, the State and the City, would still live and have 
its influence. 

Destiny has provided that radium shall be so widely distributed 
that many tons of material must be searched to locate the smallest 
unit. But the potency of radium is so great that the minutest 
particle ever has its influence upon its surroundings. 

When the old 71st infantry was disintegrated in 1917 at Van 
Cortlandt Park and at Camp Wadsworth, the soul of the old 
regiment went marching on. Men who during the war were 
active members of the 71st, by transfer, enlistment or commis- 
sion served in over 300 different organizations of the Army, 
Navy and Marine Corps. And we of the 71st think of these men 
and of the destiny that so widely distributed them as provided 
that the spirit of the old 71st might, at least in a measure, be 
conveyed to all of these different organizations and become a 
beneficial influence and collectively a power for the winning of 
the War. 

At another place in this volume is a list of the many organiza- 
tions in the Army, Navy and Marine Corps in which 71st men 
served. This list is not complete, as the lack of records makes it 
impossible to compile a complete list. But it is sufficiently com- 
plete to indicate the great war work of the 71st New York 
Infantry and the great varieties of talent possessed by its men. 
Their work comprises all branches from the Labor Battalion to 
General Headquarters. And we are proud of them all, from the 
man who labored with a shovel and pick to the man who led his 
Regiment or did executive work at Headquarters. 



SEVENTY-FIRST NEW YORK 
IN THE WORLD WAR 



WOELD WAR UNITS IN WHICH SEVENTY-FIRST INFANTRY 
MEN SERVED. 



Aberdeen Proving Grounds. 

Aero Squadrons: 
47th, 
314th, 
327th, 
328th, 
491st, 
496th, 
608th, 
609th, 
661st, 
813th, 
826th, 
831 St, 
836th, 
1101st. 

Ambulance. 

107th Sanitary Train, 

560th, 

603rd, 

C. R. O. 

Anti-Aircraft. 
2nd M. G. Bn., 
3rd M. G. Bn., 
5th M. G. Bn. 

Artillery (Coast). 
5th, 
30th, 
32nd, 
37th, 
44th, 
46th, 
57th, 
70th, 
Prov. Repl. 



Artillery (Field). 
1st 

10th 

11th 

15th 

34th 

43rd 

52nd 

53rd 

55th 

59th 

63rd 
105th 
106th 
149th 
301st 
306th 
309th 
312th 
319th 
321st 
343rd 

Aviation. 
Cadets 

Reg. Air Corps 
Concentration Camp 
56th Rec. 
65th Rec. 

Bakery. 
1st 

Balloon. 

Army School 

Balloon Air Service Corps 

1st Balloon Co. 



71sT NEW YORK 



Casual. 
27th Div. 

Cavalry. 

11th 

13th 
303rd 
305th 
310th 
314th 
Motor Co. 

Chemical Welfare Service, 
Edgewood Arsenal 

Dental Corps. 

Depot Brigade. 
53rd 
103rd 
151st 
152nd 
153rd 
154th 
155th 
157th 
159th 
160th 
162nd 

Engineer. 

11th 

14th 

19th 

20th 

35th 

40th 

57th 
102nd 
103rd 
104th 
116th 
209th 
211th 
212th 
303rd 

Disciplinary Barracks Guard. 

Guard and Fire. 
333rd 
339th 



Headquarters. 
G. H. Q., A. E. F. 
G-2, Germany- 
Eastern Department 
First Army 
27th Division 
42nd Division 

Hospital. 

Camp Greenleaf 

Camp Hancock 

44th Base 

78th Base 

79th Base 
116th Base 
117th Base 
214th Base 

24th Evacuation 

28th Evacuation 
3rd Field 

23rd Field 
107th Field 
108th Field 
166th Field 

30th General 

39th General 

42nd General 

Infantry. 

10th 

18th 

22nd 

28th 

30th 

40th 

42nd 

46th 

48th 

62nd 
105th 
106th 
107th 
108th 
110th 
114th 
145th 
146th 
148th 
159th 
161st 
162nd 
163rd 
165th 



IN THE WORLD WAR 



Infantry. — Continued 


Military Police. — Continued 


166th 


226th 


168th 


242nd 


303rd 


25l8t 


305th 


280th 


306th 


285th 


308th 


301st 


310th 


304th 


312th 


305th 


321st 


306th 


327th 


308th 


329th 


2nd Intelligence S. 0. S. 


330th 


2nd G. H. Q. 


338th 




339th 


Motor Transport. 


340th 


Grand Division 


347th 


Hq. 2nd Army Corps 


Labor. 


Motor Supply 


404th Ees. 


116th Tr. & M. P. Div. 


422nd 


305th Brigade 


Mobile Labor 


57th 
320th 
322nd 


Machine Gun. 


15th 


328th 


105th 


331st 


311th 


360th 


316th 


397th 


322nd 


409th 


Mechanics. 


465th 


3rd 'Reg., Anti-Aircraft 


472nd 


Air Service Corps 


551st 


Repair Shops, Washington 


607th 


Q. M. C. Machinists 


699th 


Eepair 16th Motor Tr. 




Repair 328th Motor Tr. 


Ordnance. 


2nd Reg. Motor 


2nd Prov. Dep, Reg. 


3rd Co. Motor 


4th Prov. Dep. Bn. 


4th Reg. Motor 


19th Prov. Co. 


8th Co. Motor 


23rd Prov. Co. 


9th Co. Motor 




11th Co. Motor 


Paris. 


18th Co. Motor 


Dist. of, Hq. Guard 


Medical. 


Dist. of, Military Police 


Fort Slocum 
Enlisted Reserve 


Peace Commission Guard. 


Military Police. 


Photography. 


27th 


School of Aerial 


102nd 




141st 


Pioneer. 


207th 


1st 


219th 


2nd 


222nd 


51st 



71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 



Pioneer. — Continued 
52nd 
53rd 
54th 
55th 
57th 
58th 
60th 
61st 
62iid 

Postal Express Service. 

Post Office. 
708th 
741st 
Intelligence Police 307th 

Printers. 

Prisoners of War Escort. 
8th 

Provost Guard. 

Quartermaster. 
At Large 
Farm Section 
National Army 
Utilities Detachment 
323rd Supply Co. 
340th F. T. & H. Co. 

Eemount. 
35th 
302nd 
306th 
307th 
330th 
331st 
333rd 
336th 

Eeplacement. 
Auto 

Bn., A. E. F. 
Central Eee. office 
Depot, St. Aignan 
Field Artillery 
Medical 
Second Corps 
17th Kecruit Co. 
21st Eecruit Co. 



Salvage. 
308th 

Service. 

56th Army Service Corps 
Dep. Serv. Co. 

Signal. 

2nd 

4th 
79th 
TO^nd 
103rd 
113th 
116th 
117th 
302nd 
308th 
315t,h 
321st 
326th 
Aviation Section 

3rd Eep. Dep. Bn. 
13th Service Co. 
34th Service Co. 

Tank. 

1st Prov. 
302nd 
303rd 
306th 
307th 
331st 
344th 

Train. 

102nd Sanitary 
102nd Ammunition 
117th Sanitary 
417th Supply 

Trench Mortar. 
20th 
27th 

United States Marine Corps. 

United States Navy. 

Veterinary. 
2nd Hospital 
7th Eeg. Engineer 
9th Mobile 
VC Aux. Eemount Depot 




"4-1 X 

M H 

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CD 1^ 

o 



WAYS AND MEANS 

Soon after the men of the 71st began to return home the 
problem came up as to who should write a history of the 71st 
in the World War and how it could be done. The history of 
the Regiment from its beginning in 1850 up to the beginning of 
the World War had been written. For sixty-eight years its 
activities had been chronicled. To many it seemed impossible to 
write a World War history of the 71st as it had been completely 
wiped out by the transferring of all of its men to other organiza- 
tions. The problem was further made difficult by the fact that 
the old regiment when it left the armory in 1917 took with it its 
official records for the previous year or two and these with the 
records up to the time of the breaking up at Camp Wadsworth 
had been sent to Washington and were not available. 

To write the history of the 71st Eegiment in the World War 
might be compared to writing a family genealogy by tracing its 
records through the female members who had married and 
changed their names. The men of the 71st had been wedded to 
the 105th Infantry, the 165th Infantry, the 106th Field Artillery, 
the 106th Infantry, the 102nd Engineers, the 54th Pioneer In- 
fantry and many other organizations, and the history of the 71st 
Regiment in the World War is embodied in the history of the 
various organizations with which they served. As will be seen 
from documents quoted hereafter, about 1400 of the old 71st were 
transferred to the 105th Infantry, of the 53rd Brigade, of the 
27th Division. This story will therefore naturally be, to a large 
degree, the doings of 71st men in the 105th Infantry. It would 
obviously be impossible to follow through the itineraries of the 
165th Infantry, the 54th Pioneer Infantry, the 106th Field 
Artillery and the other organizations to which 71st men were 
transferred in one volume. The reader is referred to ''The 
Story of the 27th Division," by General John F. O'Ryan; to 
''The Pictorial Record of the 27th Division," compiled by 
Alexander Starlight; to "The Short History & Illustrated 
Roster of the 105th Infantry," published by Edward Stem & 

5 



6 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 

Co., Philadelphia, 1918; to "The History and Roster of the 54th 
Pioneer Infantry," pulDlished by that organization at Coblenz, 
Germany, 1918; to ''The Story of the Rainbow Division," by 
Raymond S. Tompkins; to ''The History of the A. E. F.," by 
Captain Shipley Thomas; to *' Father Duffy's Story" and to 
"The History of the 106th Regiment Field Artillery." In addi- 
tion to these references no doubt many other books have been 
published or will be published covering service and battles in 
which the men of the 71st Infantry participated. 

After the transfer of all of the members of the 71st Regiment 
at Spartanburg, S. C, the name "71st Infantry" of course fails 
to appear in the records or in the war histories. How to get the 
story of the 71st men in these various organizations was a subject 
of much thought and discussion. The history of the 105th or 
the 54th Pioneers or the 165th could be given, but more than 
this was wanted ; i.e., to show where the 71st Regiment as such 
came in. Efforts had been made, in rather a weak way, ever 
since the armistice, to get a line on the official records of 71st 
men, of which there were over 2800 in the United States Army, 
Navy and Marine Corps. Well informed officers advised that 
these records could not be obtained for a long time to come. The 
War Department was willing but pleaded lack of funds and 
clerical forces. It acknowledged that the records were in Wash- 
ington, but said that almost every State in the Union had asked 
for the official records of its men and that the job of furnishing 
copies of several millions of cards could not be done without 
seriously interfering with the other work of the department. The 
possibility of getting anything like a fairly complete set of indi- 
vidual record cards seemed hopeless for a while, but after weeks 
of searching, involving trips to Washington and elsewhere, 
arrangements were made to obtain copies of these record cards 
and such record cards are now in the possession of the regiment 
and abstracts from them are published in this volume. The 
names of men who enlisted in the 71st Infantry, New York 
Guard, but were transferred to the United States Army and 
Navy are rightfully included in this list. There will also appear 
names of men who were transferred one way or another from the 
71st to the United States Army or Navy, but for whom no official 
cards can be found. 



AFTER THE RETURN FROM THE BORDER— UP-STATE 

SERVICE 

The 71st had returned from the Texas border and was mustered 
out of the United States service October 6, 1916. It had 
reached a maximum strength in Texas of over 1600 men ; a good 
sized organization in those days. Conditions in Europe and upon 
the high-seas indicated trouble to come for the United States, and 
when the regiment returned to its armory in New York, drills 
were at once started and the men kept in service condition. 

Relations with Germany had been strained for some months 
and it was no surprise when on March 25, 1917, the President of 
the United States made his first call for National Guard troops, 
that the 71st was the first Manhattan regiment to be called. The 
railroads connecting the great port of New York with the other 
portions of the country had become vital to the war. Shipments 
of provisions and munitions of war for Europe to a large degree 
passed through New York and the railroads carrying such sup- 
plies in New York State had become prominent as points of 
possible attack on the part of German agents when the United 
States entered the conflict. The commanding officer of the 71st 
Regiment received orders that the regiment would guard and 
protect railroad property in the First New York District; 
bounded on the south by New Jersey and Pennsylvania, on the 
west by Pennsylvania and Lake Erie, and on the north by an 
east and west line running through Albany and Buffalo, exclud- 
ing the cities of New York, Albany and Buffalo. Later this 
territory was decided to be too big for even the 71st to care 
for and it was reduced in area. 

At this period it had been decided that military movements 
in the United States were of such importance that every effort 
should be made to conceal them from German agents, and 
when the 71st left for its up-state duty its destination was not 
given to the Press nor to the general public, and all through this 

7 



8 71sT NEW YORK 

service its location was referred to in tlie papers as ' ' Somewhere 
in New York State." The three senior officers of the regiment 
upon receipt of orders for up-state duty, in order to arrange for 
the best possible distribution of the troops to accomplish official 
orders, arrived at conclusions by what is known in military 
parlance as '' Playing a Map Game"; that is, the territory to 
be covered was located on a map and after the contingencies and 
requirements had been carefully studied, the locations of the 
troops were theoretically decided. It is interesting to learn that 
the locations of the various headquarters and companies were 
not changed from the theoretical points while the regiment was 
on up-state duty. 

When the regiment was called out, the town was full of rumors 
as to its destination. It was stated, unofficially, that the 71st was 
going anywhere from Honolulu to the Canal Zone. The regi- 
ment was, however, distributed as follows : 

Regimental and Third Battalion Headquarters, Middletown. 

First Battalion Headquarters, Walton. 

Second Battalion Headquarters, Harmon. 

Company A, Liberty. 

Company B, Hancock. 

Company C, Walton. 

Company D, Sidney. 

Company E, Harmon. 

Company F, Cornwall. 

Company C, Poughkeepsie. 

Company H, Hudson. 

Company I, Kingston. 

Company K, Middletown. 

Company L, Middletown. 

Company M, Moodna, near Washington ville. 

Machine Gun Company, Orr's Mills. 

Railroad bridges, viaducts, munition plants and other prop- 
erty, the destruction or damaging of which would have impeded 
the operation of the war, were under the protection of the 71st. 
As it was impossible to guard the entire line of a railroad, a con- 
ference was held with prominent railroad officials at the armory 
and those officials were invited to submit a list of the points most 
necessary to be protected in the order of their importance. The 



IN THE WORLD WAR 9 

engineer of the New York Central Lines agreed that the four 
points selected by means of the theoretical map work were the 
best selection that could have been made. 

The railroads covered were the Hudson Division and the West 
Shore Division of the New York Central Lines from New York to 
Albany; the Erie railroad, from the New York State line to 
Deposit, including the freight cut-off from Harriman to Port 
Jervis; the New York, Ontario & Western, from Cornwall to 
Norwich; the Delaware & Hudson for about thirty-five miles 
each side of Sidney; the Boston & Albany from Albany to the 
Massachusetts state line ; two important bridges on the Delaware 
& Ulster; the Lehigh & Hudson River; and the Central New 
England, including the Poughkeepsie bridge ; in all considerably 
over 800 miles of track. To perform this work efficiently in- 
volved the establishment of a large number of small posts and 
afforded a splendid opportunity for the development of non- 
commissioned officers, one of the vital needs in organizing the 
American army for the World War. The details at the posts 
varied from a corporal and three men to nearly a whole com- 
pany. The men were subsisted at farm houses, boarding houses, 
hotels and restaurants, at government expense. The housing and 
feeding of the men in many cases was largely a patriotic duty 
as the amount allowed by the government was not sufficient to 
pay the cost, but the people in the places where the men were 
stationed received them with open arms and both the farmers 
and the citizens of the flourishing towns throughout the territory 
covered saw to it that the men were made comfortable. 

In some instances the men were compelled to walk long dis- 
tances from their isolated posts to the places where they were fed. 
The weather in April was intensely cold and stormy, with snow, 
ice and rain. A large part of the regiment was quartered in 
tents, but the health of the men was excellent and most of them 
took on considerable weight as a result of life in the open. They 
entered upon their duties with enthusiasm and seriousness. 
Some of the details took great pride in the appearance of the 
posts, which were beautified by stone walks, ornamental fences, 
etc., and in some places vegetable gardens were laid out. The 
men, as a whole, made a most favorable impression wherever they 
were located and took an active part in Memorial Day ceremonies, 



10 71sT NEW YORK 

Red Cross drives and other functions. Several hundred men 
were recruited by the 71st at points up-state during the spring 
and summer of 1917. Regimental headquarters was established 
at Middletown and armories at Newburgh, Poughkeepsie, Hud- 
son and Kingston were used to house troops. No railroad prop- 
erty was damaged while under the 71st 's guard nor was the 
running of trains interrupted or interfered with. 

The strength of the regiment was somewhat reduced while it 
was on duty up-state owing to the number of discharges granted 
to men because of dependents. Many of the requests seemed to 
be without merit, but it was necessary to interpret the orders 
in a liberal manner. The loss, however, was more than made 
up by enlistments from up-state locations. The popularity of 
the companies and details and some of the duty done can per- 
haps best be shown by articles quoted from New York papers 
and those published at places where the troops were stationed. 
When companies were ordered to concentrate at Van Cortlandt 
Park, New York City, the people up-state expressed keen regret 
at the departure of the men and many complimentary articles 
appeared with such expressions as ''The company is composed 
of exceptionally high grade men"; "They have been on duty 
here long enough to make a lot of friends who were sorry to see 
them go" ; ''The boys have shown that they could be good soldiers 
and gentlemen at the same time"; "New York City has every 
reason to feel proud of the 71st, the flower regiment of the United 
States National Guard." 



From the N. Y. Morning Telegraph, April 2, 1917. 
2,000 NEW YORK GUARDSMEN OFF FOR WAR SERVICE 

ENTIRE SEVENTY-FIRST REGIMENT AND THE THIRD BATTALION OF 
THE TV7ENTY-THIRD INFANTRY LEAVE UNDER SEALED ORDERS 



Under sealed orders from the War Department the entire 
Seventy-first Infantry of New York and the Third Battalion 
of the Twenty-third Regiment of Brooklyn left their respective 
armories yesterday assigned to war duty at "points outside of 
New York City." 



IN THE WORLD WAR 11 

Recruited almost to full war strength, 2,000 members of the 
two commands in heavy marching equipment, were cheered by 
hundreds of thousands of relatives and friends as they started 
out once more. They had only recently returned from the 
Mexican border, and were the first two units of the National 
Guard regiments mustered into the Federal service by President 
Wilson's order to be ordered out on duty. Just where the two 
commands are headed for is not announced for publication 
because of requests from the War Department. 

SEVENTY-FIRST LEAVES EARLY 

The Seventy-first Regiment was the first to get under way, 
leaving their armory at Park avenue and Thirty-fourth street 
shortly before 8 o'clock yesterday morning in three battalions. 
At 6:30 o'clock last night, the Third Battalion of the Twenty- 
third Infantry filed out of their armory. The men of the Sev- 
enty-first received their mobilization orders one week ago, and 
since that time the regiment has been under arms awaiting orders 
to leave the armory and take the field for actual service. The 
mobilization order was not issued to the Twenty-third until last 
Friday, and it was owing to the fact that only the Third Bat- 
talion had been completely mustered into the Federal service that 
that unit alone was ordered to move. 

Orders to move were received by Colonel Willam G. Bates 
from Major General Leonard Wood at Governor's Island Satur- 
day night, and shortly before 8 o'clock yesterday morning the 
bugle call was sounded assembling the regiment on the drill 
floor. A few words of advice were spoken by Colonel Bates, 
after which a prayer for their safety was said by the Rev. 
William T. Crocker, chaplain of the regiment. In less than 
an hour from the time assembly was sounded by the regimental 
bugler, the First Battalion, in command of Major Arthur E. 
Wells, marched from the armory. There was no music, but 
plenty of enthusiasm as the column in quick stride marched west 
through Thirty- fourth street and turned north into Fifth avenue. 
Major James M. Hutchinson headed the Second Battalion. They 
marched north in Park avenue. 

COLONEL BATES IN COMMAND 

Colonel Bates commanded the Third Battalion. They marched 
through Thirty-fourth street and turned south into Fifth avenue. 



12 71sT NEW YORK 

Under orders the members of the regiment reported at sunrise 
yesterday morning and at 7 o'clock ''mess" was sounded. By 
the time assembly had been sounded the balcony of the armory 
and all the company rooms were filled with men and women, 
relatives and friends. 



From N. Y. Evening Telegram, April 2, 1917. 

FIRST DETAIL CALLED GUARDS LINE SEVENTY 
MILES LONG ''SOMEWHERE IN STATE" 

BATTALION OF 23d ALSO ' ' ON THE FRONT ' ' 
REGIMENTAL HEADQUARTERS SEVENTY-FIRST NEW YORK INFANTRY 

(Somewhere in New York) 

Guarding property of miltary importance in the event of 
war, the Seventy-first Regiment, the first troops in active service 
since the President's mobilization call was issued^, is established 
to-day in the discharge of its new duties. 

The clocklike precision with which the men achieved the 
transfer from their armory in New York to the field of activi- 
ties has demonstrated in a striking manner the immense benefit 
derived from their sojourn at the Mexican border. There was 
no confusion, no conflicting orders. Every officer, every man, 
knew what to do and how to do it. The residents of the place, 
whose names cannot be divulged, show the utmost enthusiasm 
over the men's arrival. 

The headquarters were established on the arrival of Colonel 
William G. Bates, commanding. In a few hours after the men's 
arrival, came the long train of motor trucks, carrying the regi- 
ment 's military baggage, ammunition and all the countless 
items of equipment which comprises the required outfit of the 
organization in time of war. The Third battalion was the first 
to arrive — exactly on time. So were the First and Second, 
which have gone to different destinations. The fact that they 
had completed their journeys without a hitch of any kind was 
attested by telegraphic messages between battalion and regi- 
mental headquarters. 

Nothing has pleased Colonel Bates and the other officers of 
the regiment more than the efficiency shown by the motor truck 
trains. The Third battalion train made its trip without a 



IN THE WORLD WAR 13 

breakdown or delay of any kind. The train was greeted with 
cheers as it swept impressively in the town streets. Accom- 
panied by his adjutant, Captain H. L. Kehlbeck, after estab- 
lishing headquarters, Colonel Bates made a tour of inspection of 
the point covered by his regiment, which took him over a route 
seventy miles long. 



From N. Y. Evening World, April 7, 1917. 

71ST IS SEARCHING MORE HOMES FOR SECRET 
WIRELESS 

ONE RADIO PLANT DESTROYED DISLOYAL RESIDENTS ARE FACING 

SPEEDY ARRESTS 

Colonel William G. Bates, commanding the Seventy-first Regi- 
ment, late yesterday, at the head of a detachment, destroyed a 
pow^erful private radio station. This action followed instantly 
upon the receipt of confidential intelligence of great importance. 
It is impossible to say whether Colonel Bates was advised that 
''information of military value to the enemy" was being sent 
from this privately owned and operated station. 

This was not the only alarming information which caused 
headquarters to act to-day. Confidential reports were received 
by Colonel Bates that large quantities of dynamite were stored 
in houses of two Germans or German- Americans (it is not cer- 
tain whether the men are naturalized), and that the explosive 
was to be used at the first opportunity in dynamiting important 
railroad structures for the purpose of putting railroad systems 
out of commission and delaying the transportation of troops, 
munitions and supplies. 

Colonel Bates acted with expedition. Two detachments were 
ordered out under arms and they marched to the houses. When 
these had been surrounded the officers entered at the head of 
searching parties. Every possible place of concealment was 
searched, but no explosive was found. The result was similar 
at the out-buildings and yards. But so definite and apparently 
conclusive was the information received concerning one of the 
aliens that the searching officer went through all his personal 
papers. These failed to reveal evidence to show he was a spy 
or engaged in other activities against this country, but despite 
all this the officers were not satisfied. They demanded and 



14 71sT NEW YORK 

received references from this man and to-day his life is being 
investigated through these. 

The military authorities have information which leads them 
to believe there is danger of attempts at violence by aliens or 
disloyal citizens upon the properties guarded by the Seventy- 
first, and an even greater danger of military information being 
conveyed to the enemy through an espionage system. It is 
regarded at headquarters as certain that the entire territory 
covered by the regiment will be searched for private radio sta- 
tions. Officers of the regiment pointed out to-day England's 
experience upon her entry into the war with these plants and 
the damage done through them. Colonel Bates has determined 
to suppress disloyalty with an iron hand. News of the seizure 
and internment of men may be expected at any time. 



Prom Hudson, N. Y., Register, May 19, 1917. 

PRESENTED WITH FLAG 

Members of the " H " company, Seventy-first regiment of New 
York City, headquartered here, were presented with a large 
American flag this week at Canaan, where they are guarding 
the railroad tracks as they pass into a tunnel. Teachers and 
children of the Canaan school walked to the tunnel and gave 
the soldier boys the flag. 

From Catskill, N. Y., Examiner, May 26, 1917. 
EXCELLENT SOLDIERS 

SEVENTY-FIRST GUARDSMEN CONDUCT THEMSELVES AS GENTLEMEN 

New York City has every reason to feel proud of the Seventy- 
first, the flower regiment of the United States National Guard. 
Judging from what Catskill has seen of these khaki-clad war- 
riors, the regiment is certainly deserving of such a title and 
of any of the honors which might be extended to them. 

For the past few months a detachment from Company I has 
been located in tliis village guarding the big West Shore rail- 
road bridge, and during that period not one complaint has been 
made against their conduct, character or sobriety. The guards- 



IN THE WORLD WAR 15 

men are a clean, manly looking lot of young men, and taken 
individually each one has conducted himself in a manner worthy 
of the utmost praise. During recreation or while on duty they 
always possess the same genial manner, with a cheerful salute 
for all who pass. Their duties are performed carefully and 
diligently, and under Sergeant Geis, their commander, a sys- 
tematic method has been adopted in guarding the big bridge. 
It is a pleasure for Catskillians to have such a representative 
body of young Americans with them, and their leaving town 
in July will be greatly regretted. 



From Comwall-on-Hudson, N. Y., Press, June 21, 1917. 
ENLIST WITH THE MEN YOU KNOW 

Company F, Seventy-first Regiment, National Guard of New 
York State, stationed at Cornwall for several months past, has 
orders to recruit to war strength of 150 men. This means the 
addition of nearly fifty men to their existing ranks. In a 
recent issue of the Press, Captain Maslin made a strong appeal 
to young men of this vicinity to join the ranks of the guards- 
men, and some recruits have been secured. 

The required total, however, has not been reached, and an 
increased response is earnestly desired. Company F has been 
with us long enough that our people have become acquainted 
with them, and know them to be a thoroughly fine lot of men 
from the captain to the "rookies." A Cornwall young man 
who joins their ranks does not need to feel that he is going 
among strangers, but among friends. Cornwall people have 
given Company F cordial greeting, having in mind ever that 
our own husbands, sons, brothers or friends may soon be far 
away from us among strangers ; and Company F, in turn, have 
proven themselves well worthy our welcome. , 

Cornwall young men within the selective draft ages would 
find it more agreeable, we believe, to join their fortunes with 
this well organized, trained body of men, with whom they are 
acquainted, than to wait and become members of the new 
army, where all would be inexperienced, and officers and fel- 
low comrades might all be strangers. Eighteen to forty-five are 
the ages acceptable for enlistment in the National Guard and 
it is urged that men in this vicinity respond to the call. Apply 
at headquarters in the Corporation Office, Cornwall-on-Hudson. 



16 71sT NEW YOEK 

From the Middletown, N. Y., Times, July 21, 1917. 

NEW 71ST BAND TO GIVE CONCERT 

The newly organized band of the Seventy-first Regiment, 
which is composed of 24 pieces, will give a concert at Camp 
Thompson Sunday afternoon, at 4 o'clock, to which the public 
is cordially invited. The band will also render selections at 
the religious service, Sunday morning, at 9 o'clock. The public 
is invited to this service. 

From Hudson, N. Y., Columbia-Eepublican, August 14, 1917. 
''H" DETAIL IS HEARTILY THANKED 

Captain Vogel of the ''H" company. Seventy-first regiment, 
has received the following letter of appreciation from the local 
board of exemption: 

''The board takes this opportunity to record its appreciation 
of the highly effective assistance rendered by the detail from 
Co. H at the time of the physical examination of the men sum- 
moned for Columbia county's initial quota. The detail in 
charge of Corporal J. CaUahan was made up of Privates Ryan, 
Quinn, Hood, Cahill, Carey, McDonald, O'Tool, O'Connor, Ho- 
sier, Pickering and Nash. Each man was alert and capable 
and bore himself at all times as a soldier and a gentleman. Their 
assistance made possible the rapid and business-like conduct of 
the examination, and we hope that you will convey its appre- 
ciation to them, and that you and the men of the company will 
feel at all times that this board is ready and willing to re- 
ciprocate to the best of its ability." 

From Deposit, N. Y., Cour.-Jour., August 15, 1917. 

SOLDIERS LEAVE DEPOSIT 

On Saturday afternoon the two squads of Co. B, 71st Regi- 
ment, N. Y. Inf., N. G., who have been guarding the Delaware 
River and Oquaga creek railroad bridges in this village since 
April 2nd, left for Hancock, the company headquarters. Mon- 
day morning at 5:30 Co. B struck tents, which together with 
their supplies, ammunition and camp equipment, were packed 



IN THE WORLD WAR 17 

and loaded at Cadosia. At 9 :30 A. M. the company had a heavy 
marching order inspection, following which the grounds were 
cleaned up in military style. 

Late in the afternoon the company lined up on the ball field 
in heavy marching order, each man carrying his blanket roll, 
knapsack, canteen, ammunition belt, first aid and comfort kits, 
shovel, hatchet, bayonet and rifle, in all weighing about seventy 
pounds. Under the personal command of Captain Bulkley, the 
one hundred and fifty men comprising the company were given 
the order ''squads right, march," and the procession proceeded 
through the principal streets of Hancock to the O. & W. village 
station, north of the town. They were then lined up along- 
side the track, given orders to "stack arms and rolls," brought 
to attention, and addressed by Captain Bulkley and Judge 
C. E. Scott, of Deposit. They were then given leave of ab- 
sence until 10:00 P. M., when they entrained — thirty-two men 
to a car, each man a seat to himself, where they slept for the 
night. Tuesday morning at 6 o'clock the train left for Wee- 
hawken. It is expected they will camp at Van Cortlandt Park 
until after the big New York City parade, when they will go 
to the training camp at Spartanburg, S. C. 

Deposit is indeed lonesome without the khaki lads about the 
streets. The company is composed of exceptionally high grade 
men. 



From Poughkeepsie, N. Y., Star, August 15, 1917. 

BOYS OF THE 71ST 

As the boys of the Seventy-first regiment marched away yes- 
terday we were impressed anew with their soldierly bearing 
and their modest yet earnest mien. It is a matter of regret that 
we had not arranged a little send-off for these boys. They have 
been on duty here long enough to make a lot of friends who 
were soriy to see them go. They left their armory in New 
York on Palm Sunday and ever since have been doing guard 
duty at the Poughkeepsie bridge and the New Hamburgh tunnel. 
Under Captain E. W. Strong the boys have shown that they could 
be good soldiers and gentlemen at the same time. Their good 
deportment and quiet orderliness have been the subject of com- 



18 71sT NEW YORK 

ment by our citizens. They were tjrpical American boys, and 
of such, will our armies in France be made up. 

The Star speaks for our city when it bids these young soldiers 
Godspeed in the tasks before them. 

From Monticello, N. Y., Bepub., August 17, 1917. 

ROUSING SEND-OFF GIVEN COMPANY A 

OF 71ST REGIMENT AT LIBERTY ON MONDAY — WHOLE TOWN TURNS 
OUT TO SAY FAREWELL 

The citizens of Liberty gave Company A, of the 71st Regiment, 
Captain Hodgdon commanding, a glorious send-off on Monday 
afternoon. The company, headed by a large band and escorted 
by the Liberty Home Defence unit. Captain Currey command- 
ing, made an imposing appearance as they marched to the Fair 
Grounds, where nearly all of Liberty assembled to give them 
an ovation. 

Co. A, the Home Defence Unit and the band were drawn up 
at attention and the Rev. Mr. Conrad, pastor of the Presby- 
terian Church, made a very appropriate address. It was a very 
inspiring ceremony. After the ceremonies the company was 
escorted uptown and the parade disbanded. Fully 1,500 people 
were present to do homage to the soldier boys who have been 
guarding the 0. & W. railroad property and who expect to 
leave next Tuesday for Spartanburg, S. C. In the evening a 
farewell ball was held in the dance hall of the Liberty House. 
The boys left Tuesday morning for Middletown and there was 
much weeping at their going and we understand many engage- 
ments were announced. The 0. & W. will now take up the 
burden of guarding the railroad property and will hire many 
guards for that purpose. 

From Sidney, N. Y., Record, August 18, 1917. 
GOOD LUCK TO THE BOYS 

A ROUSING SEND-OFF 
COMPANY D LEAVES SIDNEY WITH GOOD WISHES OF COMMUNITY 

Sharp at 5 A. M. a score of steam whistles in Sidney, Tuesday, 
14th inst., cleared their throats and belched a mighty chorus in 



IN THE WORLD WAR 19 

honor of the departing soldiers of Company D, 71st N. Y. Inf. 
At the Union Station as their special pulled out on time, a large 
concourse of people had gathered at that early hour to bid good 
cheer and Godspeed to the popular and well-liked company. 
Maidens fair braved the early dawn for what might be a last 
glimpse of their admirers in khaki. Outwardly gay and cheer- 
ful as ever, the soldiers wore the smiles that never fade, but 
could the tale be told many hearts among those uniforms were 
oppressed, leaving a town where none but friends resided ; where 
these four and half months the Company had been treated as 
honored guests. 

The tramp of marching feet is now no more ; the bugle sound 
remains silent. Stem duty is ahead. Far beyond in the East 
across the deep, a bunch of rattlesnakes with spiked helmets 
threaten the destruction of our homeland. These are the boys 
in khaki and others who will go from Sidney to help clean up 
the nest; just the right mettle to "go over the top" in gallant 
style and Sidney will watch for them good and sharp. 

The efficient and courteous staff of officers, Capt. F. R. Potter, 
now acting Major 1st Battalion; Lieutenant E. C. 0. Thomas, 
acting Company Commander; 2nd Lieutenant K. O'Connor and 
a non-commission staff of exceptional ability, the mainspring 
and backbone of all military units, speak most highly of their 
treatment in Sidney; pouring forth heartfelt gratitude to the 
citizens of Sidney and to Red Cross Chapter for many esteemed 
courtesies extended to Company D while in Sidney. The days 
spent in Sidney will always remain among the most pleasant 
memories of their army service and the friendships acquired 
never forgotten. 

The people of Sidney on their part can say that a better 
behaved military Company would be difficult to find anywhere. 
Gangsters and roustabouts were entirely eliminated from their 
ranks. They comported themselves as soldiers and gentlemen, 
welcomed into every home. Sidney Chapter R. C. thoughtfully 
prepared early morning breakfast for the Company before de- 
parture and each man was provided with lunch for the long 
journey to Weehawken. 

Special mention and thanks are due to Mrs. Wm. Turk, of 
Hotel DeCumber, who as head of the canteen committee, not 
only planned and ordered the provisions for two lunches each 
for 150 soldiers, but gave over the use of her entire kitchen to 
a committee of ladies for making sandwiches and packing the 



20 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 

lunches. Through the kindness of several Sidney women, 57 
dozen of home-made fried cakes were donated and added to the 
regular lunch of sandwiches, eggs and coffee, money for which 
was contributed by Sidney's patriotic citizens. Company D, 
arriving at New York City, proceeded to report at Van Cortlandt 
Park, New York, and will take part in the big military parade 
in the city in early September. They will winter at the Na- 
tional Army headquarters, Spartanburg, S. C, and leave for 
France next spring to join Gen. Pershing's command. Then 
will follow a period of intensive training in present methods 
of warfare in France. 

The final act will be the clash with the Huns. God give 
strength of heart and soul to those who battle in righteous 
cause for Flag and Country; may God forefend all harm and 
injury. 



AT VAN CORTLANDT PARK— THE TRANSFER TO 
THE 165TH 

The companies of the regiment concentrated at Van Cortlandt 
Park on August 14, 1917, and remained in camp there until 
September 29. The men were in splendid physical condition 
after their five months of military service up-state. Eiife at Van 
Cortlandt Park consisted in hikes and drills including trench 
work and other training to be continued at Camp Wadsworth. 

Soon after arriving at Van Cortlandt stories appeared in the 
public prints regarding a proposed breaking up of certain 
National Guard units. Friends of the 71st, in view of its numer- 
ical strength and efficiency, protested that the breaking up of the 
71st was not to be thought of, but on the contrary, that it was 
highly probable that the 71st would be one of the first National 
Guard regiments in the country to be ordered to France. This 
prophecy, however, was not to prove correct, for shortly after 
reaching New York orders were received to transfer 350 men 
from the 71st to the 165th Infantry. 

Great was the consternation of the friends of the 71st at the 
news of this transfer. Letters of protest from veterans of former 
wars appeared in the public prints and much bitterness was dis- 
played. The reason for the transfer was that the authorities 
at Washington had decided to organize and send overseas without 
delay a Division which should be typical of the different sections 
of the country, thereby arousing wide interest among the people 
in the war and in the war loans about to be brought out. The 
representation in this new Division from so many different 
points in the United States would give the press of the country 
something to publish in the way of overseas news of an intimate 
local character. 

"The Story of the Rainbow Division," in describing the 
organization of that Division, states that the formation of it 
was brought about by a story in the afternoon papers that a 

21 



22 71sT NEW YORK 

Division of American troops was to be formed from National 
Guard organizations in 26 states and the District of Columbia. 
The 26 states took in every part of the country except New 
England. America was sending a ^ ' Rainbow ' ' of hope to Europe. 
"When the time came to pick a New York regiment, the 69th 
was selected as a nucleus, being a regiment of loyal Irish with a 
fine history. Added to the 69th were 350 men from each of 
the 7th, 12th, 14th, 23rd and 71st regiments, 1750 men. The 
men of the 71st who were transferred to the 165th did their full 
duty throughout the war, and of them 44 were killed or died 
of wounds or disease and 136 were wounded. The itinerary of 
the 165th Infantry which follows will give an idea of the activ- 
ities of the men who served in that regiment. 

ITINERARY OF THE 165TH INFANTRY 

(1) Headquarters, 42nd Division, arrived in France 1st No- 
vember, 1917. 

(2) Successive locations of Division Headquarters since ar- 
rival in France are as follows: 

IN FRANCE 

Location Arrived Left 

St. Nazaire 1 Nov., '17 6 Nov., 17 

Vaucouleurs 8 Nov., '17 12 Dec, '17 

Lafauche 12 Dec, '17 26 Dec, '17 

Rolampont 26 Dec, '17 17 Feb., '18 

Luneville (Lorraine Sector) 17 Feb., '18 31 Mar., '18 

Baccarat (Lorraine Sector) 31 Mar., '18 21 June, '18 

Chatel-sur-Moselle 21 June, '18 22 June, '18 

St. Germain-la- Ville 23 June, '18 29 June, '18 

Vadenay Farm (Champagne Sec- 
tor) 29 June, '18 21 July, '18 

La Ferte-sous-Jouarre (Chateau- 
Thierry) 21 July, '18 24 July, '18 

Trugny (Chateau-Thierry Sector) 
Rear Echelon, Le Ferte-sous- 
Jouarre 24 July, '18 28 July, '18 

Beauvardes (Chateau-Thierry 

Sector) 28 July, '18 12 Aug., '18 

Rear Echelon, Trugny. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 23 

Location Arrived Left 

La Ferte-sous-Jouarre (Chateau- 
Thierry) 12 Aug., '18 

Bourmont 17 Aug., '18 

Chatenois 30 Aug., '18 

Colombey-les-Belles 5 Sept., '18 

Toul 8 Sept., '18 

Moved to Beuvardes August 4, 

1918. 
Ansauville (St. Mihiel Sector) . . 

Rear Echelon, Bruley 9 Sept., '18 

Essey (St. Mihiel Sector) 

Rear Echelon, Ansauville 14 Sept., '18 

Bois de Pannes (St. Mihiel Sec- 
tor) 

Rear Echelon, Bouconville. ... 25 Sept., '18 

Benoite-Vaux-Couvent 1 Oct., '18 

Recicourt 4 Oct., '18 

Bois de Montf aucon 

Rear Echelon, Recicourt 6 Oct., '18 

Cheppy (Argonne Sector) 11 Oct., '18 

Camp Drachen (Argonne Sector) 

Rear Echelon, Recicourt 19 Oct., '18 

Champigneulles (Argonne Sector) 

Rear Echelon, Recicourt 3 Nov., '18 

Autruche (Argonne Sector) 

Rear Echelon, Recicourt 4 Nov., '18 

Grandes Armoises (Argonne Sec- 
tor) 

Rear Echelon, Recicourt 6 Nov., '18 7 Nov., '18 

Maisoncelle (Argonne Sector) . . . 

Rear Echelon, Recicourt 7 Nov., '18 

Buzancy 10 Nov., '18 

Landreville 14 Nov., '18 

Brandeville 16 Nov., '18 

Montmedy 20 Nov., '18 



IN BELGIUM 

Virton 21 Nov., '18 22 Nov., '18 

Arlon 22 Nov., '18 23 Nov., '18 



17 Aug., 


'18 


30 Aug., 


'18 


5 Sept., 


'18 


8 Sept., 


U8 


9 Sept., 


'18 


14 Sept., 


'18 


25 Sept., 


'18 


1 Oct., 


'18 


4 Oct., 


'18 


6 Oct., 


'18 


11 Oct., 


'18 


19 Oct., 


'18 


3 Nov., 


'18 


4 Nov., 


'18 


6 Nov., 


'18 



10 Nov., 


'18 


14 Nov., 


'18 


16 Nov., 


'18 


20 Nov., 


'18 


21 Nov., 


'18 



Left 




2 Dec, 


18 


3 Dec., 


'18 


5 Dec., 


'18 


6 Dec, 


'18 


8 Dec, 


'18 


9 Dec, 


'18 


15 Dec, 


'18 



24 71sT NEW YORK 

IN LUXEMBURG 

Location Arrived 

Mersch 23 Nov., '18 

Consdorf 2 Dec, '18 

IN GERMANY 

Welschbillig 3 Dec, '18 

Speicher 5 Dec, '18 

Birresborn 6 Dec, '18 

Dreis 8 Dec, '18 

Adenau 9 Dec, '18 

Ahrweiler 15 Dec, '18 

Some idea of life in the 71st while the regiment was at Van 
Cortlandt Park may be had from the following article published 
in the New York Evening World, September 17, 1917 : 

From N. Y. Evening World, September 17, 1917. 

MEN OF SECOND BRIGADE ARE MARVELS OF EFFICIENCY AND NEATNESS 

KNOW HOW TO CARE FOR FOOD WHEN THEY GET IT AND HOW 

TO COOK AND SERVE IT, AS WELL AS HOW TO CLEAN UP EVERY 

SCRAP AND PREVENT OFFENSIVE SIGHTS AND ODORS CLEANLINESS 

AND ORDERLINESS RULE IN THEIR TENTS AND COMPANY STREETS. 

Five thousand men are keeping house in Van Cortlandt Park. 
They are the members of the Seventy-first, the Twenty-third 
and the First. And a more cleanly, orderly, comfortable, boiled- 
down-to-the-first-principles housekeeping does not exist than that 
which I was privileged to observe yesterday in the tented town 
that begins at the entrance to the park's formal gardens and 
reaches as far as one can see. 

Doubtless, when they are at home, these tanned, smiling, 
smoking boys drop cigarette ashes all over the carpet, don't 
know what the dishpan looks like and never pick up an article 
of clothing once they have laid it down. In camp they wash 
all their dishes. They do their own laundry work. They make 
their beds. They keep their tents in order. They rush after 
an errant scrap of paper on a company street with the feverish 



IN THE WORLD WAR 25 

zeal of a New England housewife who sees a crumb or a white 
thread clinging to her carpet. And in each company two or 
three men cook for the other hundred and forty odd three meals 
that are abundant, nourishing and decidedly appetizing. Dear 
mothers and sisters and sweethearts, send your boys all the 
chocolate cake and jelly you please. It won't be wasted — but, 
on the other hand, don't worry for fear Tom or Jack is suf- 
fering from malnutrition. Thanks to the courteous hospitality 
of Mess-Sergeant F. W. Cleeve, the artist and I messed yesterday 
with Company L of the Seventy-first. We had hamburger steak 
with a delicious sauce of tomato, onion and peppers; bread, 
coffee and canned peaches — a good enough lunch for anybody. 
And it cost just ISi/o cents per person. 

Feeding one's family is of course the most important feature 
of housekeeping. Therefore when we inspected the man-made 
variety we went at once to the cook tents. The first of these 
is headquarters mess, and then follows in order the mess of each 
company at the head of the company street. 

Two picturesque persons are in charge of headquarters mess. 
The head cook is a full-blooded Pawnee Indian, Bright Star. 
He is one, too, in the culinary firmament ; I had some of his beef 
stew. His associate is W. C. Miller, formerly a champion swim- 
mer. Just outside the cook tent is the regulation army stove, 
in which the fire is built in the ground. Over the trench con- 
taining burning logs is set the low sheet-iron stove, with a big 
oven and space for boiling and frying. At one side is the in- 
cinerator — another trench. There was a wash-boiler full of 
potatoes, a kettle of stew and a forty-quart can of coffee cooking 
when we arrived. 

The camp kitchens are marvels of ingenious adaptation. They 
differ in details, but the general plan is the same. Tables, shelves 
and cupboards are constructed of the packing cases in which 
the canned goods arrive. Besides quantities of the latter, oat- 
meal, crackers, salt, pepper, eggs and spices were set out in 
orderly rows at the first cook tent we visited. Behind a board 
nailed upon two cleats were stuck big knives and spoons. Hang- 
ing to the tent pole was a long wooden paddle for stirring the 
coffee and three or four big hooks for opening the oven door 
and lifting hot kettles off the stove. 

When we arrived at the tent the noon mess was being pre- 
pared — beans for this group. Each company has its own menu. 
Into two big pans, 3 feet square and a foot and a half deep. 



26 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 

Chef Bright Star and Chef Miller turned a case and a half of 
beans — 36 cans. Then sugar, salt and pepper went in by the 
handful. The gargantuan proportions of all the dishes, even 
of the seasoning, make one certain that Uncle Sam never lets 
his nephews go hungry. For breakfast yesterday this mess had 
bacon and eggs, fried potatoes, prunes, bread and coffee. For 
dinner they were given roast ham — four hams ; spinach, 24 cans, 
and one and one-half bushels of potatoes. Forty quarts of 
coffee are prepared for each meal. Yet the food cost per man 
per day is only 40 cents. 

Each cook tent has its refrigerator. In that belonging to 
Chef Bright Star I noted potato salad, cold corned beef, salad 
dressing, syrup, milk, oranges, ham, cake, butter and a little 
can of triple typhoid vaccine. ''Our men get fried potatoes," 
Chef Bright Star told me proudly, "and most of the other 
messes have to get along wdth boiled. Also men from them 
come here and try to get some of our coffee." Incidentally, 
Chef Bright Star gets up about 4:15 every morning, although 
there's nothing about it in the regulations, to give fresh, hot 
coffee to the band. 

From his domain we strolled down the line of the Seventy- 
first, with Mess-Sergeant Cleeve, pursued by appetizing odors. 
Some of the cook tents are sheltered with mosquito netting. 
The trench where the waste is destroyed, at the side of Company 
K's tent, is decorated with a bouquet of asters and a headstone 
inscribed : 

Here Lies General Incinerator, 
A 

Hot 

Sport, 

Erected by Company K, Seventy-first 

New York Infantry. 



OFF TO SPARTANBURG— THE FAREWELL PARADES 

While at Van Cortlandt the friends and relatives of the men 
were constant visitors to the camp and liberal leaves of absence 
to the men permitted them to visit their homes for what to some 
of them was their last home coming. The men were supplied by 
their friends and the many good women doing war work with 
articles of comfort and small delicacies and received many a 
word of encouragement and cheer that helped them during the 
long period of suffering and discomfort that followed. 

On August 30 the 71st took part in the farewell parade of 
the 27th Division. The New York papers were full of words of 
praise for the showing made by the 71st, which was cheered 
along the entire route of the parade. In the morning Sun of 
August 31 a three-column picture was published headed ''New 
York Guardsmen in Perfect Alignment March Away to War," 
and was followed by the statement ''The photograph shows the 
head of the 71st Infantry passing the reviewing stand in front 
of the Public Library at 5th Avenue and 42nd Street, where 
the parade was reviewed by Governor Whitman, Mayor Mitchell 
and other officials. Note the splendid formation and even line 
of the men of Colonel Bates's command — the men marched with 
easy, swinging step and were greeted with the plaudits of the 
multitude throughout the line of march. ' ' 

On the evening of September 23rd, 1917, a performance for 
the benefit of the regiment was given at the Hippodrome with 
the co-operation of the New York Theatrical Managers. A long 
program was rendered, leading artists of the concert and vaude- 
ville stage appearing. This benefit was a very great success both 
from a financial and artistic standpoint and was a tangible, sub- 
stantial testimonial to the regiment from its friends in the the- 
atrical profession and other lines of business in New York. The 
fund raised has been kept intact for the benefit of the families 
of the men who were members of the 71st during the World's 

27 



28 71sT NEW YORK 

"War. Many needy ones have received assistance from the com- 
mittee administering it. 

The officer personnel of the regiment while at Van Cortlandt 
Park was as follows: 

Colonel William G. Bates, 

Lieutenant-Colonel James M. Hutchinson, 

Major Arthur E. Wells, 

Major James Eben, 

Major Walter A. DeLamater, 

Adjutant-Captain Harvard A. Kehlbeek, 

Surgeon Major Lucius A. Salisbury, 

Asst. Surg. Captain Arthur R. Addy, 

Asst. Surg. 1st Lieutenant Charles D. Kayser, 

Asst. Surg. 1st Lieutenant Sexton C. Roane, 

Asst. Surg. Dental Corps, 1st Lieutenant Edward L. Mastin, 

Chaplain William T. Crocker, 

Adjutant 1st Lieutenant Ernest C. Dreher, 

Adjutant 1st Lieutenant Francis H. Beglin, 

Adjutant 1st Lieutenant William L. Forbes, Jr. 

Company A: Captain Raymond F. Hodgdon, 
1st Lieutenant John J. Lane, 
2nd Lieutenant Francis J. Ridgeway. 

Company B : Captain Stanley Bulkley, 

1st Lieutenant Harry Merz, 

2nd Lieutenant Edward R. Meriwether. 

Company C: Captain W. A. H. Ely, 

1st Lieutenant John J. Callahan, 
2nd Lieutenant Albert E. Comstock. 

Company D : Captain Frank R. Potter, 

1st Lieutenant E. C. 0. Thomas, 
2nd Lieutenant Kevney O'Connor, 

Company E : Captain Clarence F. True, 

1st Lieutenant Frederic K. Lovell, 
2nd Lieutenant Leon A. Eben. 

Company F : Captain Henry Maslin, 

1st Lieutenant Charles H. Scott, 
2nd Lieutenant Joseph E. Barrell. 

Company G : Captain Ernest W. Strong, 

1st Lieutenant James H. George, 
2nd Lieutenant VACANT. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 29 

Company H: Captain Frederick W. Vogel, 

1st Lieutenant Harry L. Conway, 
2nd Lieutenant Richard P. Powers. 

Company I: Captain Stephen J. DeLanoy, 

1st Lieutenant Thomas B. Paton, Jr., 
2nd Lieutenant Lawrence P. Clarke. 

Company K: Captain Ellis A. Robertson, 

1st Lieutenant Alexander Granat, 
2nd Lieutenant Edward Warschauer. 

Company L: Captain George F. Terry, 
1st Lieutenant— VACANT, 
2nd Lieutenant Rexford Crewe. 

Company M: Captain Joseph H. McDermott, 
1st Lieutenant Ames T. Brown, 
2nd Lieutenant Leo F. Giblyn. 
Machine Gun Co. : Captain Ernest C. Schroeder, 

1st Lieutenant Frederick C. Kuehnle, 
2nd Lieutenant Mai-vin L. Atkins, 
2nd Lieutenant— VACANT. 
Supply Company: Captain William R. Fearn, 

2nd Lieutenant George G. Fleming. 

The regiment left Van Cortlandt Park, en route to Camp 
Wadsworth, S. C, on September 29th, 1917. Perhaps no better 
description of its enthusiastic reception as it paraded through 
the city can be given than by quoting the following article from 
the New York Herald, September 30th, 1917 : 

From N. Y. Herald, September 30, 1917. 

GREAT CROWD CHEERS AND WAVES CITY'S FARE- 
WELL TO SEVENTY-FIRST 

Infantrymen Last of National Guard to Leave for Camp 

''The Gang's All Here," Their Parting Shout 

Recruits from Brooklyn and Veterans' Association Win 

Applause 

New York city gave its last big farewell party to National 
Guard troops of the State yesterday afternoon, when hundreds 
of thousands lined Fifth avenue for hours to wish the Seventy- 



30 71sT NEW YORK 

first and the Twenty-third infantry regiments Godspeed on their 
way to Camp Wadsworth, Spartanburg, S. C, from which train- 
ing place they will go ' ' across. ' ^ The police estimated the crowd 
in Fifth avenue from Fifty-seventh to Twenty-third street as the 
largest which has assembled since the send-off parade. The fact 
that all workers were enjoying the half holiday and that both 
Manhattan and Brooklyn were represented by the soldiers 
brought forth such enormous numbers that it required the police 
reserves of Manhattan and the Bronx to keep the streets clear. 

In a sense the farewell was a duplication of those that have 
gone before. But there were features that made the leaving of 
the two regiments distinctive. For example, the fact that the 
Seventy-first is the last Manhattan regiment to entrain for Spar- 
tanburg made for an enthusiastic showing of patriotism by the 
crowds. Then, in addition, friends of the Seventy-first know 
that in all probability when the regiment returns — that part of 
it which does return — it will not be as the Seventy-first but as 
some other organization. For the War Department has an- 
nounced that in all probability the regiment will be split up and 
the sections merged with other units. 

TRIED TO REACH WAR STRENGTH 

The Twenty-third, too, was distinctive in the acclaim it re- 
ceived, particularly because of the bold endeavor the men made 
in the last ten days to stave off the same loss of identity which 
threatens the Seventy-first by recruiting the body to full war 
strength. In a whirlwind campaign the regiment obtained 829 
recruits in ten days, bringing their total force yesterday to 2,542 
men, sufficient, believe the officers, to warrant the War Depart- 
ment in giving them enough men to build the regiment to a war 
strength of 3,600. 

Because of orders which first had given the regiment eight 
o'clock as the time to leave Van Cortlandt Park, when assembly 
sounded the camps of nearly five thousand men swarmed into 
activity. Every effort was made to restore again the semblance 
of a park. Relatives who had arrived early for a last intimate 
talk found themselves in the way, and gave precedence to military 
need. Father Thomas S. McGrath, camp chaplain for the two 



IN THE WORLD WAR 31 

regiments by Cardinal Farley's designation, and Miss Guila 
Morosini, '' daughter of the regiment" for both bodies, and who 
has treated the men time and again to home delicacies, were 
among the callers. The men waved them both a spontaneous 
good-bye. 

SEVENTY-FIRST LEADS WAY 

Although the Seventy-first was the first to parade in Fifth 
avenue, it was preceded at the camp by the Twenty-third. At 
twenty-one minutes to one o 'clock the Twenty- third entered four 
special subway trains at 242nd street, and proceeded to Grand 
Central. There they detrained and waited in Madison avenue 
until the Seventy-first had passed, when they swung into the 
''gateway to France" at Forty-fourth street. The Seventy-first 
left the camp at one o'clock, and detrained at Columbus Circle. 
There, with Colonel William G. Bates leading, the 1,860 men. 
under an escort of mounted police, swung down Broadway to 
Fifty-seventh and through that street to Fifth avenue. At that 
point they picked up their guard of honor, the Veteran Associa- 
tion of the Seventy-first, led by Major-General Francis Y. Greene, 
who commanded the regiment before the Spanish war. 

Behind them came the depot battalion, commanded by Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel J. Hollis Wells, and with him Captain J. Alfred 
Chard. Dressed mainly in civilian clothing, the "old boys" 
received a fine hand all along the line of march. They dropped 
out at Twenty-third street and reviewed the fighters. At fifteen 
minutes past two o'clock the police cleared Fifth avenue of all 
vehicular traffic, and until the last of the Twenty-third had 
swung into Twenty- third street, at ten minutes to four o'clock, 
the avenue was a solid undulating olive drab wave of marching 
men. 

There was only fifteen minutes between the two regiments, 
that time being allowed the Seventy-first to clear from the ferries 
in West Twenty-third street before the Twenty-third arrived. 
The last of the first body had barely passed Forty-fourth street 
before the Twenty-third marched out and followed in their trail. 
The enthusiasm that they aroused showed that the crowd was not 
yet jaded of excitement. The same arrangements met both regi- 
ments in the parade, the same tumultuous applause, the same 



32 71ST NEW YOKK 

tearful good-byes of relatives, and the same resolute look of deter- 
mination stamped the faces of the men. Packages containing 
home cooked food for the train trip to Camp Wadsworth were 
slipped under the arms of the boys ; little home made wristlets 
and socks and sweaters appeared here and there, and over the 
whole there rained from office windows and from the crowds on 
the sidewalks showers of cigarettes, candy and flowers, with now 
and then a flurry of money for the purchase of these comforts. 

CROWD CHEERS VETERANS 

Perhaps the most applauded section was that consisting of 
six veterans of the Twenty-third who served in the Civil War 
and marched under their tattered banner. They were A. M. 
Wylder, C. H. Cattore, A. A. Bobbins, W. G. Barker, W. T. 
Shaehe and Leo Wood. 

The veterans of the Seventy-first received their meed of 
applause, too, and were not too tired after marching from Fifty- 
seventh street to Twenty-third street to turn about and march 
back up Madison avenue to the armory at Thirty-fourth street. 

As the men of both regiments halted in Twenty-third street 
to ''take up slack" and wait for the ferryboats, women ran from 
their homes with pitchers of ice lemonade and enormous cakes, 
which the men drank and ate with gratitude and appreciation. 

In the little park at Tenth avenue and Twenty-third street 
stood hundreds of persons, heads bared, as the men marched by 
to the boats and singing "Auld Lang Syne." The men picked it 
up and the volume of melody that they sent crashing across the 
Hudson was greater than any which had preceded it on the 
march down town. 

It remained, however, for the pulling out of the ferryboats to 
make the men bring in the old classics. Then it was that, packed 
deep and vociferous, the men bellowed forth as the boat churned 
its way to Jersey City the same song which every regiment has 
sung on the same point. It wasn 't ' ' God Be With You Till We 
Meet Again" or *'The Star Spangled Banner" or ''America." 
It was "Hail, Hail, the Gang's All Here." 

The regiment arrived in Jersey City about 5:00 P. M., but 
owing to delay on the part of the railroad, the first section was 



IN THE WORLD WAR 33 

not loaded in the cars until nearly 9 o 'clock ; the second and third 
sections were loaded later in the evening. The first section 
arrived at Camp Wadsworth about 2 o'clock on the afternoon 
of October 1st, marched to its camp site and proceeded to make 
camp in a very rough, hilly location. The second section arrived 
early in the evening and the third section on the morning of 
October 2nd. The camp site of the regiment consisted of an 
area on the side of a hill part of which was so steep that it was 
impossible to pitch tents. The only permanent buildings pro- 
vided by the government were kitchens, mess-halls, shower baths 
and sheds for latrines. 



THE DISINTEGRATION 

For some time there had been persistent rumors that the New 
York Division was to be reorganized to form one division under 
the new tables of organization. In this connection it is interest- 
ing to note that a man employed in the War Department in a 
civil capacity and having access to all the inspection reports, 
having made a careful study of all of them, came to New York 
and enlisted in the 71st for the reason that the reports as to 
efficiency made by regular army officers showed that the 71st was 
the most efficient National Guard organization in the United 
States. There was a general feeling among the enlisted men, 
especially among the newer men, that neither the Government 
nor the State had shown due consideration to the 71st in the 
skeletonizing of the regiments. 

In order to aid recruiting the regiment had used the slogan 
''Enlist and Go With Your Friends," and this had been 
spread on billboards from New York to Buffalo and hundreds 
of men had enlisted in order that they might fight in a regiment 
with their friends and under officers whom they knew and re- 
spected. It was heart-breaking to the 71st and its friends to see 
the splendid organization broken up. The transfers of men to 
the different organizations as far as possible comprised those 
who volunteered for such transfers, but naturally a large per- 
centage of the men transferred went to organizations contrary 
to their inclination. The transfer of one man to the 165th so 
affected him that he committed suicide at Camp Mills. 

In most cases, however, the spirit of the true soldier prevailed 
and the men, realizing that the transfers were inevitable, accepted 
this unexpected move as part of the great game and with the 
resolve to give the best that was in them to their new organiza- 
tions and to conduct themselves therein in a manner that would 
reflect nothing but credit upon the old regiment with its war 
history of 1861 and 1898. The training at Camp Wadsworth 

34 




Lieutenant -Colonel James Eben, 
1st Jnf antry ; 54th Pioneer Infantry; Eastern Department, U. S. A. 



71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 35 

included^ in addition to the ordinary open- and close-order drills 
and rifle practice, such advanced World War necessities as trench 
construction and defense, grenade throwing, bayonet practice 
and use of the gas mask, all under the instruction of wounded 
British non-commissioned officers who had been evacuated from 
the lines and assigned to instruction work in America. 

The regiment was in camp at Spartanburg for exactly seven 
months, during all of which time a restless desire to get over- 
seas and engage the Hun was apparent. The men had been 
trained to a state of almost physical perfection and had been 
schooled in the gentle art of killing the enemy to a point where 
they were often referred to as ''human fighting machines." 
Under such conditions, with every man ready to settle an argu- 
ment with his fists at the slightest provocation, there were many 
individual differences settled with the boxing gloves. But over 
and above any trifles of this kind the great spirit was foremost 
of first, last and all the time getting in the best possible condition 
to represent home and country in the argument overseas. 

On October 30th Commanding Officer and Headquarters Bat- 
talion entrained for the beginning of the overseas journey. The 
story of the trip to Camp Stuart and across the ocean and of 
the doings of 71st men overseas is told in the accounts following, 
written by Colonel Bulkley, Captains Maslin, Hodgdon, Strong 
and Scott, Lieutenant Merz, Sergeant Cochrane and others. 



General Orders No. 9, Headquarters 27th Division, U. S. A., 
dated Spartanburg, S. C., October 1, 1917, skeletonized the 71st 
Infantry by transfers, as follows : 

HEADQUARTERS 27th DIV., U. S. A., 
Camp Afadsworth. 

^^^^No ^''^^^^l Spartanburg, S. C, October 1, 1917. 

Pursuant to telegraphic instructions from the War Depart- 
ment, dated September 11, 1917, this division is organized under 
the provisions of General Orders No. 101, War Department, 
1917, asfoUows:— 



36 71sT NEW YORK 

(b) The 105th Regiment of Infantry. 

Captain William H. Ely, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. 

Infantry. 
Captain Frank R. Potter, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. 

Infantry. 
Captain Raymond F. Hodgdon, transferred thereto from 71st 

N. Y. Infantry. 
Captain Henry Maslin, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. 

Infantry. 
Captain George F. Terry, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. 

Infantry. 
Captain Ernest W. Strong, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. 

Infantry. 
Captain Stanley Bulkley, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. 

Infantry. 
1st Lieutenant Harry Merz, transferred thereto from 71st N. Y. 

Infantry. 
1st Lieutenant John J. Callahan, transferred thereto from 71st 

N. Y. Infantry. 
1st Lieutenant Edward CO. Thomas, transferred thereto from 

71st N. Y. Infantry. 
1st Lieutenant Ernest C. Dreher, transferred thereto from 

71st N. Y. Infantry. 
1st Lieutenant Frederick K. Lovell, transferred thereto from 

71st N. Y. Infantry. 
1st Lieutenant Charles H. Scott, transferred thereto from 71st 

N. Y. Infantry. 
1st Lieutenant Alexander Granat, transferred thereto from 71st 

N. Y. Infantry. 
1st Lieutenant John J. Lane, transferred thereto froml 71st 

N. Y. Infantry. 
1st Lieutenant Harry L. Conway, transferred thereto from 71st 

N. Y. Infantry. 
1st Lieutenant William L. Forbes, Jr., transferred thereto from 

71st N. Y. Infantry. 
1st Lieutenant James H. George, transferred thereto from 71st 

N. Y. Infantry. 
2nd Lieutenant Albert E. Comstock, transferred thereto from 

71st N. Y. Infantry. 
2nd Lieutenant George G. Fleming, transferred thereto from 

71st N. Y. Infantry. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 37 

2nd Lieutenant Rexford Crewe, transferred thereto from 71st 

N. Y. Infantry. 
2nd Lieutenant Joseph E. Barrell, transferred thereto from 71st 

N. Y. Infantry. 
2nd Lieutenant Edward R. Meriwether, transferred thereto from 

71st N. Y. Infantry. 
2nd Lieutenant Richard P. Powers, transferred thereto from 

71st N. Y. Infantry. 
2nd Lieutenant Kevney O'Connor, transferred thereto from 

71st N. Y. Infantry. 
2nd Lieutenant Leon A. Eben, transferred thereto from 71st 

N. Y. Infantry. 
2nd Lieutenant Edward Warschauer, transferred thereto from 

71st N. Y. Infantry. 
2nd Lieutenant Leo P. Giblyn, transferred thereto from 71st 

N. Y. Infantry. 
2nd Lieutenant Lawrence P. Clarke, transferred thereto from 

71st N. Y. Infantry. 
2nd Lieutenant Marvin L. Atkins, transferred thereto from 

71st N. Y. Infantry. 
2nd Lieutenant Francis J. Ridgeway, transferred thereto from 

71st N. Y. Infantry. 

The Commanding Officer, 71st N. Y. Infantry will transfer 
to the 105th Regiment of Infantry 1,375 enlisted men of appro- 
priate grades. 

******* 

Non-commissioned staff officers, first sergeants, mess and sup- 
ply sergeants and bandsmen will not be included in the transfers 
so made. 

(c) The 106th Regiment of Infantry. 

Major Walter A. DeLamater, transferred thereto from 71st N. 
Y. Infantry. 

******* 

The Commanding Officers, 1st, 71st and 74th Regiments of 
Infantry, will each transfer to the 106th Regiment of Field 
Artillery 158 enlisted men of appropriate grades. As far as 
practicable, the transfers hereby directed will consist of men 
who have volunteered for this service. 



38 71sT NEW YORK 

The Commanding Officers, 1st, 12th, 14th, 71st and 74th Regi- 
ments, N. Y. Infantry, will each transfer to the 102nd Regiment 
of Engineers 87 enlisted men of appropriate grades. As far as 
practicable the transfers hereby directed will consist of men who 
have volunteered for this service. 

« # # # ^ # # 

VIII. (a) Officers of the Medical Department are assigned 
as follows : 



The 106th Regiment of Infantry — 

Major Lucius A. Salisbury. 

(b) The enlisted personnel of the Medical Department will be 
transferred from and to the several organizations indicated as 
follows : — 

From To Rank 

71st N. Y. Infantry. .106th Regiment of 

Infantry . . 2 Sergeants 

4 Privates, 1 cl. 

6 Privates 
71st N. Y. Infantry. .105th Regiment of 

Field Art. .1 Sergeant, 1 cl. 

1 Sergeant 

7 Privates 
71st N. Y. Infantry. . 102nd Field Signal 

Battalion. .1 Private 



XIV. Organizations of the division rendered surplus by the 
operation of this order will retain their original State designa- 
tions until further orders. 

By Command of Brigadier General Phillips: 

FRANKLIN W. WARD, 
Lieutenant-Colonel, Acting Chief of Staff. 
Official : 

Allan L. Reagan, 
Adjutant-General, Acting Adjutant. 

On January 3, 1918, the residue of the 71st Infantry 
was designated the 54th Pioneer Infantry. The 71st officers 



IN THE WORLD WAR 39 

transferred to the 54th Pioneer Infantry were as fol- 
lows : — 

Colonel William G. Bates, 

Major A. E. Wells, 

Major James Eben, 

Captain (Regt. Adjutant) Harvard A. Kehlbeck, 

Chaplain William T. Crocker, 

Captain Ellis A. Robertson, 

Captain Joseph H. McDermott. 



TRAINING THE 27TH DIVISION FOR WAR 

EXTRACTED FROM ' ' THE STORY OF THE 27th DIVISION,' 
MISSION OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN F. 'RYAN 

The character of training received by the personnel of the divi- 
sion very largely determined the standard of their efficiency. 
Viewed superficially, it does not seem a difficult matter for any 
experienced officer to prescribe an appropriate course of mili- 
tary training suited to meet the needs of a particular body of 
troops. When, however, the problem is carefully examined, it 
will be found always that there are many circumstances which 
affect its solution, and which call for decisions that are certain 
to affect favorably or adversely the general result. In the first 
place, a course of training suited to an organization that may 
have had little field experience might not be productive of good 
results in another organization schooled and experienced in field 
work. Again, modern war is so comprehensive in its operations 
and so complicated in its details, that the great number of activi- 
ties in which the men should be trained is apt to twist training 
programs from the solid foundation of fundamental necessities 
to the instabilities of new and attractive specialties. 

******* 

When the war came it was a question which group, the pro- 
fessional or the citizen officers, were most changed as a result of 
war service. A score of comments and inquiries every day 
showed that some of the professional officers for some months 
after the war commenced were like persons in a dream, so new 
and extraordinary to them seemed the events that were transpir- 
ing. Pay day and no men drunk, trainloads of supplies received, 
unloaded, checked and issued in a period of time usually re- 
quired for the unloading of one truck, pumping stations in- 
stalled, pipe lines laid, motors repaired, telephones installed, 
instruments of all kinds operated by soldiers already skilled 
in their work. 



40 



71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 41 

There were other interesting considerations and influences 
which affected the question of training which should be men- 
tioned. There were numerous officers, most of them British, 
who sincerely believed that the war would be won with the bayo- 
net. Others just as sincere advocated that all training should 
be subordinated to the development of machine gunners and 
machine gun units. Still others believed in the dominating im- 
portance of bombs, or of grenades, mining operations, gas, 
airplanes, or of some other specialty. There existed also a school 
of officers who believed that the World War marked a complete 
change in tactical principles and that time expended in ma- 
neuvers was time wasted. Such officers believed that trench war- 
fare should be featured in training and every detail of trench 
operations worked out with the greatest nicety and precision. 
******* 

The training problem at the outbreak of the war was com- 
plicated by a veritable avalanche of books, booklets, pamphlets 
and bulletins covering every phase and aspect of the conduct 
of war, which were delivered at the training camps almpst daily. 
These came from the War Department and apparently had been 
prepared hurriedly by officers on duty in Washington. Most 
of them were reprints and adaptations of foreign books and 
pamphlets. Some of them were illuminating and valuable. Many 
were repetitions of other pamphlets^, while a considerable per- 
centage were obsolete. 

Out of this mass of considerations, influences, orders, require- 
ments, recommendations of foreign officers, and textbooks, re- 
course was had to the reflection that throughout the entire 
history of war, certain principles in relation to the training of 
soldiers have never changed. The first of these is that the ideal 
army is composed of soldiers, possessing, first, moral character 
and physical fitness ; second, team;- work ; third, expertness in use 
of weapons and in tactics. With these principles in mind, train- 
ing programs were arranged and instructors assigned so that no 
department of training should be featured at the expense of 
others and all effort directed to the development of a divisional 
team possessing the qualities mentioned. 

******* 

In the field of physical training it was laid down as a maxim 
that the physical excellence of a command is not to be judged 
by the athletic prowess of a few champions, but rather by the 
physical skill, strength and endurance of the mass. Athletic 



42 71sT NEW YORK 

meets were, therefore, not overencouraged. On the other hand, 
games employing large numbers were encouraged. So superior 
seemed the British system of physical training to anything which 
we had employed in our own army that with slight modifications 
it was adopted and given over almost wholly to the charge of 
Major John B. Sharp, the Buffs Regiment, British Army, who 
was one of the able officers sent to the division by the British 
Military Mission to aid in the training of the troops. 

Major Sharp established and maintained a high standard of 
disciplined efficiency, not only in the work of physical training, 
but also in all branches of instruction conducted by the British 
personnel. He was ably assisted by Company Sergeant-Major 
William Tector of the Leinster Regiment, who was one of the 
experienced instructors of the British Army Gymnastic Corps. 
******* 

It was the theory of the British system of physical training 
that the war had shown the necessity for something more than 
mere m;uscular development in the physical training of soldiers. 
Raids and local combats conducted by groups and detachments 
of the British Army early in the war had indicated the de- 
sirability of some form of physical training which would stimu- 
late the attention of the men, as well as develop^ their muscles 
and at the same time tighten the relation between the mind and 
muscle, so that the latter would become automatically and in- 
stantaneously responsive to the former and the former instan- 
taneously resourceful in applying miethods to aid the latter when 
hard pressed. British combat experience had indicated that 
groups of fighting men are most effective when their training is 
such that at the height of the noise and confusion of local com- 
bat they are, as a team, automatically responsive to commands. 

The character and diversity of the specialty schools may be 
understood by enumerating them and giving an outline of their 
work. They were: 

GRENADE SCHOOL (Hand and Rifle). All foot soldiers 
were put through the hand grenade course and a very large 
percentage through the course in the use of rifle grenades. The 
course covered an understanding of the make-up and of all de- 
tails affecting grenades and their uses, with practice in throw- 
ing and firing dummy grenades, finishing with practice with live 
grenades. 

BAYONET FIGHTING AND PHYSICAL TRAINING 



IN THE WORLD WAR 43 

SCHOOL. This was the course through which non-commis- 
sioned officers and others specially selected to serve as instructors 
in platoon were schooled in these subjects. 

MUSKETRY SCHOOL. The course provided by this school 
was for the purpose of developing expert instructors in moisketry 
training. The course included theory and practice of rifle fire, 
methods and effects of fire, and the relation of rapidity, ac- 
curacy, distance, cover, shelter, visibility and control, to fire 
effectiveness in battle. 

AUTOMATIC ARMS SCHOOL. Here were trained the auto- 
matic riflemen of the Infantry companies in the technical use 
of automatic arms. These included the Lewis gun, later used 
by the division with the British army, the light Browning, used 
by the American army, and the Chauchat, used by the French 
army. 

MACHINE GUN SCHOOL. This school constructed its own 
machine gun range and provided constant training of a practical 
character in the solution of machine gun problems and the de- 
velopment of machine gun non-comtmissioned officers. 

ONE POUNDER SCHOOL. No one pounder cannon were 
furnished the division until after its arrival in France and, ac- 
cordingly, the instruction in this field was confined to theoretical 
work. 

STOKES MORTAR SCHOOL. This school was in charge of 
Captain A. N. Braithwaite, General List, British army, who had 
considerable experience in combat with the Stokes mortar. 

No Stokes mortars were furnished the division until about 
sixty days before its departure from Camp Wadsworth. In the 
absence of these weapons mortars were improvised. Light mor- 
tars of three-inch gas pipe were constructed by the men, while 
bombs were made of milk cans and other containers. A great 
amount of practical experience was had in the selection of 
primary and alternative Stokes mortar positions, the construc- 
tion of shelters and dugouts and generally in the work of trench 
and Stokes mortar detachments in combat. 

GAS DEFENSE SCHOOL. This school was in charge of 
Captain Harold H. Deans, of the King's Own Scottish Bor- 
derers, British army, an exceptionally able and industrious offi- 
cer, who knew from practical experience and suffering the im- 
portance of efficient gas defense, he having been badly gassed 
during active service with the British army. Just prior to the 
departure of the division for France this officer was returned 



44 71sT NEW YOEK 

to active service with his regiment and was subsequently killed 
in action. At Camp Wadsworth great attention to the subject 
of gas defense was insisted upon and all the officers and men 
of the division were constantly practiced in all phases of this 
specialty. Officers and men were required at stated periods to 
drill and work while wearing the box respirator. They were 
tested practically in detecting various kinds of gas and by con- 
stant attention to this important subject were impressed with 
the dire consequences following inefficiency of defense against 
gas. Every officer and man of the division was subjected to 
the effects of both chlorine and tear gas, while wearing the 
respirator, in order that his confidence in its effectiveness mjght 
be stimulated by actual test. This was done in gas chambers 
erected for the purpose. Demonstrations were also given out- 
doors of cloud gas. While occupying the trench system at 
the camp, battalions were subjected to light clouds of lachrymal 
gas. The excellence of the training of the division in gas de- 
fense accounts for the small number of gas casualties sustained 
by the division during active operations, although most of these 
operations involved long and violent enemy gas bombardments. 

CAMOUFLAGE SCHOOL. The school featured the im- 
portance of utilizing natural cover with or without modification 
for securing invisibility of troops, rather than to attempt to 
construct wholly artificial cover and freak objects concerning 
which so much had been written in the newspapers. This school 
was most successful in developing throughout the division an 
appreciation of the security to be gained by invisibility and the 
readiness with which invisibility may be attained by imagina- 
tion, resourcefulness and skill, in the selection of natural features 
of the ground supplemented by the use of available planks, earth, 
stones, hedges, netting, weeds, etc. 

ENGINEER SCHOOL. 

SNIPING, PATROLLING AND RECONNAISSANCE 
SCHOOL. 

TRANSPORTATION SCHOOL. The course in this school 
covered the transportation by rail and ocean transport of 
troops and material and, as well, the care and supervision of 
motor cars and wagons. 

LIAISON AND COMMUNICATION SCHOOL. This course 
covered theoretical and practical instruction and training in 
the maintenance of relations between units in battle, both lat- 
erally and between front and rear, and an understanding of 



IN THE WORLD WAR 45 

and practice with the equipment employed in the maintenance 
of such relations. These included the buzzer, the telephone, 
pigeons, flares, rockets, panels, radio, runners, message bombs, 
wigwag, semaphore and balloon observation. 

SCHOOL OF EQUITATION. This school was intended pri- 
marily for such officers and non-commissioned officers of in- 
fantry and engineers as were not skilled in horsemanship. 
The offlcers and enlisted men of mounted units were generally 
good horsemen, and where they were newly commissioned or 
enlisted, their training in horsemanship was provided for in 
their own units. 

SCHOOL FOR BANDS AND FIELD MUSIC. 

SCHOOL FOR TEAMSTERS, HORSESHOERS AND 
PACKERS. 

Reference has been made to the trench system at Camp Wads- 
worth. It covered a front of 700 yards, while the linear length 
of trench excavation totaled eight miles. It was complete in 
every particular. It was occupied by the troops, a battalion 
of infantry at a time, supported by one or more machine gun 
companies, and sanitary detachments. The system included 
shelters and bom^b-proof dugouts. It afforded opportunity for 
every unit to engage in practical instruction in the use of the 
pick and shovel, revetment, trench sanitation, the construction 
of listening posts, barbed wire entanglements, saps, mines, ma- 
chine gun emplacements and lines of communication. At first, 
battalions occupied the trench system in turn for a period of 
twenty-four hours. Later the practice was extended to seventy- 
two-hour periods. Much of this service was during the hardest 
kind of winter weather. An improvised trench, representing 
an enemy front line, faced the front of the system. This trench 
was occupied at unexpected times during the night by small 
detachments of troops representing enemy front line forces. 
These detachments were occasionally form^ed of parties from 
the Snipers and Reconnaissance School, which conducted minor 
operations in no man's land for the purpose of wire cutting, 
gaining information by raids and listening in. These opera- 
tions served to keep the troops occupying the trenches in a 
continued state of readiness. The result of this very practical 
character of trench warfare training was that the units of 
the division after their arrival in France were enabled to take 
over trenches from British forces with little difficulty. 



46 71sT NEW YORK 

An improvised rifle range was established on the Snake Road 
immediately outside of camp limits. This range was used by 
the Automatic Arms School, by the Snipers' School and for the 
target practice of recruits. 

The main rifle range was at Glassy Rock, about twenty-five 
miles distant from the camp. It was constructed on a tract of 
30,000 acres of land, which included facilities for the fire train- 
ing of the field artillery. The advantages afforded by this 
great training tract were many. It covered a very diversified 
terrain, including small villages, woodland, cotton fields 
and farms as well as rugged mountain sections. It enabled the 
fire training of infantry machine gunners and of the field 
artillery to be supplemented by field firing exercises employing 
the combined arms in action, and it is believed that the field 
firing exercises carried out there shortly before the division left 
for France were the most advanced exercises ever executed in 
this country by so large a body of troops. 

^ •!r tF * TT TP ^ 

Two complete infantry ranges of 100 targets each were con- 
structed by means of soldier labor. The range included firing 
lines, both open and trench, up to 1,000 yards. All commands 
armed with the rifle practiced on this range, as well as all 
officers and enlisted men armed with the pistol. 

******* 

The machine gunners of the division having completed their 
elementary course of theoretical and practical training, were 
sent to the Glassy Rock range, where they worked out many 
problems in indirect machine gun fire. On one occasion, al- 
though using the obsolete guns referred to earlier in this chap- 
ter, they struck 84 per cent of the targets representing enemy 
forces. These targets were 600 in number and indicated an 
enemy assaulting in three waves of two lines each. The range 
to these waves varied from 950 to 750 yards. There were 
100 targets to a line, with ten yards' distance between lines, 
and approximately thirty yards between waves. Five machine 
gun companies, some with two and somje with four guns fired 
the barrage. Five hundred and four of these 600 small targets, 
which were about two feet square, were hit. In all, 1,750 actual 
hits were registered on the targets struck. This problem was 
one covering distribution of fire. 

In the spring of 1918, officers of the division received divisional 
practice in liaison during battle. Every company and higher 



IN THE WORLD WAR 47 

unit was represented by its officers, signal detachment and run- 
ners, in the conduct of a battle liaison and communication exer- 
cise. In these exercises, which covered the country about Camp 
Wadsworth, communication was maintained by radio, wireless, 
buzzer, earth induction sets, visual signaling, runners and 
pigeons. 

Troops going to and from Glassy Rock were required to 
march the twenty-five intervening miles. In the fall of 1917, 
most infantry commands were required to make this march in 
three days. Later the march was made in two days, and in 
spring of 1918 every regiment made the distance in one day 
without straggling. This indicates the physical excellence of 
the division prior to its departure for service abroad. On all 
of these marches complete equipment was carried on the person. 

The practical field training of all troops of the division was 
completed during the months of March and April, 1918. 
Towards the end of this training period a series of combined 
arms field firing exercises, already referred to, were executed 
on the Glassy Rock track. These exercises included the firing 
of a barrage by the field artillery brigade for a practice attack 
by each infantry regiment. Each regiment formed for attack 
in an outlined system of trenches. Occupation of this trench 
system took place on a 500-yard front after the artillery had 
registered its fire for the error of the day. All details of an 
infantry attack under battle conditions were carried out. At 
zero hour the artillery fired and a few seconds later the infan- 
try heard for the first time the scream of the "whiz-bangs" as 
they flew over their heads and burst a hundred yards in front 
of the infantry start line. In these barrage problems the ar- 
tillery fired a standing barrage for three minutes with percus- 
sion shrapnel. At zero hour plus three minutes the artillery 
barrage moved forward at the rate of 100 yards per minute in 
lifts of 50 yards, each gun firing four rounds per minute. At 
zero hour plus four minutes the infantry in successive waves 
moved forward. In this manner the advance of each regiment 
was continued for a distance of 400 yards, when the artillery 
fire ceased, in order not to expend too much ammunition. The 
psychological effect upon units which were subjected to these 
tests was marked. They had, in other words, experienced at 
least many of the sensations of troops waiting to move forward 
under a real barrage and then actually participated in an ad- 
vance behind a rolling barrage. There is no question, but the 



48 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 

infantry of the 27th Division, as a result of their rather radical 
training at Glassy Rock, were very much more effective in their 
first attack in Belgium, when they went forward behind a sup- 
porting barrage. 



TRAINING THE 71ST AT CAMP WADSWORTH 
By IMajor Harry Merz 

Making a soldier fit. This process has many experts with as 
many theories and then some. The explanation of the plus lies 
in the fact that there are so many people in this world who 
can do things so much better than anyone else ever thought of 
being able to do them. When the Seventy-first was mustered 
into the United States service in March, 1917, and sent up state 
to guard railways, bridges, manufacturing plants, water-works 
and other public utilities it was forcibly impressed upon our 
collective minds that these duties were in addition to our other 
duty of getting fit for anything that came across the boards; 
that in addition to keeping any energetic Bosche emissary 
from doing any kind of damage in our territory, we were to get 
in the maximum amount of military instruction, besides getting 
hardened to life outdoors. We did. Officers and men were busy 
morning, noon and night, teaching the rudiments of self-care; 
that 's all that training is. After a period of six months of watch- 
ful waiting we were started for a camp down south where the real 
process of military training was handed out to us. 

The papers had been full of glowing accounts of the wonder- 
fully comfortable camps which a considerate Administration had 
prepared for our boys in the balmy, salubrious climate of the 
sunny south, away from the rigors of the terrible northern 
winters with their snow, sleet, rain and zero temperature. Who 
was it that said ' ' Language is given us to conceal our thoughts ? ' ' 
Wise man ! After a short interval at Van Cortlandt Park, New 
York City, we entrained for somewhere in that balmy, salubrious 
sunny south and landed in Spartanburg, S. C, in September, 
1917, and found the town all plastered up with greetings of wel- 
come, and assurances of courteous and fair treatment. Posters 
gave the announcement that no overcharges to men in the uniform 

49 



50 71sT NEW YORK 

of the United States would be tolerated, coupled with the request 
that any impositions be immediately reported to the Merchants' 
Committee. Such reports were usually met with the response; 
* * Sorry, but those people have not signed the agreement, and do 
not belong to the Merchants Association. ' ' Few, if any, seemed 
to, and thereafter we took care of that class in our own way. 
Eats establishments that took advantage of a uniform very soon 
found themselves foul of the Medical Department and were 
declared ''Out of Bounds for Soldiers.'* Result — squeals like 
pigs under a gate. 

Camp Wadsworth, named in honor of United States Senator 
Wadsworth, from the Empire State, was an immense tract of 
rolling land about three miles from the town that had been 
cotton fields and pine woods. This distance prevented too close 
contact and the resultant contamination. Our advance informa- 
tion had been that our training quarters were to be a cantone- 
ment, differing from a camp in that barracks were to house the 
men instead of tents, and our arrival proved once again that 
the Army is the most unmitigated liar of a rumor-mill that ever 
happened. There were some wooden houses on the scenery, but 
most of them were Y.M.C.A. huts and canteens; the rest were 
mess shacks, with kitchens attached, in the company streets. All 
the rest of the landscape except D.H.Q. was a rolling plain into 
which we drove thousands of tent pegs to hold down our homes, 
for they were to be of canvas. Homes? Well, for want of 
another name, let it go at that. * ' Take it and like it, ' ' was the 
slogan, and that was all there was to it. 

In September and October it was all right, but from then on — 
well, if the word we 'd like to use had brought some of its reputed 
temperature we might have been fairly comfortable. We had 
canvas over us most of which had seen service and better days, 
and mother earth under us. That and nothing more. Tent floors 
we never got until late next spring. Ditto tent sides. Fuel was 
scarce and doled out in scant issue — for cooking purposes only. 
But the men had to keep warm somehow, therefore woe betide 
any burnable material that lynx-eyed bunch could locate. 
Mysterious disappearances were frequent and fires were numer- 
ous and tell-tale. Many times did the order come: "You will 
investigate and report which of your men were guilty of stealing 



IN THE WORLD WAR 51 

wood from quarters." It took time to make careful 

investigation, because the bunch never would peach. Personal 
reconnaissance was the only method to use, and just about the 
time we were ready to sign a report that none of our men had 
any fuel "fire number six" would ring out from the sentry on 
post. What was left of the tent was wet, holey and wholly un- 
serviceable. We couldn't identify wood by the ashes, so the 
report went in just the same. For the next week or ten days the 
former occupants bunked with their neighbors, while desperate 
and persistent efforts were made to hound the Q.M. into repair- 
ing the damaged canvas or issuing new. 

Climatic conditions gave the flat lie to the glowing accounts 
we had read in the newspapers about the balmy, salubrious 
climate of the sunny south. We had more snow, ice, sleet, rain 
and zero temperature than the northern winters ever gave us. 
Temperature varied from cool in the early morning to hot during 
the day. At night it dropped like a plummet — chilly, cold, zero. 
This formed a nice crust of ice upon the many ponds left by the 
frequent rains, while the rest of mother earth where our 
thousands of feet had pounded her bosom during drills re- 
sembled a cobble stone pavement — fine for the ankles — until old 
Sol thawed it out, and then there was a sea of mud. The soil 
in color and sticky qualities had it all over the ' ' Skeeter ' ' state, 
and didn't match our O.D.'s a little bit. When moist it was as 
slippery as grease and stuck like a long lost brother. When 
very wet, which it was mostly, it was smooth, treacherous and 
deepernell. When very dry, with a good breeze blowing, the 
Sahara could blush with shame. 

This is not a knock nor is it intended as such. It is a simple 
statement of conditions as they were, told without fear or favor 
by one who was there, went through it all, kicked like blazes 
along with his men, sometimes risking his shoulder bars for their 
comfort, but who, like the rest of the bunch from the Empire 
State, lived through it and came out as hard as nails and fit to 
fight to the last ditch, as history has shown. We did not expect 
a Sunday school picnic, and we were not disappointed. 

A soldier's daily life is routine. By the clock everything is 
regulated and controlled, and this is the way the clock controlled 
our movements. 



52 71sT NEW YORK 



DUTY OALiLS 

Reveille 5 :30 A. M. {First Call for Drill 1 :00 P. M 

Assembly 5:40 Guard Mount 4-00 

Breakfast 6:00 ^^^^^^ 5^00 



Sick CaU 6 :25 

First Call for Drill 7 :00 



Mess 6 :00 



Recall ll:'l5 Call to Quarters 9:30 

Inspection 11:45 Taps 10:00 

Mess 12 :00 

This schedule never varied, rain or shine, except on Sundays 
and holidays when Reveille was an hour later, and the after- 
noon drills were dispensed with. 

Pretty fair day when you just look at the hours, but let's see 
what was sandwiched in between 5 :30 A. M. and 10 :00 P. M. 



DRILL SCHEDULE 

7 :00— 7 :15 Physical drill. 
7:15— 7:45 Close order drill. 
7 :45— 8 :00 Manual of arms. 
8:00 — 8:30 Bayonet exercises. 

8 :30— 9 :00 Extended order. 

9 :00 — 9 :30 Lectures by officers. 

9 :30— 9 :40 Rest. 
9:40—10:15 Grenade drill. 

10 :15 — 10 :45 Aiming and sighting. 

10 :45 — 11 :15 Athletic instruction by Divisional experts. 

11:15—11:30 Close order drill. 

Inspection (men, tents and streets). 

Mess. 

Extended order drill. 

Gas mask drill. 

More lectures. 

Close order drill. 

Platoon movements. 

N.C.O.'s drill company and platoons. 



.1:45 




.2:00 




1:00— 


1:30 


1:30— 


2:00 


2:00— 


2:30 


2:30 


3:00 


3:00 


3:30 


3:30 


4:00 



IN THE WORLD WAR 53 

4:00 — 4:30 Rifle instruction — parts, nomenclature, sight 

setting and windage. 
4 :30 — 5 :00 Advance guard and reconnaissance. 
5 :00 Recall. 

5:12 — 6:00 Rest and clean up. 
6 :00 Mess. 

From then on until taps your time was your own, unless 
special schools or lectures were ordered, which was not infre- 
quently the case. 

Working on the theory that all work and no play made Jack 
a dull boy, Wednesday and Saturday were set aside as half 
holidays, and upon these we frequently had a physical inspec- 
tion, participated in a manoeuver problem instituted for the 
benefit and instruction of battalion commanders, had a brigade 
or divisional review, hauled wood or had some such other 
diversion. Of course our schedule of instruction was changed 
from time to time, but no matter what the change might be, the 
chaps at the other end of the field, D.H.Q., never forgot the 
eight-hour fixture. During our course of intensive training we 
naturally made some startling discoveries about the ability of 
our men to absorb or repeal the wisdom imparted. We found 
a number of embryo Major- Generals in the ranks — fellows who 
could tell us just how to do it. Not desiring to hide a fellow's 
light under a bushel, we usually called him out in front of the 
company and ordered him to drill and instruct the company, a 
course that never failed to amuse the other chaps, disillusioned 
the victim and proved beyond doubt that he was just an ordinary 
wise guy. Never any more brag from him. 

All of this intensive training had but one object in view, 
and that was to make the American soldier the best trained, 
most self-reliant and thorough soldier the world ever knew. 
By the time we were through with it all our boys had acquired 
all the skill with the bayonet and rifle, all the intricacies of 
trench work and all the expertness with grenades and bombs 
that energy, ingenuity and skill could impart. This, coupled 
with the wonderful physical condition attained by the months 
of outdoor life, was of itself enough to make them a dangerous 
foe to combat. 



54 71sT NEW YORK 

But there was something else, which did not have to be 
acquired, something that could not be taught; that was the 
grim determination, inherent in our men, to smash down every 
opposition, to win at any cost. It was this spirit, buoyed up by 
their self-reliance based upon their training, that made the 
American soldier, new as he was, the marvel of the greatest 
military leaders of the world. 

This is what Field Marshall Haig said: 

' ' It was not possible at the time to speak more than cursorily 
of the share of the Americans in our attack of September 29, 
when, on their whole front of about six thousand yards, United 
States troops broke through the defense of the Hindenburg Line 
and Canal tunnel, and on the farther right forced the crossing 
of the Canal itself. It would have been a great achievement 
for the most experienced soldiers of the Allied Armies. For 
inexperienced troops, as the Americans were, it was a truly 
extraordinary performance. 

''The American troops referred to were chiefly Southerners 
(Carolinians) and men from Tennessee, and New Yorkers. All 
alike went straight into the German defenses, which were of 
the most formidable kind, and swept on to their «.Hiectives. 
The impetuosity of their advance made possible the groat ad- 
vance of the British 9th Corps on their right. It was the South- 
erners who took Bellicourt and Nauroy, while the New Yorkers, 
reckless of the intense machine-gun fire on their left, swept on 
toward Guoy and Mont St. Martin. That some of the latter 
went too fast and too far, you know. Nests of Germans who 
skulked in the ramifications of the tunnel, and in various lairs 
and burrows, were left undestroyed as the advance streamed on, 
and these were reinforced by other enemy who trickled south- 
ward through the barrage on the left. Probably if those Ameri- 
cans on the left had been less whole-hearted fighters, and could 
have curbed their impatience to get at and kill the enemy in 
front, there would have been fewer casualties, but the episode 
would have been less glorious. 

' ' Australians were to follow up behind and have spoken to me 
in terms only of superlative praise of the way the Americans 
behaved. An English colonel, himself the holder of the Victoria 
Cross, and something of a judge, has made a memoranda on 
the American charge and speaks of it in the highest possible 



IN THE WORLD WAR 55 

terms. 'The American dead,' he says, 'lay stretched with their 
faces to the enemy, and not in one case was there a man moving 
backwardif when killed.' The success of the southerners on the 
right was perfect, and without the gallant fighting of the New 
Yorkers on their left it would have been impossible for the 
southerners to have made their advance. He concludes by 
saying — The officers and men did all that it was humanly pos- 
sible for hrave men to do, and their gallantry in this section 
must stand out through all time in American history. 

''How difficult the ground was is perhaps best shown by the 
fact that it was not till three days more hard fighting that the 
Australians succeeded finally in mopping up all the defenses 
that the Americans had overrun in one splendid burst, and 
other divisions of home troops completed the capture of Guoy 
and Le Catelet. The American performance on that day was 
truly magnificent, as their fighting has been on every occasion 
when they fought with British troops on this front." 

Leaves and furloughs were hard to get, as they interfered with 
the schedule, but they were granted in exceptional cases. Every 
fellow who wanted to get away, of course, always had an ex- 
tremely exceptional case, but it didn't always work with the 
"Old Man"! Along about Christmas, 1917, word came through 
that every man would be given ten days holiday, not all at 
one time, however, and never to a greater extent than 10 per 
cent, of the company strength. Many methods were tried to 
satisfactorily arrange the time off, but none proved successful. 
Many schemes for securing preference were exploited, but most 
of them exploded upon investigation. This one for an example. 
Brook (not his name) being very anxious to get away for New 
Years, had this telegram sent to himself: "Betsy dying, come 
at once." Signed, "Katie." Investigation proved Betsy to 
be the family mut and Katie his best girl. Brook didn't get 
away. One part of the order, ' ' No man will be granted furlough 
unless he can show transportation both ways," was a stumbling 
block which showed in unmistakable terms the wonderful 
' ' comeradie ' ' that existed among our boys. Sometimes as many 
as half a dozen would chip in to provide transportation for one 
of their buddies whose turn it was to go. This of course was 



56 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 

repayable upon return, and there was not a welcher among the 
lot. Consider for a moment just what this really meant and 
you will appreciate what at first blush you are likely to regard 
merely as a loan. From the thirty dollars per month pay nearly 
all of the boys had to pay family allotments, war risk insurance 
premiums and liberty loan subscriptions, and when all the 
deductions were made the average balance in hand for the next 
month's pocket money was not over six dollars and usually 
less. Officers having more pay and consequently more ready 
cash were frequently touched. 

As most of the boys had of necessity to remain in camp during 
the Christmas holidays, it was suggested to collect a fund to 
finance festivities in their behalf, and to give each man some 
suitable and useful gift. Time was short and collections were 
not coming in fast until one young girl, who shortly before had 
distinguished herself by becoming the first first-class woman 
radio operator in the world, jumped into the breach and carried 
the scheme to a successful issue. The celebration was a complete 
success and none of the boys will ever forget it. 

We carried on until about the middle of April, 1918, receiving 
instructions, from Allied officers fresh from the front, in the 
latest way of doing things, and then there were vague signs of 
something doing; what, when or how, nobody could say, but 
sure as guns something was about to break. At last, word was 
officially given that ''We leave here pretty soon.'' We had 
heard the song, "Where do we go from here, boys? Where do 
we go from here ? ' ' rendered many times before, but never with 
the snap and go with which that bunch rendered it then. There 
was unusual activity in all quarters ; hurry and bustle, but with 
not a bit of wasted motion. Supplies and extra equipments 
were issued and then came the welcome order, ''This regiment 
will break camp at 2 P. M., and entrain at 5 P. M." 

"MiNEOLA,'' and cheers and yells of satisfaction were heard 
all over the broad expanse of the training camp which had held 
us so long. The boys were happy and carefree. Not so the 
officers, however, who realized only too well that the time of 
bloody sacrifice was fast approaching and that many of those 
wonderful boys would make the supreme sacrifice before many 
months had passed. 



A PHASE OF TRAINING AT CAMP WADSWORTH 
By Private Walter A. Davenport in the *'Gas Attack'' 

INTO THE VALLEY OF BREATH 

We quit our several jobs, went down to the armory and en- 
listed. The Colonel spoke the word and we were off down ]\Iain 
street with the band out front. The women folks wept. The 
major called us heroes. The clergyman prayed for us publicly 
and the population, generally, got together and showered us with 
ten thousand things that added to our naturally curtailed crea- 
ture comforts. And, to be brief about it, a fairly good time was 
had by all, if the home newspaper was to be taken seriously. 

The enthusiastic reporters said that we marched off to the 
training camps like veterans — grim, stern, self-reliant, deter- 
mined. The best can be said about that is to repeat that the 
reporter was enthusiastic. I am one of the minority that loves 
reporters. 

SIX MONTHS ELAPSE 

We'll assume that six months have passed — six months of 
training for war as war is today. George Waffus, one of us who 
participated in that lionized departure for the training camp, 
gets a furlough. George goes home. 

After mother, father. Sister Sue and Brother Bill and every- 
body else has had a chance to weep on George 's greatly enlarged 
chest and wring his Bessemer-processed hands — hands that once 
were inclined to pulpiness — there's time to sit down, look 
George over and do a bit of thinking. 

A DIGRESSION ON THE INSIGNIFICANCE OF MAN 

One of the real calamities of the war is that every man and 
woman — soldier and civilian — in these beloved United States 

57 



58 71sT NEW YOEK 

did not hear Lieutenant-Colonel Applin, Fourteentli Hussars, 
Britisli Army, in Converse College Auditorium, two weeks ago. 
I had a whole bonnet full of ideas for gas attack stories 
before I heard Colonel Applin speak. They were perfectly 
sound ideas, I might add. They must have been sound because 
they had lived through many million words and passed through 
the typewriters of several hundred aspiring writers and they are 
just as good today as they were when discovered. 

Have you ever experienced, to its uttermost, the realization 
of just how damned unimportant you, as an individual, are? 
Did you ever stop to think that what you thought made not the 
slightest difference in the world to anybody? 

It is not my job, however, to enter upon the somewhat difficult 
task of putting the Lieutenant-Colonel's speech across in this 
magazine. Sufficient to say that he said it all and added to it. 

RETURNING TO PRIVATE WAFPUS 

But we'll return to Private Waffus. Physically, Waffus is 
three or four times the man he was when he was wept away that 
sentimental afternoon six months previous. You comment upoil 
that by telling him how fine he is looking. 

But has it occurred to you what Private Waffus, as he stands 
before' you, represents; just what work it has entailed to make 
him even half good enough to put up the quality of scrapping 
that the all-too-efficient Hun compels? 

The contents of this magazine are censored. If the following 
gets past the blue pencil at Division Headquarters you may take 
it as my necessarily limited effort to convey to you just what 
Major General O'Ryan is doing through Lieutenant-Colonel 
Tajdor to make us Waffuses in the Officers' Training School fit 
to fight and impart our knowledge to others. 

ON BEING GASSED 

We have been gassed. We have hurled bombs that flew back 
at us so rapidly that we received the impression that we had 
thrown them backward. We have vibrated at the safe end of 
Chauchat automatic rifles. We have speared Dummy Huns on a 
bayonet run that would discourage the Ringling Brothers. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 59 

You've heard about gas, of course — lachrymatory gas and gas 
that suffocates and corrodes you and ruins you generally. Ter- 
rible, isn't it? We, too, had heard all about it. We had re- 
ceived lectures from British soldiers who knew whereof they 
spoke — soldiers who had been gassed and had come over here to 
tell us about it. 

We were taken over to the beautiful hillock whereon the 
sealed gas chambers squat. There we were drilled in putting on 
and taking off the masks. Incidentally you folks have no idea 
what the word discomfort means until you try on a gas mask or 
respirator. 

Did you ever try swallowing a hot water bottle ? Did you ever 
clip a clothes pin over your nose and then try earnestly to thrust 
your head into a rubber boot? Sometime cover your favorite 
pillow with a slip made of Tanglefoot fly-paper and try a nap 
thereon. 

We got quite used to the bally thing after a few days. We no 
longer strangled. W"e were less messy after wearing it for a 
half hour or so and believe me one can be messy with one's nos- 
trils clamped together and a two-inch hose between one's teeth. 

We became so proficient that we could flip the masks on in six 
seconds. And then they decided to gas us. 

INTO THE VALLEY OF BREATH 

In platoons we were ushered into the lachrymator. Captain 
Stephen DeLanoy received us. We were informed that the gas 
within those hermetically sealed walls was not as strong as that 
which we would encounter in the front line trenches. 

Captain DeLanoy talked about tear gas for several minutes 
and then announced that we should take off our masks. He 
pointed to the door and told us that as soon as we could stand 
the sting no longer we might feel quite free to leave. We took 
off our masks ! You've heard of speed, of course. You've likely 
read about Joe Loomis running the hiindred yards, and Dario 
Resta driving his motor car 115 miles an hour and Georges Guy- 
nemer battleplaning through the air at the rate of 130 miles an 
hour and all that sort of speed. They used to cite lightning as 
the standard to which speed might best be compared. They 



60 71sT NEW YORK 

speak about the light of the sun traveling through space at a 
rather lively gait. Wrong, my friends, all wrong. 

EXIT — HURRIEDLY 

We took off our masks! That which followed would have 
made Loomis, Eesta, Guynemer, lightning and the jolly old sun 
tear their hair in pure chagrin. Nothing like it has been seen 
since soldiers began wearing hats. Before we took off those 
masks I was flanked by Students Burrell and Mendenhall. Both 
men are crack sprinters and jumpers. They can do the hundred 
in twelve seconds in khaki and brogans, and Burrell can jump 
twenty feet without taking his hands out of his pockets. With 
all due modesty, I claim that I emerged from that door at a 
speed something more startling than fifty miles per hour, but 
Mendenhall and Burrell did it in nothing at all flat. And they 
could have done better had not several students clung to their 
blouse tails. 

As I said, nothing quite like that speed has been seen since 
soldiers carried arms. It made one think of the possibilities. 
When we answer first call at reveille with something approximat- 
ing that speed we'll be walking up and down Europe looking 
for someone strong enough to make us use both arms in a fight. 
When we stopped running we were led and shoved to the brow 
of the hill where we could weep in chorus. We wept like board- 
ing school girls at commencement time. And then the chlorine 
tank. We entered the chamber of asphyxiation a bit more seri- 
ously. One inhalation would not kill us, but that inhalation 
would ruin the toughest lungs amongst us. No man could have 
lived in the chamber more than two and a half minutes without 
his mask. We were warned to wrap all jewelry in handkerchiefs 
and bury the roll in our clothing. 

THE REAL THING 

The gas was turned on. Outside the sun was shining with all 
the radiance of a Sicilian morning. From the wonderful hill 
on which the gas chambers rest we could see the Blue Ridge 
Mountains twenty miles away and all the gorgeous valley be- 
tween. In a great circle we saw the miles of lovely meadow-land 



IN THE WORLD WAR 61 

and creeks and rolling cotton field. The chamber is heavily 
sealed, but there are windows on either side — heavy windows 
that clamp like the doors of an ice box, but clear and wide. Yet 
none of the jewel-like brilliance of the day came in. Within that 
squat room there hung a greenish pall that was heavy and de- 
moralizing. The gloom was like the early winter twilight. The 
medical corps men were outside. There might be accidents. 
Captain DeLanoy talked in short phrases through his mask. 

They asked for volunteers to stay inside and remove their 
masks. Such men were to take a long, deep breath through the 
respirator. Then each man was to flip off the mask. He was to 
hold his breath — hold his breath as he loved his lungs. Captain 
DeLanoy led the way. He removed his mask without haste. Very 
calmly he snapped it back after a few seconds. Without sugges- 
tion of hurry he inflated the face fabric and cleared it — once, 
twice, three times. Then he cleared the goggles. The men out- 
side were peering through the windows. The place was made 
even darker thereby. 

''Take off your masks when you are ready," said Captain 
DeLanoy through the respirator. ''Don't hurry. Don't lose 
your heads. You are quite all right if you avoid panic. Don 't 
hurry, but don't fumble." I've seen quite a number of things 
that are warranted to thrill. I 've seen men hanged, electrocuted, 
shot and one miserable negro burned to the stake. And, quite 
unavoidably, I assure you, I have been in places where the 
chances that I would be carried out were disconcertingly good. 

A NEV?- SENSATION 

But this was a sensation quite new. We ripped off the masks, 
each man doing it in his own time. Personally, I never held 
anything quite so fiercely as I clung to those lungsful of air I 
had inhaled through the chemical canister. Everybody was 
utterly calm. A silver ring I wore had already gone blue-black 
— the shade of your rifle barrel. My eyes still smarted from the 
lachrymator. Previously I had snapped the mask on in six 
seconds and had become rather proficient in the intricate art of 
wearing the thing. I kept it off in that chamber about five 
seconds, I figure. But I put it on in one. Certainly it was not 



62 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 

longer than that. I cleared the mask twice. The third time I 
cleared it the nose-clip slipped off and I got the smallest sort of 
whiff of the stuff. I have never smelled a soft, overripe admix- 
ture of asafetida, ammonia, garlic and crude glue. Therefore I 
have no idea whether it has that sort of an odor or not. But it 
is rough stuff — that gas. 







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Top: Battalion Hea(l(|uaileis loritli lulaiiliy, near Dickebusch Lake. 

Center : Walker Farm near Dickebusch Lake. 

Bottom : Dickebusch Lake. 



TO THE HINDENBURG LINE AND THROUGH THE 
HOSPITALS 

By Captain Henry Maslin 

It was with heavy hearts that we started through the ''Valley 
of Death" (as the road from the 71st to the 105th Camp ap- 
peared to me) for we were not only leaving behind officers and 
men that we loved, but we were taking command of different 
companies in our new regiment. But it was war. Heart- 
aches must be borne, old associations and friendships severed, 
and as 71st men, it was up to each individual officer and man to 
'•play the game." I was assigned to command Company D, 
105th Infantry, and with the exception of ten men of Company 
F, who had asked me to take them with me (3 sergeants, 2 cor- 
porals and 5 privates), every man in the new company was a 
stranger to me. 

By a Division order, staff officers had been assigned to duty 
as line officers, and my allotment consisted of two supply offi- 
cers, neither knowing anything of infantry line work, and two 
adjutants, one a brigade adjutant and the other recently pro- 
moted from battalion sergeant-major. 

At last the order came for us to leave for "somewhere." The 
men shouted for Mineola — in fact, Mineola had been the shout 
for three months, as the men wanted to get to New York before 
going overseas. On April 30th the Colonel and the Headquar- 
ters Battalion entrained and I, being senior, was in command 
of the regiment. The field officers had left a few days previously 
for France. On May 2nd, 20 years from the day I had marched 
to the Spanish war with the dear old 71st, I left Spartanburg as 
commanding officer of the 1st Battalion of the 105th Infantry. 
With pride, but with a heavy heart, I marched behind the band 
of the 71st Regiment, which had come over to play us to the 
station and past our old comrades. How lonely it was to pass 
them and know it was the final separation from some of them ! 

63 



64 71sT NEW YORK 

Our destination was unknown when we left Spartanburg, but 
rumor had it that we were to go to Newport News. The men, 
however, continued to talk of Mineola and did not give up hope 
until we passed Richmond. I was in command of the 1st Bat- 
talion. The first ten days we were stationed at Camp Stuart, 
at the end of which a Major from the officers' training school 
relieved me, and I rejoined my company, where only one of my 
original five lieutenants was left. I was pleased to learn, how- 
ever, that two 71st officers, Lieutenants Giblyn and Baumert, 
were with the company. Most of the time at Camp Stuart was 
taken up with doctors' inspections and issuing clothing. 

On May 17th we boarded the President Grant and sailed 
for Brest the following day. Nearly all company officers were 
given some duty on the voyage and I had a horror of being 
detailed as lookout in the crow's nest. Climbing to and from 
that station seemed worse to me than a submarine attack. My 
detail was to take charge of the guard and the Colonel gave me 
"Power of Attorney." It was a busy job, but everything ran 
smoothly until about the tenth day when the Colonel sent hur- 
riedly for me. We had wondered why our ship was dropping 
back in the double column that composed our fleet. The com- 
mander of the ship was with the Colonel, who ordered me to put 
sentries over two valves that were pointed out. Some one had 
fooled with these valves, which had caused the ship to slow 
down. The valves were but three feet apart and two sentries 
having been placed over them I notified the Colonel that these 
men had just four inches interval when standing at their posts 
and suggested that one sentry would be sufficient. He, however, 
decided otherwise. Later it was found that the valves had been 
tampered with by one of the crew, of German descent, who was 
placed under arrest. It was suspected that it had been arranged 
for him to slow down our ship, which would fall to the rear and 
be an easy prey for submarines. 

We had a submarine attack on May 26th, while the men were 
enjoying some boxing bouts. The lookout had noticed an up- 
turned lifeboat leaving a wake of water after it and our gun 
crews opened up. The signal ''to quarters" sounded. Company 
D was stationed inside, and if ' ' abandon ship ' ' had been sounded 
that Company would have been one of the last to leave. The 



IN THE WORLD WAR 65 

firing continued and every few minutes I would send a lieu- 
tenant on deck to find out what was happening. After each shot 
the men would call out ''Mark No. 8," ''No. 9" and other num- 
bers, like on a rifle range. The men could not see what was hap- 
pening and showed a remarkable lack of concern. After that I 
never had any fear of their conduct under fire, and when the 
firing ceased the bouts were continued. Another submarine at- 
tack occurred later on the voyage and we watched the depth- 
bomb display. 

Owing to the great number of troops on board but two meals 
were served each day. But such meals ! When I saw the men 
get four to six eggs apiece and other rations in the same propor- 
tion I could not but think of the Regiment *s voyage to Cuba in 
1898, when, going to fight for the same flag, the men received 
meals consisting of hard-tack, stewed tomatoes and occasionally 
tinned beef, which later we learned was the celebrated "em- 
balmed ' ' beef. The same menu was served at every meal on the 
voyage and when the men landed in Cuba their continued rations 
— when they could get them — ^were hard-tack and sowbelly. No 
wonder men died like flies in that campaign. I thanked God that 
our men were going to be fed "fit to fight." In no campaign 
were soldiers ever better fed than we were on that voyage and 
with the British. On Memorial Day we steamed into Brest 
escorted by French airplanes and gunboats. 

On May 31st we disembarked and marched to a rest camp, 
where I was again placed in charge of the 1st Battalion, the 
major having been detailed to take charge of the baggage un- 
loading party. Our route took us through a poor residential 
part of the city and the absence of French manhood was notice- 
able. Only children up to 10 or 12 years of age were there to 
welcome us, which they did by handing us flowers as we passed. 
These flowers were sent back by many of us to the United States, 
as souvenirs of a welcome by France's fatherless children. But 
we soon learned that other Yanks had passed that way, for we 
heard on a piano "Hail, hail the gang's all here." I received 
permission to take the non-coms, into Brest, and 30 of them were 
the guests of Lieutenants Giblyn, Baumert and myself at dinner, 
with trimmings of French champagne at $2.50 a quart. It was 
the farewell banquet for a number of those splendid fellows. 



66 71sT NEW YORK 

Our ''rest'' at Brest consisted of many drills and unloading 
parties and we were pleased to get an order to move. Our train 
trip was to be one of 33 hours and rations were issued to cover 
that period. Here for the first time we came in contact with the 
celebrated French box car for 8 horses or 40 men. All legs were 
ordered inside the cars. This would have been easy with 8 
horses but it was impossible to get 80 human legs in and they 
hung out in spite of the order. Forty men could not sit down in 
one of these cars at the same time, so they had to sleep in relays. 
We were much depressed after passing Rouen when we 
learned of the sudden death on the train of General Michie, our 
Brigade Commander. Train loads of wounded Frenchmen and 
carloads of German prisoners were coming from the front and at 
one station a cattle-car full of prisoners was on an opposite 
track. I heard threats from some of the men and warned them 
that prisoners of war must not be insulted. I was informed that 
a German Officer had been sneering at them. I then saw his 
sneering face and felt that the men were justified. 

We detrained near a British rest camp, where we were served 
with a steaming hot meal of stew, bread, jam and tea. Hurrah 
for the British! The regiment then assembled in an adjacent 
field and the men were ordered to discard garrison shoes, one 
uniform, one pair of leggings and various other articles and to 
pack them in the barrack bags to be left in the field. We then 
resumed our march to another British camp where a second meal 
was ready for us. 

The First battalion's first billeting was at Nueve L'Hopitale 
and here we found a British officer and some non-coms., our in- 
structors in preparatory work for the trenches. We also found a 
number of men who had been in the fighting incidental to the big 
drive made by the Germans in March. Most of them belonged 
to the 6th Manchesters. It was interesting to hear them speak so 
casually of their March retreat. One of six that were left out of 
a company said to me: ''We are certainly glad to see the Ameri- 
cans, Sir. We are glad you came in. But, don 't you know. Sir, 
if all the other powers drew out of this, England would fight it 
alone." This was the spirit of an English boy of eighteen, two 
months after the most powerful German drive in the war, while 



IN THE WORLD WAR 67 

waiting for replacements for his company. It was the Spirit of 
Mons! 

While at Nueve L'Hopitale we received the British rifle, steel 
helmets and gas masks and began to feel that we were near the 
goal. After about ten days' work the battalion marched to a 
town called Chepey. Captain Malcolmson, of the 6th Manches- 
ters, our British Instructor, said, ' ' I want to look your company 
over at close range as it marches by. ' ' As the company passed he 
inspected them closely and tears filled his eyes. He said, '^My 
God! This is Kitchener's army over again. We have nothing 
like this now ; we have nothing left but boys. ' ' 

On the night of June 12th, while enjoying the hospitality of 
some British officers in their quarters, an orderly brought me an 
order from Regimental Headquarters to report next morning 
for a tour of duty as an observer with the British in the trenches. 
The trip to the trenches was made on the top of an old London 
bus with other detailed officers of the regiment and division. 
Each officer was accompanied by his striker. The stores of am- 
munition, booming of the big guns, airplanes, resting British 
troops, and observation balloons showed that we were approach- 
ing the front line. Then came the British cemeteries, well kept, 
with white crosses giving the name, organization and rank of 
each occupant; not a pleasant sight for a fellow going into the 
trenches for the first time. About five miles in the rear of the 
line we were taken by British guides to our various destinations, 
but before leaving for mine I was invited to dinner at Brigade 
Headquarters of a unit in a London Division. I will never for- 
get that dinner. We had a brandy and soda as an appetizer, 
Bass' ale with the dinner and port wine as a cordial. And the 
meal was served in courses. When I finished, well — it was a 
"bloody fine war" so far. 

My assignment was with Company C, 7th London Regiment, 
commanded by Captain Symonds, in the front line trenches near 
Albert. Within a day or two I had met nearly all of the officers 
in the trenches. I was the first American they had met and they 
were curious to hear of America and the number of troops we 
were sending over. Quite a number of boys in the British Regi- 
ment had had very little rifle practice. At night marking disks 
were placed in No-Man 's-Land and at dawn Captain Symonds 



68 71sT NEW YORK 

and his Lieutenants from the fire step of the trenches would 
teach them to shoot at the disks. 

On the sixth day I was informed that a gas-projector attack 
would occur that night. A box barrage was to be laid down, the 
troops would put on gas-masks and at midnight five hundred 
gas-projectors were dropped inside the box barrage. Expecting 
the Germans to answer with a barrage the troops were withdrawn 
to the support trenches, but everything was quiet up to nine 
o'clock the following morning on the German side. 

That afternoon I was taken to DouUens, where the regiment 
was to arrive the next day. At Doullens I took off my leggings, 
blouse and shirt and started to scrub off the chalk and mud accu- 
mulated at Albert, when a Tommy sauntered along and said, 
'* 'Ello, Sammy! 'Ow the bloody 'Ell are you?" I replied, 
''Bloody well, all right, Tommy! How are you?" We talked 
over the war quite a while, he believing all of the time I was a 
private. He would probably have been shell-shocked if he had 
learned that he had been talking to an officer. 

The 2nd and 3rd Battalions arrived at Doullens next day and 
I^ejoined my company at Beauval, five miles distant. Inten- 
sive training was continued, and the Boche was very busy bomb- 
ing from airplanes at night. Eleven horses of the supply train 
were killed by one shell. The companies were assigned to various 
reserve trenches built by British labor troops. Gas lectures, 
etc., were held at Doullens, the officers of the 1st Battalion hav- 
ing to hike five miles each way. 

We were ordered to entrain the next day at Doullens. The 
men had not been paid in three months and were practically with- 
out money. They were paid the next morning. Wine was cheap 
and they enjoyed themselves as the law allowed. Captain Mal- 
colmson remarked to me that I would have a lively company 
when they assembled, but I replied that it was a five miles hike to 
Doullens and all up-hill. WTien the first sergeant turned the 
company over to me he reported that there was a Highlander in 
the ranks, and sure enough there was one of the King's Own 
Scottish in the front rank, wine and all, ready to march away 
with the Americans. At Beauval a touring car with four stars 
whisked by followed by a ear with two stars. General Pershing 



IN THE WORLD WAR 69 

and General O'Ryan had arrived and I was ordered to prepare 
my company for inspection by General Pershing. 

A good soldier never makes excuses. The men had not been 
paid for three months and had looked upon the wine of France 
without a thought of the future. I prepared the company for 
inspection better than I had ever prepared one before. I 
marched on General Pershing's right, with General O'Ryan and 
his staff following, and then — a miracle! Along the front rank 
every man looked to the front, and I thought the unsteady ones 
must be in the rear rank. Then along the rear rank and the line 
of file closers. Not a move anywhere. Every head and every 
eye to the front. And the inspection had taken half an hour, 
with the company standing at attention. As I saluted General 
Pershing he smilingly said, ''Very good. Captain; use conmion 
sense with your men." 

I was mystified. How did it happen ? When I asked my first 
sergeant he said, ''When Colonel Ford said, 'Prepare your com- 
pany for inspection by General Pershing,' the men said 'Get to 
it; don't get the Captain in wrong.'*" They were wonderful 
fellows and showed wonderful discipline ; forty minutes at atten- 
tion and not a movement in the ranks ! 

We arrived at Wulverdinghe on the afternoon of July 3rd and 
spent a quiet Fourth of July. After a few days we arrived at 
Tilques for rifle and live-grenade practice. 

When we left the range I left Lieutenant Baumert with a 
platoon to clean up and turn over to a battalion of the King's 
Scottish. They were royally treated by the Scottish Officers, and 
after dinner the Colonel desired to see the American pack. 
Baumert sent his striker for his ( Baumert 's) pack and asked the 
Colonel if he would like to see the interior. Baumert unrolled 
his pack, forgetting that it contained a bottle of champagne. The 
Colonel, however, much enjoyed Baumert 's discomfiture and the 
champagne. 

Tilques proved to be the cleanest town we had seen in France. 
Captain Strong and I obtained permission to go to St. Omer to 
get supplies for our companies^, and we found a large number of 
British artillery officers there, one of whom was being jollied by 
three of his associates. I whispered to him: "They are trying 



70 71sT NEW YORK 



to get your goat.'* He looked at me and said, '^But, sir, I 
haven 't a goat. ' ' 

Our next halting place was Trappist Monks' Farm, where we 
received nightly visitations from German airplanes, and the 
whirr of falling bombs was very common. I took the company 
for a tour in the support trenches at Poperinghe. I was the only 
officer with the company at that time, and when the Lieutenant- 
Colonel was about to detail two lieutenants to me I told him that 
I knew my sergeants were thoroughly competent to command 
platoons. Colonel Liebman said, ''Fine work." The platoons 
were commanded by Sergeants Percy Flynn, Thomas Rowe, 
Arthur Hoffman and A. D. Stern, all 71st men, and they did 
splendidly. 

"We were relieved from this tour on a beautiful moonlight 
night. As we started back we heard the dreaded sound overhead 
and it seemed to us that Jerry was tracking us back. At one 
point I halted the company for nearly an hour in the shadows, 
and it took more than four hours to get back to our quarters, 
when it could have been done normally in an hour and a half. 
We had not been back more than ten minutes when bombs began 
to drop, but there were no casualties in our battalion. 

And then came our first tour of duty in the trenches. Shelling 
was going on intermittently, an English labor battalion being 
under observation from Mt. Kemmel. Captain Strong and I 
were laying in the open and I was dozing, when a shell exploded 
very close to us and in a moment dirt and small stones were 
dropping upon us. Some of the men of the labor battalion ran 
towards us, but we were not hurt. I stood up and found a crater 
made by a shell in which a conical tent could have been placed 
upside down. It was but sixteen paces from where we were lying 
to the edge of this crater. 

The next day we were to go into the trenches, and I impressed 
upon my company that we were only to hold the trenches and 
there was to be no attack. That they must keep their heads 
down. That sniping had caused a number of casualties in the 
West Yorkshire Regiment, who were to be our companions in this 
first tour. I told them I wanted to bring every man back from 
that tour and begged them to follow my advice. We left Trap- 
pists' Farm in column of twos, fifty paces between platoons, two 



IN THE WORLD WAR 71 

hundred paces between companies. Company D was the last 
company and I was mounted, at the rear of the company. The 
night was very dark, and as we advanced some one near the head 
of the column called, "Gas.^' I dismounted to put on my gas 
mask and put my arm through the reins — as I thought — and 
walked along for a few moments. Then I put out my hand to 
pat my horse's neck but didn't touch anything. I took off my 
mask quickly and about 20 paces back found my horse munching 
grass. As I started to rejoin the column a Company of Scotch- 
men espied us and called out, "Take them off, Sammy, and get 
a little air." We must have looked foolish to them. During 
daylight we were under observation from Mt. Kemmel and men 
in support were forbidden to show themselves, as it would have 
resulted in immediate shelling by the Germans. 

A young British artillery officer was very cordial, and the day 
after I arrived asked if I would like to see a show ; that is, would 
I like to see the guns go off. I answered in the affirmative, and 
we climbed a ladder to the attic of a dilapidated cottage. There 
was a telephone there and a Mr. Ritchie at the other end of the 
line was informed that an American Officer was present and to 
please put on a show for him. The answer was that they could 
not put on a show just now as they were going to have tea, but 
that they would have it at five o'clock. At that hour the Lieu- 
tenant and I took up a position where we could see through the 
almost roofless cottage with our field glasses, and he commanded 
''Fire, No. 1." We could then hear the report of the gun in the 
rear and the Lieutenant would tell me where the shell would 
explode. Corrections would then be made over the phone to the 
operating officer at the battery. The five guns composing the bat- 
tery were fired twice, and it was a very interesting experience to 
me. I asked the Lieutenant if they started a show every time 
the notion struck him, and he replied that they had to fire 
twenty rounds of harassing ammunition every day from each 
gun. 

After four days in support Company D went into the front 
trenches and relieved Company B. Captain Young, of the West 
Yorks, with his company, was occupying these trenches and my 
company was to be squadded with the British. I found him to 
be as courteous as the other British officers, and he did every- 



72 71sT NEW YORK 

thing possible to give me sound information and instruction on 
front-line work. 

The sector was one where it was a case of heads down in the 
trenches, for sniping was in the air. It was not possible to reach 
the trenches during the day without getting a sniper's message. 
Bodies of English, French and Germans killed in the March 
drive were still lying around. Part of the ground in the rear of 
the trenches was impassable owing to the mud, and this was in 
July. The ''mud of Ypres'M And the British had held this 
place for four winters ! 

A sniper had been peppering a part of the line, and a British 
sergeant reported to Captain Young that they had located the 
sniper 's nest and would like permission to go out that night and 
get him as he came back to his post at dawn. The Captain gave 
permission and the sergeant said that the Americans wanted to 
come out with him and asked if a couple of them could go. I 
agreed, and the Sergeant and two Yanks crept into No-Man 's- 
Land and toward the German line. At dawn next morning they 
reported that the sniper had not come back, but that they had 
brought back the contents of the nest, which consisted of a rifle^ 
a German helmet, a tin of material for blacking the face, two tins 
of rations and the canister of a German gas-mask. On the canis 
ter was stamped, "Made in 1911." Captain Young told me that 
this was the first material proof they had that Germany had pre- 
pared for gas warfare prior to 1914. The gas canister was sent 
to General Haig's Headquarters. 

When the company was withdrawn from the trenches I found 
how well they had followed my instructions to keep their heads 
down. The British who had shared the trenches with us, totaling 
100 men had 8 killed and 16 wounded, while my casualties, with 
a Company of 200 men, were one slightly wounded. 

We were then pup-tented for a rest near Abeele in a field in 
the rear of a Belgium farm house. The men were much incensed 
when the woman of the house took the handle from the pump so 
that they could not get water, but the handle was replaced. A 
splendid looking Belgian farm horse in the field had become a 
great lover of cigarettes. He would hold his head up, open his 
mouth and the men of the company would throw cigarettes to 
him, which he would swallow whole. Before we left he would 



IN THE WORLD WAR 73 

follow us all about, and was in marked contrast to a police dog 
in the house who would not make friends. 

While resting here, we saw a battalion of Highlanders going 
into the trenches for a tour of duty. They came along the road 
by companies, 500 yards apart. Each company was preceded by 
a piper, who played them into the shell-swept area as uncon- 
cernedly as if he were route-marching on the roads of Scotland. 
These ''Ladies of Hell" looked business-like in their khaki cov- 
ered kilts, with their caps tilted over one ear, and as they passed 
us they said, "It's all over, Sammy, we're going up to finish it 
this time. ' ' And they looked quite capable of keeping their word. 

Captain Young, of the West Yorks, had said to me, "If the 
English would fight like the Scotchmen the war would have been 
over a year ago. When a Scotchman clears out a machine-gun 
nest he doesn't understand the Hun's 'Kamerad/ but when an 
English soldier, after losing possibly half his comrades, captures 
a nest, and the Hun throws up his hands. Tommy says, 'sure,' 
and proceeds to share his cigarettes with the men who had killed 
his chums." He also told me that when the West Yorks were 
holding trenches close to the German line, in winter when an at- 
tack was impossible, the Germans would bring their band close to 
the front line and hearten their men with good music, and the 
West Yorks would applaud. The West Yorks were relieved by a 
Scotch Regiment one night and the next afternoon after the 
German concert the Highlanders, who take their pipers right 
into the front-line trenches with them, serenaded the enemy. 
When the Germans heard the pipers they thought the Scotchmen 
were coming over and vacated the front-line trenches at once. 
Captain Young added, "A German will never wait to cross 
bayonets with a Scotchman." 

At this place our regiment's heart was saddened at the death 
of Lieutenant- Colonel Liebman who was killed by direct shell hit 
on August 9th while enroute to the front line to look over the 
second battalion. He had been invited to dinner at British 
Brigade Headquarters at Walker's Farm, and as he was leaving 
the mess room a shell tore away one of his legs. Colonel Liebman 
had been in charge of the 105th for about 4 months at Spartan- 
burg and all of the ofificers had a very high regard for him. 

The Major of the 1st battalion took command of the regiment 



74 71sT NEW YORK 

and I was placed in command of the battalion. Three days later 
the Major left for a school near Paris and I was in command of 
the regiment for a few days. The old 71st looked pretty good 
about this time, Captains Ely, Bulkley and Maslin commanding 
the battalions and not one 71st man with the transport or supply 
details. 

At this point King George visited the troops, but we were in 
the trenches. I had ridden as one of the King's Cavalry (16th 
Queen's Lancers) escort, under command of Troop Sergeant- 
Ma j or Robertson (the present Sir William Robertson) from 
Dublin to Kingstown thirty years before, when the King was 
Prince George, and he and his brother, Prince Albert Victor, 
had represented Queen Victoria at her Jubilee celebration. If I 
had met the King I would have told him of the incident, and he 
was democratic enough to have talked it over. An English officer 
said to me, "The only time we get the 'wind up' (nervous) is 
when the King visits. He goes to the front-line trenches and 
converses with the men and we are always afraid something will 
happen to him." And the Germans had some knowledge of the 
King's visft, for an hour after he had passed to the rear and 
gone through the town of Watou it was shelled. 

We relieved the 106th Infantry and fell back to Oudezeele, 
where we made practical use of our front-line education and 
had airplane signalling demonstrations. While at Oudezeele a 
number of officers from the regiment and division were promoted 
and returned to the United States for details to new divisions 
about to be formed. 

When we started for Dickebusch I noticed that Captain 
Strong, commanding the leading company, looked very much 
under the weather, but he was plodding along without complaint. 
I suggested that he ride my horse, but he would not agree to 
this suggestion, and I made it an order. That evening we rested 
close to the Poperinghe support trenches and at night were 
guided by British runners to our various sectors at Outre Farm. 
Everyone in our battalion began to sneeze, and an English officer 
said that it was just sneezing gas and would not do any harm. 
It did not leave any bad effects. The next morning I visited my 
four companies and found all in good condition, notwithstanding 
the shells were falling thickly. That evening I relieved Captain 



IN THE WORLD WAR 75 

Egan and the 3rd battalion of the 107th Infantry, which bat- 
talion had had quite a number of casualties, and that morning a 
daylight attack had been made by the Germans on the sector occu- 
pied by Company L of the 107th. A few days previously a 
German armed with a grenade had come into Co. L's trench, 
when most of the men were resting or sleeping, and tapped one 
of them on the shoulder with a grenade and said, ' ' Come on ! " 
By the time the men had recovered from their surprise the Ger- 
man had returned to his own trenches with the American behind 
him so that they could not shoot. 

One of the Captains of the Battalion having left for an offi- 
cers' school, the acting battalion Commander and the four com- 
pany Commanders were now all 71st Regiment officers — Bat- 
talion Commander, Captain Maslin; Company A, Lieutenant 
Callahan; Company B, Lieutenant O'Connor; Company C, 
Lieutenant Merz; Company D, Lieutenant Giblyn. Captain 
Strong, while his company was in support, was ordered by the 
surgeon to the nearest casualty clearing station. He came to my 
headquarters and said, **The doctor says I must go back, but I 
will return in time to take my Company to the front line, in three 
days." I told him that he had been ordered to the hospital and 
that if he returned while we were in the trenches I would place 
him under arrest for disobedience of orders. He then left. And 
how I missed him ! He had served under me from private to first 
lieutenant and a better officer never wore a uniform. 

My headquarters was at Indus Farm, and the second day 
after taking over a Lieutenant-Colonel of British Artillery paid 
a visit, with ' ' Cheerio ! Who 's in command here ? " I responded 
that I was, and he said he was the man in command of our big 
guns, ready to open up at any time we needed them. He spent 
half an hour with us, much interested in happenings in America, 
and as we related incidents there, he would exclaim, "Quite!" 
and as he became more interested, ' ' Quite ! quite ! quite ! ' ' We 
enjoyed his visit very much, and as he started to leave he asked 
if we would like to see a barrage. I said that it would be very 
interesting and went with him to his headquarters where, for 
my entertainment, he opened up every gun he had on the Ger- 
man trenches, and this was at twelve o 'clock noon. 

A new Brigadier-General having arrived, Colonel Andrews 



76 71sT NEW YORK 

again took command of the regiment with, his headquarters at 
Walker ^s Farm about 500 yards behind me. About this time 
the Germans began to vacate Mt. Kemmel and the front trenches 
could be reached during the day without the men being observed. 
Companies G and H, which had been in support, were sent over 
in daylight to straighten out a gap in the lines and met with very 
little resistance. The Germans had fallen back, leaving an 
occasional nest of machine gunners to cover their retreat. 

Some prisoners were brought back, one of whom had been a 
barber in Brooklyn. He told me that it was understood in the 
German trenches that the war was going to end before Christ- 
mas; that Germany was not going to win, but that there would 
be a compromise. This was late in August, 1918, and there was 
no intimation in our forces that peace was so near. The prison- 
ers were without gas masks, and the Brooklyn barber stated that 
they had thrown them away when they were captured. He said 
the German gas was not strong enough for their own men to 
need a gas mask, but that the gas sent over by the Americans 
was terrible. Two of the prisoners did not look more than six- 
teen years of age and belonged to the Prussian Guard. How 
different from the Prussian Guard of 1915 ! These two prisoners 
had been supplied with cigarettes and bread and a member of 
my company, one of their escort, informed me that they had 
received these rations from my company. He said I had told 
them at Spartanburg to treat the enemy as soldiers and to be 
kind to prisoners when we took them. 

The following day, when I relieved Company G, I found that 
the men had not eaten for 24 hours. The roads were being 
shelled at a lively rate, the Germans having the range of all 
places held by us and the British, and as they fell back from Mt. 
Kemmel we were strafed continually. As Company G was com- 
ing back to its support trenches I informed Mess- Sergeant Gillig, 
an old 71st man, that the company had not eaten since it went 
over the top the day before. He said he had a fine meal ready for 
them and had been waiting for their return. Ten minutes later 
a shell hit the last platoon of Company G as it was nearing its 
good meal and well earned rest. A number were killed, includ- 
ing Sergeant Walter DeForest, for years a member of the 71st 
and who had come back to the regiment when it was called for 



IN THE WORLD WAR 77 

war service. Years ago DeForest, a recruit of Company G, was 
confined to his home with rheumatism. I called to see him and 
found him suffering intensely, with his arms and hands lying 
helpless. I asked if I could do anything for him, and he replied, 
"Make me fit to drill," And now he was dead! But he was 
only one of many of the old 71st men who came from all parts of 
the United States to rejoin the regiment and who gave up their 
lives in Flanders' Fields. 

At this time a detail of nineteen men, British Engineers, called 
the ''Booby Corps," was attached to my battalion for rations 
and duty. It was the duty of this detail to comb the ground 
taken from the Gennans for the purpose of locating any traps 
that might have been placed before they retired. I included these 
men on the three-day ration return and received their 57 rations. 
On the next ration return the Britishers had been detached, but 
the extra 57 rations had arrived. I remarked to a British officer 
that these extra rations had been received and that I hated to send 
them back. He said in a surprised way, ' ' Why should you think 
of sending them back?" And I answered that if I didn't I 
would have to pay for them. He said convincingly, ''Oh, keep 
them; you will be bloody Avell killed before a month." I kept 
the rations, and the Britisher was nearly right; 30 days later I 
was lying helpless in a shell hole and sixty per cent, of the bat- 
talion was either killed or wounded. 

On August 31st an order was received from Regimental Head- 
quarters to move a company forward to take position at Vier- 
straat Ridge. Two parts of that order I will never forget ; first, 
I was ordered to move forward at once; second, I was to keep in 
contact with the units on my right and left. I sent forward Com- 
pany D under command of Lieutenant Giblyn and instructed 
him to contact with his right (the 106th Infantry) and to find out 
what orders had been received by their left company. He re- 
ported that no orders had been received by the 106th for an ad- 
vance. Captain Bulkley, commanding the 3rd Battalion, and 
I agi-eed to wait until we could make some arrangement for get- 
ting forward ammunition, etc., for our advancing companies, as 
it would have been criminal negligence to have sent a body of 
troops 500 yards to a new and unknown position without reserve 
supplies. At 8 P. M. the rations had arrived and other arrange- 



78 71sT NEW YOEK 

ments were completed, so keeping in contact with Captain Bulk- 
ley's company on my left I moved forward, placing Lieutenant 
Merz with Company C in the trenches vacated by Company D 
and sending forward a reserve company to support Lieutenant 
Merz. There were no casualties in Company D in going forward 
that night, but the next day we were suffering from our exposed 
flank. My right flank was "in the air," with the flank of the 
106th Infantry that should have been contacting me still in its 
old position 500 yards to the rear. I ordered Lieutenant Calla- 
han to send patrols from his company to protect my right flank 
from the German attack. Sergeant Sharp, of the old 2nd Regi- 
ment, was in command of these patrols and succeeded in keeping 
the Germans from our right. 

Lieutenant Giblyn's company was under heavy shell-fire, 
machine-gun and sniper's fire and suffered a number of casual- 
ties, among them being Lieutenant Baumert and 1st Sergeant 
Albert D. Stern (both 71st men), who were gassed. All wires 
were quickly put out of business and runners had to be used, 
most of whom were killed or wounded before getting back to 
their companies. 

I sent a messenger to the Headquarters of the Major com- 
manding the battalion of the 106th on my right at 9 A. M. 
explaining my position, but up to that time no advance had 
been made by them. At about noon they started. The Germans 
were expecting them and they were met by a murderous machine- 
gun fire. Their casualties were heavy and a large number were 
taken prisoners. They did not succeed in hooking up with my 
right. 

The next day found Company D very much exhausted, but 
that afternoon I got information that we were to be relieved in 
the evening by a battalion of the British Essex Regiment. I got 
the information to Lieutenant Giblyn immediately, knowing 
what it would mean to my old company. I felt like a ''piker" 
at Battalion Headquarters while my heart was suffering with 
my men. The relief was made by the Essex, these poor fellows 
having been 42 days in the front line. They were taken from 
another part of the line that day to relieve us. At 4 :30 A. M. 
the last platoon of Company D had passed Headquarters and I 
started for the place where my battalion was to entrain for some 



IN THE WORLD WAR 79 

resting point. I was grieved when I noticed its haggard appear- 
ance and I broke down when I shook hands with Lieutenant 
Giblyn who looked 20 years older than when I had seen him 
three days before. 

General O'Ryan was at this point to encourage us and as we 
boarded the flat cars I heard the old song, ''Pack up your 
troubles in your old kit bag," and I saw the men singing right 
at me. We had made that our war-song at Spartanburg and 
here, after an awful ordeal in the trenches, they reminded me 
of it. Brave fellows ! The Colonel later said to me, ' ' Captain, 
the spirit and morale of your company was wonderful on the 
flat cars this morning." It was; but he did not know that it 
was the love between officers and enlisted men that prompted 
that song, commenced in Spartanburg when we played the game 
that knew no favorites; giving a ''square deal" equally to the 
2nd and 71st men. 

On the evening of the day before we left the trenches the Ger- 
mans shelled Indus Farm terrifically and continued it for an 
hour. There was little protection there from shell-fire, but it 
looked as if my Battalion Headquarters, an old cottage par- 
tially sandbagged, would be safest, and I ordered every man I 
had (36) in there during the bombardment, and did not have a 
casualty. It was a changed Indus Farm when the shelling 
ceased, most of the sheltered trenches used by the runners hav- 
ing been leveled and one corner of the headquarters cottage torn 
away. 

But again Company G was to suffer. This company was in 
support near me, with a platoon in an old cottage not more than 
10 yards to the rear. A shell tore directly through the wall 
killing and wounding between 20 and 30 men. Here I witnessed 
courage that made the young American soldier a hero in the 
war. One of the wounded men from Company G was brought 
over on a stretcher, and I heard him say as he waited for the 
surgeon, "Don't you fellows write to my mother that I am badly 
hurt. If you do I will get square with you. " That was courage 
unexcelled. The boy's name is David Moran, a 71st man. 

Our trip on the flat cars took us to the Abeele airdrome, where 
the battalion horses met us and a good meal was awaiting the 
weary men. It was about one mile to our billets, so I mounted 



80 71sT NEW YORK 

and led the battalion back, all singing, "Pack up your troubles 
in your old kit bag." At the Abeele airdrome the cemetery 
was located where Colonel Liebman had been buried, and here I 
made a list of the 71st men killed in Companies D, F and G, 
obtaining emergency addresses and all possible details as to their 
deaths, which information I sent to Mrs. Maslin, who wrote to 
each man's relatives giving them the information. 

While here we learned that Lieutenant Conway, acting Sec- 
ond Battalion-Adjutant, had died of wounds received a few 
days before. A piece of shrapnel struck Lieutenant Conway 
in the back as he was leaning over the Sergeant-Major's shoulder 
looking at some reports. It was fate again, for Lieutenant Con- 
way had arisen to go about some other duty and if he had not 
been there at that moment the shell would have killed the Ser- 
geant-Ma j or instead of him. 

After three days' rest we left the airdrome and rumor had it 
that we were leaving Flanders and "the mud of Ypres." For 
once rumor was true, and we found ourselves at Doullens, where 
the whole regiment was billeted. Three months before, on our 
first halt there, the inhabitants were few and the troops were 
many. Now we found business resumed, very few troops, and 
the people moving their furniture back to their homes. It was 
like coming back from Hades to Heaven. There were several 
good hotels, plenty to eat and drink and the men had received a 
month's pay two days prior to the last tour of trench duty. A 
large number of British officers came for a few days' rest here 
and occasionally we would have guests. After we had been at 
Doullens for about ten days I remarked to one of them that we 
were having a good time and that I wondered when our next 
move would come. He said, "You are being fattened up for 
the next killing, you know. We always know that something is 
coming when we are sent to rest in a big town for a few weeks. 
In about another ten days you will be up again." 

And he was right, for within ten days we were at the front 
again and the "big killing" was very close. Our stay at Doul- 
lens was taken up with drills, a tank demonstration and a divi- 
sion maneuver. The Brigade Commander had ordered that 
gas masks and steel helmets should be worn at all drills and 
maneuvers. It was a good order, as it gave the men an oppor- 



IN THE WORLD WAR 81 

tunity to accustom themselves to their ''tin Lizzies^' and gas 
masks, but the men did not like either of these articles, especially 
when they were not within even hearing distance of the big guns. 
A tank demonstration one morning entailed a twelve-mile hike 
for the round trip. Remembering the advice of General Pershing 
to use common sense with the men, and the day being quite warm, 
I paraded the battalion in overseas caps and without gas masks. 
It was the first time we had seen tanks. Each battalion had a 
different day for the demonstration, so I did not expect any of 
the ''wax works'^ to be present, but after the show commenced, 
to my horror, the Brigade Commander appeared, and a little 
later a German airplane was heard, probably scouting. Our 
steel hats were six miles away ! If the Brigade Commander had 
only left his there, too! Suppose Jerry began to drop bombs! 
After the demonstration the Brigade Commander inquired, 
"Where are your, steel helmets and gas masks?" I replied that 
I did not think it was necessary to wear them. He said, ' ' Don 't 
you know that an order was issued to wear them at all drills 
and maneuvers?" I acknowledged that I did, but said that I 
did not consider this either a drill or a manoeuvre ; that the steel 
hats were in a filthy condition and that I had given orders that 
they should be cleaned and oiled by Retreat that evening; that 
responsibility was wholly mine. The steel hats were cleaned by 
the next assembly, with the exception of those of Lieutenants 
Merz, Giblyn, Callahan and 'Connor, who had forgotten to tell 
their strikers to clean them. Captain Bulkley noticing the shin- 
ing helmets next day asked what gallery I was playing to. 
Perhaps the Brigade Commander saw them, too, for he made 
no report of the occurrence. 

One evening Lieutenant Merz invited a Canadian officer, some 
other officers and myself to dinner, and during the course of the 
evening an officer criticized the English soldiers. The Canadian 
officer's reply was, "I am a Canadian and have been here since 
1916. I want you to know that never has an Australian or 
Canadian soldier gone over the top first when English soldiers 
were present. The English soldier is an unassuming fellow, 
modest in victory and uncomplaining in defeat; and don't you 
forget that there are 450,000 of them buried in France." 

While here we had a divisional maneuver that covered two 



82 71sT NEW YORK 

days. My battalion was the advance guard the first day and 
the rear guard the second day. One of the long halts was close 
to a rest camp of British air officers and with their traditional 
hospitality they entertained our battalion officers in their quar- 
ters. One of the British officers asked me when I was going on 
leave, and when I stated that there was no chance at present, 
but I hoped to get one, as I had a number of relatives in Eng- 
land and Ireland, he smiled broadly and laughingly informed 
me that I was the first American who had answered in that way. 
The others had said, ' ' Oh, Hell ! We don 't want any leave ; we 
want to finish this war and get back to the United States." 

Our ''fattening period" drew to a close, and soon it was the 
popping of guns instead of corks at champagne dinners. My 
battalion was ordered to entrain at 7 :30 A. M. September 23rd 
and to proceed to some point beyond Peronne. The other bat- 
talions were to leave Doullens earlier on the same morning. On 
the evening of September 20th the officers of the battalion were 
the guests of Lieutenant Merz at a dinner in his billet prepared 
and served by his French landlady and her daughter, and on 
September 22nd the battalion officers were my own guests at a 
dinner held in the British Officers' Mess. We were agreeably 
surprised to learn that the British had solved the making of a 
Manhattan cocktail. It was a glorious war between September 
7th and 22nd for the 105th ! 

We entrained on the morning of September 23, accompanied 
by a battalion of 106th Infantry, commanded by Captain Blais- 
dell, and I, being senior captain, was in command of the train. 
It was a memorable journey, filling us with awe. It was about 35 
miles to Peronne^ and after we passed Amiens it was through vil- 
lages with not one house standing. The journey was a very slow 
one and we saw at close range the awful havoc of the four years 
of war. We passed Albert, where I had been on duty with the 
7th London Regiment three months before, but now the Germans 
had been driven back for miles. As we reached Peronne we 
passed rest areas of Australian troops, a number of whom were 
on a small lake fishing in a unique way. One man would throw 
a hand grenade into the water and the others would quickly 
leave the spot. When the grenade would explode they would 
return and pick up any fish floating on the water. We passed 



IN THE WORLD WAR 83 

over the Peronne Bridge, which resembles the Harlem River 
Bridge, and detrained at Tincourt at 9 :00 P. M. It had been a 
very tiresome trip for the men, with forty in cars not large 
enough to properly accommodate more than fifteen. We had 
taken more than thirteen hours to travel about 35 miles. We 
were met by a member of the Red Cross, who reported they had 
hot chocolate for the men and requested that they have their 
mess cups ready as they passed the kitchen so that they might 
be filled to the top. It was a Godsend and put new life into the 
men, who have never forgotten the Red Cross chocolate at Tin- 
court, close to the Hindenburg line. 

The next morning, September 24th, orders were received from 
Regimental Headquarters to be prepared to go into the trenches 
to take over from the British at a moment's notice. At about 
2 o'clock in the afternoon the three Battalions Commanders with 
their Adjutants rode almost up to the support trenches. It was 
a ride long to be remembered, both from its serious and comic 
sides. We started at a trot and in a few moments were in the 
shell-swept area; then the horses became unmanageable. They 
first cantered and then galloped. I would perhaps be leading 
the column when a shell would explode in front and my horse 
w^ould turn around and gallop back ; then perhaps Captain Bulk- 
ley would lead and a shell would explode in front of him and 
his horse would turn-tail and bring up in the rear. Each one 
of the six officers had a turn at leading the column and 
then trailing at the rear, through no choice of his own. It was 
impossible not to laugh at the mix-ups caused by these very 
frightened animals. We passed an ambulance that had been 
shattered by a shell. 

My battalion was to relieve the 8th London Regiment. I 
directed my Adjutant to notify the company commanders as to 
the details for the take-over and Captain Bulkley and I mounted 
and rode together back to our battalions. But this ride was dif- 
ferent. The horses were going back to their corral, the shells 
were still dropping, but the horses' efforts were all in one direc- 
tion. 

The battalion was met by British guides that evening, and 
each company was reported in position by 9 :00 P. M. On the 
morning of the 25th runners reported casualties by shell-fire, 



84 71sT NEW YORK 

and inspection showed the companies to be in support trenches 
not under observation by the enemy, but in a shell-swept area. 
Company D having gone ' ' over the top ' ' at Vierstraat Ridge was 
placed in reserve trenches, and it had no casualties between Sept. 
24th and 28th. Companies A, B and C suffered equally from 
the shell-fire, but Company B, under Lieutenant O'Connor, of 
the 71st, was under heaviest fire. 

An attack on Guillemont Farm by parts of the 105th and 
106th Infantry was arranged for Sept. 27th. A trip along the 
trenches that afternoon found the men keeping well down on 
account of shell splinters. Shortly after returning to battalion 
headquarters. Regimental Headquarters telephoned for a com- 
pany to be sent forward to Major Gillett who was meeting 
strong opposition at Guillemont Farm. The order was^, ''Get 
this done quickly and notify me the moment your company 
leaves its trenches." I figured that it would be a welcome 
change to Company B to get a chance to fight back instead of 
suffering casualties in a shell swept sector, and Lieutenant 
O'Connor was ordered by telephone to prepare his company as 
quickly as possible to report to Major Gillett. In 12 minutes 
Lieutenant ^Connor telephoned, "Company B is moving for- 
ward." This fact was reported to the commanding officer, who 
exclaimed, ' ' Fine ! Fine piece of work ! " To Lieutenant 'Con- 
nor belonged the credit; packs had been rolled, supplies gath- 
ered and the men moved forward in 12 minutes. On Sept. 24 
Company B, with a strength of two officers and 138 men, took 
over from the British. On the night of Sept. 29th there were 
only 12 men left — 2 officers and 126 men were casualties in five 
days. Two of the remaining twelve men received the D. S. C. 
They were both old 71st men — Sergeants Kirk and Boykin. 

Company B was attached to a 106th Battalion, commanded by 
Major Gillett, until noon of September 28th and its only casual- 
ties occurred as it left to go forward to Guillemont Farm. Sep- 
tember 27th a dashing young Australian, Lieutenant Sheldon, 
reported to me as our Intelligence Officer. He had come over 
with the first Australian contingent and was to go home on a 
six months' leave in a very short time, such leaves being granted 
to all Australians of the first contingent. He was a wonderful 
chap, but was nearing the ''Valley of Death," as on September 



IN THE WORLD WAR 85 

29th he was hit, fatally, as he sat beside me. Strewn over the 
ground here were many unburied German dead, and we would 
come across rifles sticking in the ground with upstanding butts 
and cards attached stating that a certain number of unknown 
Germans were buried there. Early in the morning of September 
28th orders were received from Regimental Headquarters to with- 
draw at noon. At 9:00 o'clock a British artillery Colonel occu- 
pied my headquarters. It was plain that if artillery was going to 
take over ground held by infantry a ''big show" was scheduled. 
A great change had taken place in less than four days; not an 
artillery gun was to be seen on September 24th, but now they 
were standing hub to hub scattered all over the open country. 
The battalion made its own protection about 1,500 yards to the 
rear of the headquarters I had been occupying and among the 
British guns on September 28th. Here and there dead gunners 
lay, killed by shells that continually plowed the ground. 

The Germans knew something was to happen, for their shell- 
fire increased during the afternoon and again in the evening. 
At about 7:30 P. M. a regimental runner brought me an 
order to report at ''7:00 P. M." He had been trying to locate 
me since 5 :00 P. M. I was informed by the Commanding Officer 
that Lieutenant-Colonel Berry would command the first bat- 
talion in the attack next day. I was thankful for the oppor- 
tunity to be again with my own company. In March, 1917, 1 had 
declined a majority and my heart was still with my company. 
At the conclusion of a conference, however, the Commanding 
Officer informed me that I was not to take command of my 
company. 

Our mission was to capture two villages, involving severe 
fighting, as a quarry ran through one of the villages. Our in- 
formation was that we would meet no opposition until late in 
the afternoon as the ground up to the villages had been "mopped 
up." I never learned why the original order relieving me of 
the command of the battalion was not carried out, and until 
11 :30 P. M. was busy collecting information from all sources as 
to the next day's program. We were to carry two days' rations, 
were to be supplied with a British water bottle for each man in 
addition to our own canteen and were to rendezvous at a given 
point at 5:30 A. M. September 29th, necessitating our moving 



86 71sT NEW YORK 

from our former sector at 3 :00 A. M. Lieutenant Sheldon, the 
Australian officer, had just returned from a trip over the ground 
which we were to cover between 3 :00 A. M. and 5 :30 A. M. the 
next day. He was to be the ''eyes'' of the battalion. He had 
been fighting over this sector for two years and knew the ground 
thoroughly. An Australian officer was placed with each bat- 
talion for this same work. 

We were to ''step off" at 5:50 on the morning of September 
29th under the protection of a barrage which was to lift its fire 
100 yards every five minutes until 10 :30 A. M. My battalion was 
ordered to make arrangements for an advance at 3:00 A. M. 
This left two hours to issue rations, water bottles, shovels, hand 
grenades and to get the water carts up, and it seemed an im- 
possible task. But Lieutenant Sheldon took charge and by 2 :30 
A. M. we were ready. I lay down then for a few minutes' rest, 
when at 2 :45 a Lieutenant of Company B was led to me in a 
state of collapse. When his gas mask was taken off it was 
found he had been gassed and water was streaming from his 
eyes. He reported that a shell had exploded in the company 
trench, buried a number of the men and that Lieutenant 'Con- 
nor had been fatally wounded. In ten minutes more we were 
to move. A lieutenant was put in command of the stricken 
company, but Lieutenant O'Connor and his shell buried men had 
to be left where they were, to be picked up later by stretcher 
bearers. 

It was a heart-chilling morning; a heavy fog enveloped us 
and the air was gas laden. It was impossible to march over the 
ground in gas masks and it was left to each man to judge when 
to use his mask. Most of us breathed through our mouth-pieces 
without putting on the mask. We reached our rendezvous at 
the ordered time under Lieutenant Sheldon 's guidance, the Ger- 
mans shelling us incessantly. Each company commander was 
ordered to place his company in yawning holes made by the 
shells. I shuddered to think that if a shell should strike in one 
of these holes a whole company would be wiped out. At last the 
zero hour arrived, and we moved forward under British artillery 
fire that seemed to dwarf the German fire. We went over open 
ground, across trenches and over barbed wire, meeting no one, 



IN THE WORLD WAR 87 

but suffering shell casualties, leaving the men as they fell, after 
administering first aid. 

My battalion advanced in artillery formation — diamond shape 
— Company A led. Company D on the right. Company C on the 
left, Company B in the rear and the machine-gun platoon 50 
yards in the rear of the diamond. At 7 :30 A. M. a smoke screen 
enveloped us until it was impossible to see a radio compass, but 
we could tell, by the flash of the exploding shells when we got 
too close to our barrage. Then we got no response from the 
right company. The smoke screen was pure white, without odor, 
and when it lifted a little Company D was not in sight. Lieu- 
tenant Merz, with Company C, was ordered behind Company 
A and Company B was the third and last company. The ma- 
chine-gun platoon had lost its direction in the smoke screen and 
I never saw it again. A second smoke screen was dropped as 
we were advancing along a sunken road. As it lifted I saw to 
my right the back of a German trench, which was cleared by 
Company A, who brought back a German prisoner. We con- 
tinued along the sunken road, and at 10:00 A. M. the smoke 
screen lifted and we found ourselves marching parallel to and 
about 100 yards in the rear of a long line of German trenches 
on our right. The Germans were standing looking back at us 
in a surprised and startled way. Our road was then level with 
the gi'ound and there was no protection. The battalion was ad- 
vancing in column and if the Germans had opened fire our 
casualties would have been great. We charged the trenches over 
100 yards of open ground, and their cry of "Kamarad" was soon 
heard and their hands were raised in surrender, although some 
of them ran from the trenches and into shell-holes and dug outs. 

While the companies were engaged in this round-up about 20 
men, battalion and company runners, were ordered to take what- 
ever protection they could in the broken ground near the road, 
as machine-gun nests and snipers were to be expected. While 
standing watching the good work of Company C, under Lieuten- 
ant Merz, these men shouted that there were more Germans who 
were running from another trench away from us. As I led this 
detail toward the trench it was met with upraised hands and 
''Kamarad." The prisoners were assembled in open ranks with 
arms in the air and I made a personal inspection for grenades, 



88 71sT NEAV YORK 

etc. Their fright gave way to relief and one of them exclaimed, 
' ' Oh, Messieur, you are so good to us ! My wife, my children ! ' ' 
and made an effort to throw his arms around my neck. There 
were 33 of them, members of the 184th regiment of Infantry 
from Hamburg. They were well uniformed, looked well fed and 
only three weeks at the front, but they had no fight in them 
and were happy not to be killed. When the companies as- 
sembled their prisoners, a total of 2 officers and 77 men was 
found, taken without a casualty on our side. 

We had been marching at the rear of German trenches with 
the ground infested with machine-guns and our only safety 
from their fire was their fear that they would hit their own men 
whom we had taken prisoners. The prisoners were marched, 
well spread out on the flank, toward the German trenches and 
we got safely away without the loss of a man. I was informed 
that the Third Battalion was in trenches about 200 yards to 
my left, so as I marched along the road the enemy was on my 
right with their backs 100 yards from my flank and the battalion 
of our own regiment on my left with their backs about 100 
yards from my left flank. They were back to back, lost in the 
smoke screen and my battalion had been marching in column 
between them. I was guided, by an Adjutant, to where the 
Third Battalion was and found them in good trenches. I met 
Captain Bulkley, its commander, who had been wounded in the 
head and had a bandage wrapped around his forehead. Blood 
had run over his face and dried and he was a sorry spectacle. 
But he was what was needed just then, as he was an example 
to his men at a time when it took an example to steady the men 
in a trying time when dangers surrounded us. My battalion was 
placed in shell holes about 100 yards in advance of the trenches 
occupied by the third battalion, while we made an estimate of 
the situation. The Lieutenant- Colonel said on the night of the 
28th that this ground would be ' ' mopped up ' ' and that I would 
meet no opposition until the afternoon, when I was to fight for 
the villages, but at 10 :00 A. M. we had taken prisoners and the 
ground we had passed over was filled with scattered Germans 
from the trenches and it was certain that machine gunners were 
in our rear. The ground had 7iot been mopped up. 

Guides had been sent to a designated spot to meet a tank 




Lieutenant-Colonel Stanley Bulkley, 
71st Infantry— 105th Infantry. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 89 

which was to report at 10 :00 A. M., but had not arrived. Just 
prior to taking in the German prisoners we had met a tank and 
the officer in charge had inquired where the 107th Infantry was ; 
that his orders were to report to that regiment. I could give 
him no information, and he said: ''For God's sake, Captain, 
attach me to your unit ! I have been wandering around all 
morning and don't know where to go," but I could not order 
him to attach himself to my battalion. It was likely our tank 
commander was looking for us, but the smoke screen had upset 
a lot of carefully laid plans. Our mission was the capture of the 
villages, so we agreed that no matter what conditions were be- 
hind us our duty was to go on. The sun was shining and there 
was no firing and we advanced in deployed artillery formation, 
to lighten our casualties if we should be met by shell fire, which 
seemed probable. The silence was oppressive and ominous, and 
after going forward about 800 yards with three companies with- 
out machine-gun support, with nothing on my right or left 
flanks, I wondered why I met no opposition for we were now 
1000 yards behind the trenches where we took in the German 
prisoners. Then we noticed some Germans about 500 yards on 
our right, and about 200 yards to our front in a depression in the 
ground, and, impelled by some inner caution, signal ''To the 
rear'^ was given. Immediately after C Company came under 
machine gun fire, but Lieutenant Merz by good judgment and 
cautious maneuvering avoided casualties. After our return 
from France that 800 yards unopposed advance was discussed^ 
and it was agreed by the company commanders that the de- 
pressed ground marked the Hindenburg Canal line and if we 
had advanced to it not a man of the battalion would have es- 
caped. 

We again took up position in the shell holes opposite the en- 
trenched Third Battalion, and sent a runner to the Lieutenant- 
Colonel with a message, giving my position and reporting, 
"Have taken 77 men and 2 officers prisoners; the tank has not 
reported ; the ground has not been mopped up ; probably ma- 
chine-gun nests in our rear. Suicidal to advance. Send instruc- 
tions by messenger." I do not know if this message reached 
Duncan's Post. While awaiting an answer I noticed a wounded 
German lying abreast of and to the right of the Third Battalion 's 



90 71sT NEW YORK 

trenches. After a few minutes I sent a runner to Captain Bulk- 
ley, who had established his headquarters in a shell hole abreast 
of and at the left of his battalion trenches, to find out if he had 
received any information from regimental headquarters, and 
shortly thereafter my Adjutant went over to Captain Bulkley. 
Company B was placed in a fighting position in advance of 
where Companies A and C rested in the shell-holes so that we 
would not be surprised by a German advance over the ground 
we had just left. The firing had again ceased and after an- 
other fifteen minutes' delay I decided to go over and confer 
with Captain Bulkley myself, but instead of going obliquely to 
my right, the quickest way to reach his headquarters' shell-hole, 
I went to see if I could do anything for the wounded German 
I had noticed. Then I walked along the front of the Third 
Battalion trenches to reach Captain Bulkley. When about to 
step into the headquarters shell-hole machine-gun fire opened 
and I was shot by a sniper and fell in. 

(Captain Maslin, desperately wounded, lay in the shell-hole 
for 27 hours, alone. His experience during that period is de- 
scribed in another place in this history. At the end of 27 hours 
he was found by the Battalion Surgeon and others and received 
surgical attention, when he was again left alone in the shell-hole. 
His story here continues from the point where he received surgi- 
cal attention). 

And now I was alone again. I wanted to get on the Red Cross 
train and get back to the hospital. I was afraid that they would 
never get me out of that shell-hole. Shelling commenced again 
and it seemed an age until I heard voices — quarreling — in Ger- 
man. It appeared that I was to have unpleasant visitors, but 
my fears vanished when someone called out ''It's me, Captain; 
everything is all right, ' ' and a pale-faced German came into the 
shell-hole and sat down near my feet. He was followed by one 
of our men who had gone for hot tea and I noticed that he had 
on the German's steel hat. I asked him why he had brought 
that fellow in and he said it was to help carry me back on the 
stretcher; that he was coming back with the tea and saw the 
German standing near a dugout. He had told the German to 
come along, but instead of doing so the German had thrown a 
potato-masher (hand-grenade) and had run into the dugout. He 



IN THE WORLD WAR 91 

had dodged the grenade and had followed the German and had 
given him a good licking. The tactical way to invade an enemy 
dugout was to invite the occupant to, "come up, or be blown 
up." If no one appeared on this invitation a couple of hand 
grenades were thrown in, and after the explosion the dugout 
was entered. 

This young American, however, with a canteen of hot tea in 
his hand had chased a German into his own dugout with the 
possibility of there being a number of other Germans there, had 
beat him up with his fists and then had brought the German and 
the hot tea to me. The Yanks had original ways of doing things 
in the w^ar. 

The hot tea put new life into me and the youngster berated 
his prisoner at a great rate. The German would answer back in 
a very frightened tone. The shelling was quite heavy again and 
I directed the pugnacious Tank to give back the poor fellow's 
steel hat, as he was apt to get hit in the head, and to put on his 
own helmet. 

The stretcher bearers arrived, but the shelling was so heavy 
it was found advisable to wait, and we did not leave the shell- 
hole until five P. M. They found something wrong with the 
German's arm and he was not able to handle the stretcher, but 
they gave him my pistol, belt, haversack, etc., to carry and he 
preceded the stretcher as we started back to a casualty clearing 
station. It seemed as though we went through miles of trenches, 
the four men carrying me slipping, sliding and struggling over 
mud holes, stones and barbed wire. As we passed through the 
trenches held by Company C I heard angry exclamations against 
the German and saw one of the Sergeants point his pistol at 
him. I said, ''Don't do that, Sergeant" and he replied, ''But 
we have only forty men left and he may be one of their machine 
gunners." I explained that it all had occurred in war where 
we had tried to get them and they had tried to get us, and the 
German was not harmed. 

When the Division returned from France I learned this Ser- 
geant (Johnson) had taken command of Company C when Lieu- 
tenant Merz was wounded and had received a Conspicuous 
Service Cross for splendid work. He had organized three 
stretcher parties on the night of September 29th and had tried 



92 71sT NEW YORK 

to reach me, but the shell-fire was too heavy. The runner, who 
had left me in the shell-hole to get a surgeon, had told Sergeant 
Johnson where I could be found. After the message had been 
given to the surgeon, Sergeant Devlin, a 71st man, with two 
other men, guided by the runner, tried to reach me that after- 
noon and got within twenty-five yards of the shell-hole, but 
machine-gun fire made it impossible to come all of the way. 
They had carried a shelter tent half to use instead of a stretcher. 

At 10 :00 P. M., exactly one week from the hour when I had 
detrained at Tincourt, I was there placed on a British Hospital 
train. The journey back on the stretcher and later in an ambu- 
lance must have knocked me out for the surgeons dosed me with 
morphia and an English nurse — God bless her! — gave me some 
champagne. When the morphia and champagne acted together 
I began to feel that it wasn't such a bad war after all. A voice 
in an opposite berth asked me how I was feeling, and I replied 
that I could have sung "The Star Spangled Banner" only the 
regulations made it necessary for me to stand up, and I could 
not do that. It was an English officer who had spoken to me, 
the car containing a number of English and Australian officers. 
When I said that I had been shot through the body by a sniper 
he told me that I was lucky as they usually shoot one through 
the head and you ' ' Go West. ' ' 

An Australian officer in that car paid the highest possible com- 
pliment to the American soldier. He said, "I'm an Australian 
Captain, and I think my fellows are good soldiers; but what 
the Americans did on the 29th was wonderful. I didn 't think it 
could be done." 

The next morning, after breakfast on the train, an orderly 
asked me what I would have to drink with my lunch. I stated 
that either tea or coffee would do, it made no difference. He said 
that they had port wine, brandy, Scotch whiskey, Bass' ale and 
stout and that I could have my choice. 

The journey to Southampton, by way of Rouen and Havre, 
is not very clear to me. I remember, however, being carried into 
the railroad sheds with hundreds of other stretcher cases and 
splendid English girls coming to us with cigarettes and candy. 
I found then that I was going to London — Tottenham. When 
we reached London ambulances were at the station and we were 



IN THE WORLD WAR 93 

smoothly and quickly transferred from the train; in fact, 
everything ran like clock-work from Tincourt to London. The 
ambulances were donated and driven by English merchants and 
men of means who for physical reasons were not fitted for army 
service, and a woman rode in each ambulance with the patients. 
In my ambulance was a woman whose heart was very tender and 
v,'ho every few moments would fix the pillow under my head or 
give me other attention, then she would turn to the occupant 
of the other stretcher. I wondered who he was until he spoke 
to the nurse, and then I said, ''For goodness sake, Ryan, the 
last time I saw you you were in Doullens and were making a 
speech about 'Troy, the best city in America.' " It was Lieuten- 
ant Ryan who had been transferred from Company D when I 
took command at Spartanburg. 

On the ambulance trip to the hospital an inventory of my 
equipment showed that I had on me the money belt containing 
the Company's money. It had not been taken, as I requested, 
when hit. I sent this money through the Y. M. C. A. back to 
the Company in France where, I understand, it was used for a 
Thanksgiving blow-out. My puttees and uniform were cut off 
at the casualty clearing stations, but some thoughtful person 
had placed in the empty pockets of the money belt the snap shots 
of my wife and daughter that I had carried in my blouse pocket. 

For a few days after I had arrived at the Tottenham Hospital, 
(Base 29, a Denver unit) I was not much interested in any- 
thing. The change to a snowy bed and a sweet-faced nurse 
seemed like a dream. My nights for the first three weeks were 
delirious and I lived over again the morning of September 29th, 
with the battalion in shell-holes, awaiting the zero hour. I tried 
each night in my disordered brain to place four companies in 
three shell-holes while under heavy German fire. It was agony, 
and only one who has had the responsibility of a large number 
of lives under such conditions could appreciate the mental tor- 
ture of that delirium. 

But through all of the suffering there were amusing incidents. 
There were 34 wounded officers in my ward. Two of our order- 
lies were ' ' artists, ' ' one with heels that sounded like sledge ham- 
mers and who could be heard a long while before he was seen. 
One day he forgot to bring a fork with my dinner, and when I 



94 71sT NEW YORK 

told him of the fact he grasped his hair with both hands and ex- 
claimed, "Curses!" I asked him what he was before he had 
gone in the army and he said he had been an actor. Another 
orderly was a big husky. Every time I looked at him and 
thought of the youngsters fighting at the front I wanted to bawl 
him out. One day I blurted out, ' ' What is a big bruiser like you 
doing here, hanging around a hospital and letting the little fel- 
lows do the fighting?" He indignantly replied that he was a 
cook w^ho had gone A. W. 0. L. and had been sent there. 

I felt very much at home in the hospital, for some of the 
nurses had drilled at the 71st Regiment Armory, New York, 
and knew Colonel Wells very well. We had many a chat about 
the Colonel and other 71st Officers. 

One day a cheerful voice asked, from the entrance to the 
ward, ''Anybody here from Virginia?" The officers were from 
all the States, and one of them replied in the affirmative, when 
a smiling woman came into the war, and spoke a few minutes 
to the man from Virginia; then she went to each patient's bed 
with witty and pleasant conversation. I learned that she was 
from Virginia and was the mother of four children. When T told 
her I was from New York she said, ''You poor miserable Yan- 
kee," and before I could recover from my surprise, she con- 
tinued, ' ' but we have a way of getting square with you fellows — 
we marry you. I married one." And I answered, "That is 
why you, a mother of four children, look so young and are so full 
of sunshine." She certainly radiated happiness, and when she 
left us said that we knew where she lived and when we got out 
to come and see her as we would always be welcome. It was Lady 
Astor, now a member of the British House of Commons. She 
was the brightest being we met in London. 

It was a great relief to us when the armistice was signed. 
Though we were all more or less helpless, we had a feeling of 
slacking — that is, resting in comfortable beds while our men 
suffered the horrors of the front. I had here as fellow patients 
Captain Bulkley and Lieutenants Callahan, Giblyn, Van Hol- 
land and my Adjutant. I learned that all of my Battalion offi- 
cers, with one exception, had been wounded on September 29th. 
Major Gillett, of the 106th Infantry, and Major Egan, of the 
107th Infantry, were also fellow patients. Lieutenant Merz was 



IN THE WORLD WAR 95 

in an English hospital and I saw him often. He supplied over 
100 men of the 105th Infantry with cigarettes while they were in 
the Tottenham Hospital. 

I was very much affected when my mail was received from 
France to get a number of letters from men of Companies D, F 
and G who had been wounded on September 29th. Among them 
was a letter from Lieutenant 'Connor with the good news that 
he was quickly convalescing from his wounds. Late in Novem- 
ber and in December the 105th men came to London on leave, 
and I was delighted with the number of Company D men who 
came to see me. One day ten of my non-coms, were around my 
bed. They were fine looking fellows, well groomed, in new uni- 
forms, and I was proud of them. After they left the ward the 
nurse said that we certainly had a lot of nice looking chaps in 
the company and when I told her that the best looking men were 
the privates and that those present were only non-coms, she be- 
lieved it. 

General 'Ryan paid a visit to the hospital and I wanted very 
much to ask him to come and see me, but did not feel presentable, 
as the flu. had killed our two English barbers and I had not been 
shaved for a week. To me General O'Ryan had been the ideal 
soldier in Belgium and France and I was very proud of him. 
The General and his division staff were always ''on the job." 
I remember one night in the Dickebusch Lake sector, as the 
Germans were strafing our battalion headquarters as they re- 
tired from Mont Kemmel, being surprised at a visit from Major 
Kincaid (now Adjutant General of the State of New York). 
I figured that he was up there on ''official business," but 
found out he had just made a friendly visit to see how we were 
getting along. We had a "cup of tea" together, and Major 
Kincaid left "to take a trip around and see how the others were 
getting along!" It was no spot just then to visit unless there 
was a duty to perform. But how the enlisted men enjoyed these 
"friendly front line visits" of their officers! No officer came 
home from the war unpopular with his men if he " came up to see 
how they were getting along ! ' ' 

From the men who visited me I learned of two cases of gal- 
lantry, the first that of Private Melvin Campbell, who enlisted 
in Company F, 71st Regiment at Cornwall-on-the-Hudson and 



96 71sT NEW YORK 

who transferred with me to Company D, 105th Infantry, and was 
shot in the leg on September 29th. His leg was bandaged, but he 
would not fall out. He continued until he collapsed and was 
taken to the rear and was in the hospital for four months with 
that wound. The other case was that of Corporal Rode, of the 
71st, one of only six left out of a platoon of forty men. He had 
been shot in the thigh and when he reached his objective his 
comrades suggested that he had better go to the rear when it got 
dark. Rode replied that there wasn't a German in the army 
who could make him go back. The next day he went back to a 
casualty clearing station ; General O 'Ryan was there, and as the 
wound had festered asked him when he was hit. Rode answered, 
''Yesterday, sir." The General asked him why he hadn't come 
back to have the wound dressed, and Rode replied, ' ' There were 
only a few of us left, sir, and I wanted to go on. ' ' That was the 
spirit of the 71st. Both of these men received a Conspicuous 
Service Cross, and Rode is now back in the 71st as Sergeant in 
Company K. 

In the middle of December we got the welcome news that we 
were to return to the United States on the Mauretania's next 
trip from Southampton. We left London on December 22nd, 
sailing for Brest to pick up a homeward-bound regiment of in- 
fantry, and on Christmas Eve sailed for New York. Before 
leaving London we had been supplied with lounging robes, pa- 
jamas and other articles by the Red Cross, and again we were 
pleasantly surprised. by their thoughtfulness. With the excep- 
tion of the men in the ship 's hospital, wounded officers and men 
were quartered in staterooms. On Christmas morning we found 
Santa Claus had landed from a seaplane in mid-ocean and had 
left a full stocking in each cabin. Each man found a woolen 
stocking tied with red, white and blue ribbon and inside of that 
was its mate, together with a pipe, tobacco, cigarettes, chocolate, 
nuts and an orange. And every day on that homeward trip the 
Red Cross made a daily visit with fruit, candy and cigarettes 
for the men who were confined to their cabins. 

Noisy welcomes to returning casuals had been discontinued, 
and when the Mauretania reached her pier on December 30th 
the only welcomers were sweet, uniformed Red Cross women, 
waving flags. They came aboard as soon as the ship was docked, 



IN THE WORLD WAR 97 

and we enjoyed their hot coffee in New York as we had enjoyed 
their hot chocolate on the Hindenburg Line. Glorious Red 
Cross ! 

It was a wonderful feeling to be back in New York, and as 
ambulances took us to the Polyclinic Hospital we received along 
the streets and avenues courteous treatment and salutes on the 
part of the New York policemen, and I know I speak for my 
wounded comrades when I say that special consideration was 
always shown us by the police force as we hobbled through the 
city after our return. 

I had great longing to get down to see Colonel Wells and 
the new 71st Regiment, and in the second week of January, 1919, 
I managed to get into a uniform, the first time since Septem- 
ber 30, 1918, and was taken down to a regimental review. Of 
course it was a new regiment and I did not expect to see much 
from a military standpoint, and I was amazed as the review and 
drill progressed. Companies E and F put up an exhibition 
drill that was the equal of any exhibition put on by the old 
regiment during my twenty-eight years of service in it. If I 
have ever been lionized it was at that review. Colonel Wells 
had surrounded himself with officers who were high-class gen- 
tlemen and close students of military matters and I shall never 
forget the warm welcome they gave me at that review. I went 
to the regimental games the following week and was astonished 
to see the armory packed to the doors, because during the years 
previous to the war the officials formed a large part of the audi- 
ence. When one took into consideration that the regiment had 
been built up with new officers and had lost hundreds of men 
by the draft and enlistment in the United States army and navy 
the question would come up as to how it was ever accomplished. 

I was pleased to find my old company and battalion com- 
mander. Major A. J. Bleecker, back in the new regiment as 
Captain of Company I. I had been first-sergeant and first lieu- 
tenant under Captain Bleecker and served with him through the 
Spanish war. To-day, twenty-three years later, I'm proud to 
call him one of my best friends. 

Late in January, we were transferred to Long Beach, the Nas- 
sau Hotel having been transformed into a general hospital in 
October, 1918, and though a corps of nurses and doctors had 



98 71sT NEW YORK 

been on duty there from that date, we were their first patients. 
We were met with open arms as they had been idle waiting for 
the wounded men. If men were ever petted and pampered, it 
was the ' ' charter ' ' patients at the Long Beach Hospital by that 
splendid corps of 45 American nurses, headed by Miss Cleland. 
And it soon began to look like the old-home crowd. Men were 
coming to Long Beach from the various debarkation hospitals 
and soon I could count fifty men of my old battalion. My room 
was crowded daily as we swapped stories of ''over there." 

Long Beach was not far from New York and a goodly number 
of patients commenced going A. W. 0. L. When they returned 
they were incarcerated in the hospital for a term equal to the 
length of their absence. The doctors imposed the sentences and 
to my mind the punishment was very light ; but the delinquents 
were not satisfied and would come to me for advice. One morn- 
ing, a very indignant chap came to me and told me he had been 
given seven days and the doctor had changed it to fourteen days, 
and he thought he should take it up with the C. 0. of the hos- 
pital. I asked him if he had said anything to the doctor that 
caused the sentence to be increased and he answered: — ''When 
he said ' I will give you seven days, ' I asked him, ' Are you sure 
you can spare it?^ " I told him he was lucky he did not get 
three months, and that might be his sentence if he interviewed 
the commanding officer. 

While at Long Beach the patient-officers and doctors tendered 
a reception and ball to the nurses and social set of the resort. 
On the night of the affair two neat looking sergeants came into 
my room and intimated how much they would like to attend. 
I suggested it was possible, but, they said that it was only for 
the officers. They were two gentlemanly fellows, neatly uni- 
formed and shod, so I gave them a note to two officer bed pa- 
tients requesting they lend their blouses to the sergeants, who 
went to the party, and one was introduced during the evening 
to his own doctor and nurse. The nurse later remarked to me 
that she had a patient the picture of that lieutenant. 

Early in March an order came to vacate the Long Beach Hos- 
pital after it had been in operation for only fifty-five days. My 
next transfer was to Williamsbridge, to General Hospital No. 1, 
and here were quartered Lieutenants Merz and Gibljm and later 



IN THE WORLD WAR 99 

Captain Hart, a 71st officer who had left the Regiment to go 
over with the Canadians, but when America declared war had 
returned to our service as Captain in a machine gun battalion. 
While we were at this hospital the 27th Division parade was 
held, and we "marched" in autos. It was a wonderful day, won- 
derful weather and a wonderful crowd. New York State came 
to New York City to welcome its own National Guard Volunteer 
Division. 

I was very proud to be designated by Colonel Wells as one of 
a committee of five to proceed to Newport News to welcome home 
Colonel Bates and the 54th Pioneers — the regiment built on the 
foundation of the old 71st at Spartanburg, S. C. Two days 
after the parade of the 27th Division, I was also very pleased 
to receive from Mayor Burns, of Troy, a personal invitation to 
be the guest of that city at a celebration tendered to members of 
the 105th Infantry. Fifty per cent of the battalion I com- 
manded was from Troy, and when the Mayor went to Camp 
Upton, they requested him to invite Lieutenants Merz and Gib- 
lyn and myself to accompany them and take part in the Troy 
parade. The city of Troy had chartered the Steamer Rens- 
selaer to transport the Troy troops from New York and a 
delegation consisting of Mayor Burns and several members of 
the Troy Board of Commerce met their boys at Camp Upton 
at their muster out of service. The Trojans gave the 71st offi- 
cers who had commanded their boys over there a wonderful re- 
ception, and the Freedom of the city was ours. 

A dinner was tendered by Colonel Wells and his officers to 
the returning 71st officers and later to Colonel Bates and the offi- 
cers of the 54th Pioneer Infantry. Never was the 71st spirit 
so strongly marked as it was in the welcome given to the Colonel 
and members of our old regiment after our return from France. 
It touched our hearts and we will never forget. 

In October, 1919, Captain Hart, Lieutenant Merz and myself 
were transferred to a hospital at Fort McHenry, Md., for fur- 
ther treatment, and early in 1920 we were transferred to Fox 
Hills, Staten Island. 

I cannot refrain from mentioning two of my brother 71st offi- 
cers whom the fortunes of war took from us — because they were 
needed in other quarters. While at Spartanburg, S. C, Captain 



100 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 

DeLanoy, later Major, was appointed Camp Gas Instructor and 
detached from the Division. Later he toured the camps of the 
United States, preparing the troops in Gas Defense in whirl- 
wind style before they left for France. While in the hospital 
at Fort McHenry, I spent several week-ends with Major DeLanoy 
at the Edgewood Arsenal, where he was in supreme command. 

Captain George F. Terry, after getting his baptism of fire in 
the Dickebusch sector, was, because of his professional ability, 
transferred from the 105th and ordered to the First Army, at 
Le Ferte-sous-Jouarre, and assigned to duty as Railhead Offi- 
cer, 111th Corps, at Chateau-Thierry, and later at Mezy-sur- 
Marne, Souilly Rampout, Dombasle-en-Argonne, Bellicourt and 
St. Dizier. He received a citation from the Commanding Gen- 
eral of the American Expeditionary Forces for Exceptionally 
Meritorious and Conspicuous Services and the New York State 
Conspicuous Service Cross. 

Lieutenants Lovell and Gregory (both of the 71st) who had 
served under me in the front lines were sent back as instruc- 
tors at one of the Army Schools, much to their sorrow. They 
were a big loss at the front, but a great help as instructors, among 
their pupils being captains, majors and lieutenant-colonels. 

After occupying a bed in eight different hospitals and being 
under treatment for nearly two years, I was discharged from 
the United States Army as "totally permanently disabled" on 
September, 8, 1920. It is a great honor to have fought and suf- 
fered for The Flag, and occasionally now, when the clouds hang 
low, I think of the men cf Company D, and hum our old war 
song, 

"What's the use ol worrying? 
It never was worth while; 
Pack your troubles in your old kit-bag. 
And smile — smile — ^smile ! ' ' 





Top: German Prisoners Taken in Le Selle River Battle. 
Bottom : Hunting the Seam Squirrel. 



THE SERGEANT'S STORY 

By Sergeant H. J. Cochrane, Jr. 
Company M, 71st Infantry 

Sometime in April, 1918, after much preparedness and many 
rumors, as is usual among men in uniform, we received our mov- 
ing orders. Hurrah — we were going to Mineola. So farewells 
could be said to our families, sweethearts, etc., we were to have 
three whole days to ourselves to do this. We were going to sail 

from . As usual, general rumor lost out, for we detrained 

at Newport News after riding all night. General rumor again 
came forward; we were to be equipped here and then go to 
Mineola. After hearing Mineola so much and often it became 
our slogan; on all occasions it was "mineola 'ray!" — in fact 
in September the following year it was "Mineola" as the boys 
went over the top on September 27th. 

The breaking of camp at S was done in the usual soldierly 

manner that the 71st had had drilled into. There was little 
excitement, everybody worked and when time came to entrain, 
the camp of the 71st (now the 105th) was ready to receive the 
next tenant. 

Several nights before leaving, the boys of old M (71st) got 
together and decided that it would be a bully idea to go back 
to our mother company and say "so-long" to "Mac" (Captain 
J. J. McDermott). A soldier is a queer being, always grousing, 
and most of us had done our share of that against "Mac," but 
way down deep in our hearts we had a very tender spot for the 
man who had mothered us when we needed mothering and 
fathered us when we needed fathering. The visit was an abso- 
lute surprise to "Mac" and one that none of us forgot for days 
to come. A brave little man, trying to act as if: "Well, boys, 
we are soldiers and have to take things as they come," but all 
surface appearance of happiness was mere sham for each of us 

101 



102 71sT NEW YORK 

held back a tear and our jokes and laughs sounded mighty flat. 
When we did say ' ' Good night, Captain, ' ' there was that chok- 
ing feeling in our throats that gets there at a time when a chap 
is leaving home; one of those hurts in the heart that is pleasant 
in memories. Two days later, with colors flying and band play- 
ing, the 71st and 2nd (now the 105th) marched away; as we 
passed the old home site the band played ''Auld Lang Syne," 
and the dry eyes among us from the 71st could be counted on 
your fingers. The trip from Spartanburg to Newport News was 
a most uneventful affair ; usual rumors prevailing — going to sail 
right away, etc. 

After spending eight months under canvas, the city-like ap- 
pearance of Camp Stuart with its barracks laid out row after 
row was a pleasing sight to us. No tents to pitch; no latrines 
to dig, no making of Officers' Headquarters; simply walk in 
and occupy your apartment. We had visions of a fine time, the 
town right near and everything rosy. Dreams ! Mere dreams ! 
The camp was a prison surrounded by eight feet of heavy wire 
and a guard every so many feet outside the prison. (Later on 
we found prison camps were guarded just so.) Orders came out 
that no one was to leave camp and no passes were to be issued. 
After eight months of soldiering even the youngest in length 
of service simply accepted the orders for we had learned that the 
best way to accomplish our desires was to keep mum and then 
try to overcome the obstacle. One way to pass out the main 
gate was solved by changing hat cords and strolling out. If 
stopped, appear injured to think that as a medical-corps man 
they would question your right to leave and enter at will. We 
developed so many medical and supply men that the authorities 
became suspicious and that ended that means of exit. 

M Company went on guard the second night in Stuart, 
so some of our courageous and more adventuresome brothers 
decided that it was urgent that they find a less conspicuous way 
of leaving camp than through the main gate. It was decided 
that tunneling under the fence at an exclusive spot and one far 
remote from the M. Gr. (Main Gate) and a spot that was not cov- 
ered thoroughly by the guard was a bully idea. Had the 0. D. 
(^ Officer of the Day) chanced to stroll along the southeasterly 
end of the camp about midnight of M's guard trick, he would 



IN THE WORLD WAR 103 

have discovered six of his usually lazy men industriously en- 
gaged in making a shallow grave which would pass under the 
fence. It was just wide and deep enough for a man to lay on 
his belly and wiggle, snake fashion, and come out the other side. 
The sod was carefully removed and the hole finished; the sod 
was then replaced (being held up by boards) . Lucky it was that 
no one went there the next day for it might have resulted in a 
broken leg and a discovery. M Company, or I should say a 
chosen few of M, were seen in town the following night. 

The stay at Stuart was a continuous case of whistles and 
fall in and away we would go for physical examination or issue 
of ordnance and that was all. Then came the rumor ' ' going to- 
morrow, ' ' with great excitement ; but to-morrow found us there. 
They issued us enough clothing, shoes, etc., to fill a ship. Guess 
they had a surplus and wanted to get rid of it for later on they 
lightened our packs considerably. On May 16th an order came 
out to be ready to move the next day. Ready ! Hadn 't we been 
ready for months? Mineola! A night of hilarity and crap 
shooting? Yes, I participated and made a handsome winning. 
Friday, May 17th and we were off. Hiked through the town of 
Newport News toward the water and on to a ship. ''Don't we 
go to Mineola?" was the question from all sides. The sailors' 
information was, ''No, next stop Brest, and no free lunch." 

The President Grant proved to be a giant of a liner but I 
then realized how sardines felt when jammed into a can. Every- 
thing below decks was filled with bunks. They were comfortable 
for we had been in training so long that we were used to most 
anything. The bunks were placed one above the other, 6 feet 
long and 2 wide, usually three tiers with just enough head-space 
between for you to get in and out. In order to dress, one had 
to do it lying on his back or try and find space in the aisle. 
TRY AND FIND SPACE ! Ventilation was fine but the light- 
ing system rotten; the chap with a light over his bunk was 
envied by all. The ship began to shimmy a bit and someone says 
"We're off," others yelled "Mineola" and then after eight 
months of training and six of guard duty we are off on the Big 
Adventure that held so much surprise in store for us. Did we 
desire to go on deck and say farewell to the U. S.? We did! 
But the authorities thought it much better that we stay below 



104 71sT NEW YORK 

and rest ; so stay below we did, but under compulsion. Through 
the port-holes we could see the Chamberlain at Old Point Com- 
fort and then nothing but water. We ran aground while going 
out of the harbor, so fifteen tugs came to our rescue and pulled 
us off. We couldn't wait for the tide; not with the 71st on 
board. Things like running aground never held us up before 
and we were never held up after. 

Company L under 1st Lieut. Charles Scott, 71st, was quar- 
tered in the compartment with M under Captain Curtis of the 
2nd. As usual, L and M got along famously ; that is, until some 
of the noisy members of L started a fracas. A noisier group of 
men I have never heard and they had an able leader of noise in 
Guinea Etes. Naturally the disturbance made by the members 
of this racket squad was resented by the members of M and hard 
feelings crept in. These hard feelings were nothing; for like a 
man beating his wife when an outsider steps in, the two com- 
bined against the outsider. So it was with L and M. This 
feeling between the two companies has existed for years, but 
always in a good-natured way. We had our first meal about 
four o'clock on the 17th and learned that from then on we were 
to be fed twice a day only, namely, 8 A. M. and 4 P. M. To a 
soldier, two meals a day was an insult, but I knew of several men 
who didn't care if they never saw food and these men were the 
ones who protested the hardest about two meals. The mess-hall 
was forward on one of the upper decks which served as our 
recreation room and smoking room after dark. 

The morning of the 18th found us far from land and with 
permission to roam at will, except where the sailors didn't want 
US; hence the expression ''You can't stand there, soldier," their 
polite expression for ''beat it." On each bunk was a life-pre- 
server which we found when allotted our sleeping space and on 
the 18th we received instructions that at no time were we to be 
separated from friend preserver; it was to be worn at all times. 
We called it our Sea Jerkin. The various units were assembled 
and marched to various sections of the ship and given posts. 
These positions were known as Abandon Ship Positions and at 
calls, such as the shriek of a huge siren, we all made as much 
speed as possible to those positions. The first day they drilled 
'US twice in Abandon Ship. Every man had a duty to perform, 



IN THE WORLD WAR 105 

there was no mad rush or excitement, simply get to your post in 
the shortest time possible. 

Sunday, May 19th. Ran into a shower but soon passed 
through into the sunshine. More instructions; no matches al- 
lowed ; no food below decks ; no lights after dark. In the bunk 
space, very dark blue lights were used as they cast no shadows 
and could only be seen when near to them. This was done to 
prevent any lurking sub from spotting us. Bully! Just dis- 
covered we have a couple of Y. M. C. A. men aboard who dis- 
tribute books among the men and checkers and other time-killing 
devices ; to-night we have a movie show. 

Monday, May 20th. Beautiful day at sea, calm and quiet. 
During the night several ships joined our convoy; if they do 
this every night we will have quite a fleet with us. Began exer- 
cises to-day up on deck, a bit of setting-up and then a run 
around the ship. Fine idea for it keeps the men in condition and 
at the same time keeps up discipline. Food still bully but two 
meals a day don't seem to keep me full. Several of the men 
have lost their food and their desire to eat, although it 's as calm 
and quiet as a millpond. 

Tuesday, May 21st. Thought it strange to go two days and 
no sign of medicos. Everybody fell in and were examined for 
any strangers in our clothing ; with the washing facilities at our 
disposal (salt water) we may have them before the trip is over. 
One of the ships in the rear fell out of line and went back to pick 
up a man who fell overboard. Some scare he must have had; 
but that's not all he got; besides a bath he probably received a 
fine bawling out by his C. 0. See very little of Waldrat, Turner 
or Ross. The Officers stick to their quarters but they are very 
pleasant to me when I do see them. 

Wednesday, May 22nd. 'Our first touch of weather and for a 
landlubber I am weathering it very nicely. The smaller ships of 
this convoy don't ride as nicely as the President Grant, so the 
cooks should have it much easier on a smaller ship for they have 
less men to feed and then a few less during rough weather. Our 
first trick of guard started to-day; three companies to turn the 
trick, only 430 posts. Nothing startling doing a trick of guard 
aboard ship. Only about nine more days of this and then 



106 71sT NEW YORK 

France. Have always wanted to go abroad but never dreamed 
of a free passage. Pretty soft for some of us. 

Thursday, May 23rd. Left the Gulf Stream in the rear dur- 
ing the night and are now heading into overcoat-weather and 
rough going. Several of the boys are looking for fish over the 
rail and if it holds rough the seekers of things in the deep will 
have plenty of company. N. C. 0. schools have been started; 
glad of that for it means another source for breaking the weight 
of time. Great doings ; two ships heading home passed us ; first 
sign of life we have seen since the 17th. 

Friday, the 24th. I mentioned something about it getting 
rough ; well, it sure did kick up something scandalous during the 
night and added numerous rail-clingers to the few of yesterday. 
So far I have managed to hold my own, but I'm not bragging. 
The noises some of the sick ones made during the night reminded 
me of the Bronx Zoo at the hour the lions were fed. The old 
ship did some great stunts; raised up on her hind legs so dog- 
gone high at times I thought she would keep on going over. One 
sick lad remarked, ''God, I can lick the Kaiser on land, but I'm 
a son-of-a-gun, he's got me licked on water." The sailors tell 
of a nigger on the last trip over who threw his mess-kit over- 
board as he had no further use for it. Not me though, for my 
stomach is yelling for food. 

Saturday, the 25th. Still going, but from the change of scen- 
ery I think we are in the same place. Abandon Ship calls sounds 
more frequently now that we are entering the war zone. One of 
the calls caught me under the shower but I had to report just 
the same^ and let me state, a slicker and our Sea Jerkin is far 
from pleasant on a cool windy deck when the wind sneaks up 
underneath. Meals are falling off; they started too well. This 
morning they fed us corned-willy that was impossible; guess 
some poor horse failed in his physical, so we got him. 

Sunday, the 26th. Our 9th day and still going strong. Look- 
ing for our escorts; destroyers, in other words; for we are now 
very much in the war zone, and a bit of protection will be ap- 
preciated. Monday, the 27th. Supposed to pick up our convoy 
of destroyers but to date no signs of them; one lone battleship 
to protect us ; the pick of the navy man the guns aboard our ship, 
so we should worry about friend sub. Spoke too soon, for we 



IN THE WORLD WAR 107 

spotted one this afternoon and our navy gunners quickly dis- 
played their shooting ability by getting him. The battleship 
threw shots so near to the bow of the Pocahontas that we expected 
to see her go down. Seems the sub started to come up between 
the PocaJiontas and the President Grant, but she never came up 
she went down. Were the men scared ? No ! At the first shriek 
of the siren they started for points of vantage, up in the rigging, 
over the sides, any place to see where and what all the trouble 
was about. At the check report at our posts we had all present 
in M, but it took some of us an unusual length of time to arrive 
at our positions. May 28th. Still going but very watchful now 
as we are in a very dangerous zone and only a day or so to port. 
May 29th. Picked up by a fleet of destroyers to-day who are 
to see us safely into port. After looking at large steamers for 
twelve days, these little terriers of the sea seemed like peanuts as 
they bobbed up and down on the waves. Owing to the danger- 
ous territory we were ordered to remain fully dressed at all times ; 
this meant sleep in our clothes ; well, there was one advantage in 
that order, we didn't have to dress in the morning. Suddenly a 
siren shrieks, guns begin to bark, the fleet fall in single line and 
the destroyers began to tear back and forth all around us like so 
many fox terriers after a rat. They drop their depth-bombs 
which, as they go off under the water, send geyser-like columns of 
water into the air. We couldn't see anything t.o cause all this 
commotion, but from the actions of the destroyers and the way 
they threw depth-bombs, we began to think the entire German 
navy had come out for us. They got one sub I know of, for at 
the explosion of one of the depth-bombs, a geyser which is 
usually white, caused by an explosion, was dark and oily look- 
ing; fragments of something different than water flew; bubbles 
came up and oil floated around and away from the spot which a 
moment before had looked so innocent to us. The "carrying 
on " of the men was commendable ; their officers should have felt 
proud to have men under them who could carry themselves so 
well at such a time. There was no excitement other than 
''What's it?" ''Where is the . . .?" "There goes! Whoope!" 
I have seen just such excitement at a foot-ball game, but each 
man was master of himself. Discipline was there. After this 
exciting incident things promptly went back to normal; grous- 



108 71sT NEW YORK 

ing began, appetites were yelling for food and the incident was 
promptly forgotten. 

May 30th. Decoration Day, but there is going to be no parade 
for us. A day of celebration though for we sighted land; air- 
planes came out to welcome us and incidently keep an eye open 
for any lurking German sub that might feel a bit playful and 
think our guard would be relaxed owing to the nearness of land. 
The entrance to the harbor of Brest is most picturesque, very 
quaint surroundings and very old-world looking. No giant 
buildings against the sky line, no giant ocean liners against 
gigantic piers; here and there an American liner which had 
landed her troops, was anchored. Dotted along the shore were 
queer looking little wooden boats or a string of barges such as 
we have seen being towed up the Hudson. The buildings were 
little low things such as we have seen in our geography and had 
laughed at their simplicity. The old world began to show us 
something new. The President Grant slowly picks her way into 
the beautiful harbor and drops anchor. The men are ready to go 
ashore for we were anxious to stretch our legs and get going. 

On May 31st the troops were ordered ashore, leaving M com- 
pany of the 105th and part of L, same regiment, and a detach- 
ment of the 108th to unload the entire ship of its non-soldier 
cargo. Naturally there was grousing aplenty from those who had 
to stay aboard and take the place of stevedores. "We worked two 
shifts, one from 6 P. M. to 6 A. M. and from 6 A. M. to 6 P. M. 
After eight months of intensive training we never thought we 
would have to learn the art of stevedores, handling derricks, 
loading and unloading grain, beef and huge packing cases of 
supplies. At first we thought this detail an imposition on a com- 
pany of M's standing, but when reports began to come back to 
us from the men who had gone ashore that water was scarce and 
meals poor, we began to realize that with the hard work we were 
doing, we, at least, had regular meals and a dry bunk to sleep in. 
For men who had never done such work, we broke all records. An 
ordnance officer told me he had never seen men work with such 
vigor and that he wished he had such men under his command. 
Stayed aboard and unloaded until late on the 3rd of June when 
we finished, and went ashore and hiked for the main body, pass- 
ing through the quaint old town of Brest. Leaving the quay 



IN THE WORLD WAR 109 

behind we wind up a hill, while on either side of the road, kid- 
dies besiege us with ''Donnez moi un cigerette pour le pere dans 
la trench." Shabby looking little beggars, bare legs and huge 
wooden shoes that make a sound like a runaway horse as they 
clank-clank alongside of us. Big sister was much in evidence too 
and she begged her share of ciggies. It was in Brest that we saw 
our first French soldier, better known to us as "Froggie." So 
this was the chap we had come over to help out. A dirty field 
blue uniform, spirals of the same color ; but behind this uniform 
of blue he had an elan we had not acquired as yet. We were 
carefree, we had not suffered the hardships he had endured ; we 
were full of boyish enthusiasm; he had been that way back in 
1914. 

The hike was only about five miles, and with the sights of a 
strange land before us, it passed very quickly. Our packs 
seemed like ton weights on our backs for we still carried many 
articles of comfort we thought necessary but later on found we 
could get along without. About 9 P. M., M company lined up, 
took inter\^al, and pitched pup tents. The site for the camp had 
been made during the time of Napoleon and still remained as it 
had been in his time ; each company was tented in squares with 
dirt parapets surrounding each square. It was here we had our 
first encounter with French profiteers, and from prices they 
quoted us for their wares they evidently had the idea that 
America's soldiery were bloated millionaires. Eggs, 8 cents 
each and only ordinary eggs at that and from an ordinary hen ; 
only difference from our American hens was that they under- 
stood French. This profiteer in eggs didn't linger amongst us 
very long for he was shooed out of camp, but he returned later 
and sold his hen fruit for six cents each. The Y. M. C. A. gave 
a show this afternoon, ''Baby Mine." The costumes were far 
from Broadway style and the scenery was home-made but the 
show itself was well acted and thoroughly enjoyed by us all. 
Part of the 105th moved out to-day and entrained for our next 
stop. Where, remains for us to find out, for things are now 
being done very quietly and quickly. Water is scarce and they 
allow us but a canteenf ul a day ; this is used for shaving, bath- 
ing and drinking. Allow myself a cup full and with this police 
myself thoroughly. First I shave, wiping the razor and lather 



110 71sT NEW YORK 

on any kind of a rag ; in this way keep the hair out of the water. 
The shave finished I wet my body with a rubber sponge then soap 
quickly and lather up ; this act accomplished I rinse off with my 
sponge; after drying off, a little powder is used and the bath 
and shave is completed. 

June 6th found us on our way again. From Brest we en- 
trained. Speaking of trains, have to call them such but fail to 
see any resemblance. The car itself is about half the length of 
our cars ; they have so many compartments to a car, the entrance 
being on the side ; each compartment has two doors, one on each 
side. There are three kind of cars : 1st, 2nd and 3rd class. First 
class is upholstered and the seats are comfortable. Second class, 
covered seat; while third class is entirely of wood. There are 
no wash-rooms or toilets or any other bits of comfort. Water? 
Yes, plenty of it along the route but you only get that when you 
stop, and you usually stop miles away from water. Such is life. 
They placed us into these compartments, eight men to a com- 
partment; gave us three days' rations and we were off. The 
rations consisted of bread, canned beef, canned tomatoes. After 
two days and nights of traveling we finally pulled into a termi- 
nal (or it looked like one for there were more than two lines of 
tracks) ; it was really a yard or a turning point for there was a 
net work of rails. This place had been a town called Noyelles. 
Out we piled and into a field close by. Details, details and still 
more details. Cars had to be unloaded of regimental property, 
then after unloading it was reloaded into lorries (trucks). It 
was at Noyelles that we received our barrack bags and were told 
that we were to take out the things we wished to take with us as 
from that time on whatever we had was to be carried on our backs. 
Most of our bags contained such things as sweaters that our 
sweethearts had made, helmets, socks, extra uniforms, etc. The 
majority of us had packed in cartons of cigarettes, cigars, fancy 
soap, and many other articles of comfort, having previously been 
told that our barrack bags would always be with us. The next 
war will find us a rather light traveling outfit for we have no 
desire to equip back area men. They failed to inform us where 
the dressing rooms were, so we did our changing of clothes in 
the open. This failed to phase the peasants who lined the field 
on all sides to see what the American soldier looked like. They 



IN THE WORLD WAR 111 

gained a fine impression for they had a wonderful chance to see 
how we looked, uniformed and otherwise. After rolling our 
packs, repacking and marking our bags we fell in and marched 
away. We packed all our worldly possessions on our backs and 
fortunately the hike was only a few miles. It was up here we 
met our first English soldier, ''Tommy" to us ever after; a 
queer sort of duck with his '^ 'Ow are you, Sammy?" the Aus- 
tralian *'Auzzi" with his ''HeUo, Digger," also the New Zea- 
lander, the latter two more along our lines than Tommy. 

Passed through several small towns and finally halted in the 
town of Grand Laviers. The advance agents, so to speak, had 
picked out our billets, and as we came into town each platoon 
leader was assigned a house or shed which was to be his home 
until the next move. In the States each company always had 
all four platoons in the same place, but in France the platoons 
were quartered in any place available; sometimes a platoon 
would be half a mile from Company H. Q. The farther away the 
better, for that meant less detail. By way of celebrating our 
arrival in this town, Jerry serenaded us with an air-raid. Along 
about midnight, everybody asleep, when suddenly we heard the 
crash of artillery fire and the rattle of machine guns. Naturally 
all this meant something, but to us rookies it was entirely new, 
so we all had to investigate the reason for this celebration. Look- 
ing out of the windows we saw search-lights sweeping back and 
forth across the sky and somewhere up there we could hear the 
br-r — br-r of airplanes and realized that we were in an air raid. 
On the floor above, an attic. Corporal Rhodes (''Dusty" to us) 
came out of his sleep in time to hear one of Jerry's bombs go 
off ; " Dusty ' ' lost no time turning out, for, as he started for the 
stairs he let out a yell, "Heads up, one Corporal, one steel hat 
and a gas mask coming through, ' ' and with that he descends with 
a rush. 

Jerry evidently found things getting too warm for him up 
there, with anti-aircraft and machine-gun fire bursting around 
him, so he turns and starts home, dropping a bomb every so 
often. Several dropped near enough to be uncomfortable, but 
no damage was done to us, although there was some fine pock- 
marks in the landscape. Jerry's approach caused the natives 
to disappear; where to, we found out the next day. Seems they 



112 71sT NEW YORK 

had community bomb-proof dugouts wMcb everybody had helped 
to make^ so whenever Jerry paid a visit they would hot-foot it 
to the raid-cellar. While at Grand Laviers they gave us our gas- 
masks and changed our rifles, giving us English ones in place of 
those we had. 

The only spot where we could drill was three miles from quar- 
ters, so every morning we would receive our noon ration of food, 
and hike to our little field. Here we were taught a bit of every- 
thing: grenade throwing, machine gunnery and other things we 
never had back home. It was also here that we received the 
order that from now on we were to wear our blouses on all 
occasions. It seemed that because ''Tommy" had to wear his, 
we had to wear ours. If ''Tommy" had been in the habit of 
doing something we had to change our mode of living and do as 
he did. Guess they were trying to make "Limies" out of us; 
didn't know whether we came over to learn how to dress or how 
to fight. 

Abbeville was a short distance from Grand Laviers, so one 
afternoon, having some time off, Corporal DeBous and myself 
strolled over in that direction; on the way, ran into the "Red 
Bands" (British M. P.'s). Having lived in New York all our 
lives, we found them much easier to handle than the N. Y. police. 
Happening to pass an English camp, we stopped in to look them 
over, when I suddenly spy a sign "sergeants' mess." 
Well, being a sergeant myself, decided I would investigate, so 
Jack and I start to stroll in. Jack never got in as he was in- 
formed that this was for sergeants only, so I had to proceed alone 
to do my investigating. With a promise to Jack of an early 
return, I ventured in. Received a fine welcome, several bottles 
of Bass' Ale and then returned to Jack with the news; this re- 
sulted in our exchanging coats that Jack might become a ser- 
geant long enough to get some ale, while I waited behind a bush 
with his coat. 

On Monday, June 17th, we packed up and left. When we 
started, our packs were rather large and bulky, but as we pro- 
ceeded they kept diminishing in size, so that by the time we 
marched into Franleau, they were rather small. The hike was 
mostly up hill, one of those long hilly hikes that seemed as if 
the hill had no top. In the march to Franleau, M Company was 



IN THE WORLD WAR 113 

out of luck, for we discovered that our camp site was four miles 
back. Seems that a guide who w^as sent out to lead us away from 
the main road for the purpose of saving us several miles niMng 
had missed us. These extra miles nearly proved fatal to M com- 
pany's hiking record, a record we were proud of, for no matter 
where, how long or how hard the hike was, M Company always 
had the least number of stragglers and men falling out. It was 
Lieutenant Turner who saved the day. For some of the men 
who were all in, he w^ould carry a pack for one or a rifle of an- 
other; and as the men recuperated a bit he would return the 
equipment. 

While in the Franleau Sector, we had our first actual firing of 
machine guns, as we called them; they were really automatic 
rifles, Lewis guns. Our drilling continued daily, rain or shine, 
and the men were getting harder and harder each day. Hikes 
that at one time were hardships to us now became mere jaunts. 
After training here for five days, we were ordered in, so on 
June 22nd M Company picked up the main body of the Regiment 
and started on what proved to be a three-day hike. The first day 
we hiked twenty miles or more and it was one of those heart- 
breaking kind. Fortunately, the day was cloudy and cool w^hich 
was in our favor. Lieutenant Walradt was commanding the 
company, all our other officers having gone up front for in- 
structions. Each day of hiking finds us with lighter packs than 
the previous day. All surplus equipment was forgotten by us ; 
extra shoes, tent pole and pins, etc., was only extra weight and 
no benefit to us (at the time), so why carry them? Our officers 
told US: "All property short will have to be paid for." "Fair 
enough," says we, but why carry it?" "Tommy" carried none 
of it and we were doing everything he did. The hike ended in the 
town of Oneaux, a small hamlet that boasted of nothing; just an 
ordinary, everyday French village. Somehow our billets looked 
like castles ; we were all in, but M Company didn 't lose a man. 

June 23rd found us up bright and early, tired and stiff but 
ready. With only twelve miles to go, we went off in our usual 
spirits, but somehow the twelve miles seemed more like twenty. 
Lost a man to-day, but as he turned his ankle severely he was 
forgiven by us all. About five o'clock we pulled into the town 
of Heuzecourt, a thoroughly fatigued outfit but ready for any- 



114 71sT NEW YORK 

thing. There is one thing we have acquired from the British, 
the rolling kitchen, which thus far is the only sensible thing we 
have adopted. While we are hiking the next meal is cooking, 
so that when we reach our destination the kitchens are rolled 
into their place and the food issued. Each day's march brought 
us nearer the front. The peasants along the line of march 
greeted us most friendly, but that was all they did. A poor lot, 
for the three years of war sapped their surplus capital and they 
live on their land. No young men were seen except a cripple here 
and there who was unable to bear arms. The old men and girls 
did the work of their sons and brothers. 

June 24th. We started on the last leg of our long hike ; only 
had ten miles to go and that was divided into two periods; five 
miles before the noon mess and the last five miles after mess. 
The thoughtfulness was appreciated; somebody must have rea- 
lized that the men were tired. Before we started, a mobile 
shower-bath rolled into our billets and we had our first warm 
bath for weeks. Such a treat would have been appreciated much 
more if it had come just after the hike, but a warm water bath 
is a treat at any time, so there was no kick from any of us. In 
the early afternoon of the 24th, we marched through the out- 
skirts of the city of Doullens ; it was there we saw our first large 
body of English soldiers who lined the streets as we hiked 
through. From them came such remarks as ' * Cheerio, Sammy ! ' ' 
and " 'Ow yer mockin ute?" At that stage of the game, we 
had no reply to their questions; we didn't know them then. An 
army that marched singing and whistling, after a three days' 
march, was evidently a novelty to them at that time. They did 
the same thing three years previous. Three years of war would 
have changed us too. Our enthusiasm instilled a new feeling in 
them for they realized that the Yanks were there at last and one 
of the best divisions in the States. They had seen a division of 
the national army and, they told us later, there was no compari- 
son between the two divisions; we (so they said) looked different, 
acted different and were different. 

Doullens was quite a town; had streets (real streets), a shop- 
ping district and restaurants. Think of it, real restaurants! 
Well, wasn't that immense! Go and get a meal any time you 
desired, provided you had the price, but at this time, most of us 



IN THE WORLD WAR 115 

were stone broke, not having received our pay for two months. 
But just wait until pay-day comes ! For the first time since leav- 
ing the States, the entire Battalion was within bugle distance of 
B. H. Q. (Battalion Headquarters). They billeted us in what 
had been a chateau, a monstrous large set of buildings, four 
stories high and built in the shape of a half -moon, with a large 
court yard facing the Somme River. Companies K, L and M 
occupied the one entire building; M, as usual, had to go to the 
roof. After having slept on hay in most of our billets, wooden 
floors didn't lend the impression of a feather bed, but we slept 
and it was dry. 

On the outskirts of the town there was a large Canadian Hos- 
pital which most of us were anxious to see. For several days 
prior to our arrival Jerry had come over on air raids and de- 
liberately bombed this house of mercy, demolishing one of the 
main buildings and killing a number of wounded men. On the 
roofs of the hospital large red crosses were painted, nevertheless, 
Jerry circles above and drops his parachute lights (lights that 
illuminate the country for miles as they sail slowly down) and 
then he deliberately drops several bombs on the undefended 
buildings. Plain barbaric murder and one that stamped a desire 
in our breasts to return evil for evil. Everyone of us said, 

*'Just wait until we get at the , we'll show 'em." Our 

drill schedule was changed; 50 minutes for bayonet exercise, a 
certain time for grenade drill, another period for field problems, 
etc. Fine idea for it broke the monotony of doing the same thing 
all day. We hike to a range, set up tin cans and other objects, 
setting them along the top of an improvised trench ; these articles 
served as Germans. Our problem was to capture that objective. 
It was something real we could cope with. Our lines deploy, 
machine guns support us from the flank and we advance in thin 
lines, firing as we advance, then at a signal we charge. Won- 
derful ! Fills us full of desire to get up front and duplicate it. 
We could have done this every day, if they let us. Buddy 
(Dusty) Corporal Rhodes had gone up to the front line for 
instructions, and the tales he told of his experience held us 
spellbound. Dusty was a first-class comedian and his narrative 
was well colored for our benefit. 

Jerry paid us a visit, as was usual, but did no damage. The 



116 71sT NEW YORK 

anti's barked away but it merely served as an incentive to roll 
over and pick out a new soft spot on the floor. Such things as 
air raids had lost their novelty; the men no longer woke and 
looked for cover; getting to be hardened veterans, even though 
we had never seen a real trench. During the attack Jerry 
dropped a monstrous bomb a very short distance from our bil- 
lets but fortunately it was a dud. Had it gone off, there would 
have been a number of us who would have been A. W. 0. L. at 
morning roll call. Most of the platoon sergeants had gone into 
the lines for instructions, so on the 28th I received orders to re- 
port and proceed to the front with a Captain and several non- 
coms, from the 105th. We reported to headquarters on the 29th 
as per orders and there stood a lorrie to take us to the front. 
No hiking ! Something has gone wrong when they ride us ! At 
last we were off for the front, the place we had been itching to 
see for months and months, and now we were heading there fast. 
Passed through town after town, most of them mere piles of 
brick and twisted iron; their chimneys standing, sentinel like, 
over the once busy little towns. Albert was the largest town 
(or what had been a town) we passed through. As we approached 
nearer the front, places where towns had been were more dam- 
aged than those further in the rear ; these towns were absolutely 
level with the ground, but you can tell where the town had been 
by the comparison of color ; town sites that were, were gray and 
reddish while the surrounding country was green. 

After hours of riding, the lorrie stops and we pile out into a 
beautiful field of poppies where birds sing. A wonderful day 
and not a sound to disturb. Suddenly, out of the ground, sev- 
eral Tommies emerge from their dugouts and greet us. We 
exchange greetings and tell them of our mission, then the fun 
begins ; they start to kid us. Ha-haw, kid us. New Yorkers, eh ? 
When they found that we believed about one-half of what they 
told us, they ceased trying to impress us with their fairy-tales. 
' ' Where 's the front line V ' ' Hup a ' whys. " " Well, let 's go. ' ' 
They gave me a guide and away we went. Naturally, there was 
a bit of questioning, and I asked most of them, ''Was it always 
quiet like this ? " " How far is the line away ? " ' ' Do you have 
many casuals?" The answers were, ''Woit a bit. Sergeant, 'e 
throws a few 'bout dusk." ''Ow a bit," ''Verra few," ''Well, 



IN THE WORLD WAR 117 

'eres headquarters, sir," and with that he leaves me. Head- 
quarters ? The sign read that way, but all I could see was a hole 
in the ground, so I stuck in my head and yelled. Was invited 
down and met the Captain, a pleasant English chap and rather 
young for a C. 0. Chatted a bit and then received instructions 
as to how to get to Platoon H. Q. and find Sergeant H. I fol- 
lowed instructions explicitly ; wound down a trench ; then, as in- 
structed, came up on top and walked along the top. After doing 
this for what seemed a mile, I suddenly beheld a Tommy, calmly 
smoking a cigarette; he squatted on a fire-step, his back to the 
trench with his Lewis gun alongside. "Where is Sergeant H.," 
says I. "Down a bit," indicating with his thumb, not even look- 
ing at me. "Well, where in h is the front line?" "Yer on 

hit noo. ' ' I was no time removing myself from the exposed posi- 
tion. As I slid into the trench, Tommy was all pep and attention, 
begged my pardon, didn't know I was a Sergeant. Seems a 
sergeant in the English army was some boy. After leaving this 
lad I sauntered down the trench for nearly 100 yards before 
finding my second guard. (Over 100 yards of trench and only 
two men visible ; a fine way to conduct a war !) Told this to the 
sergeant when I met him. "Well, yer see, it's a cushy place 
'ere and 'es 'bout three 'undred yards away and 'e 'as to cum 
up a bit of grade. If we leaves 'im halone, 'es a leven us 
halone. ' ' 

Spent three days up there with the Tommies and found them 
to be a fine lot of boys. Young, to be sure, and fed up with the 
war. They answered all questions I could invent and returned 
the compliment by questioning me. Received my baptism of 
heavy artillery fire and must admit that my knees smote one 
upon the other. A shell coming over to us could be heard com- 
ing for seconds before it came anywhere near, but to me they all 
sounded alike ; felt sure they all had my name upon them. Sev- 
eral of "his" heavies struck near us but did little damage, ex- 
cept to my feelings. Learned up here that Jerry was a methodi- 
cal cuss, for every evening at five he had what Tommy called his 
"mad half hour," for about twenty minutes or more "he" 
would shell heavily, then cease until morning. As dusk creeps 
up, "Stand-to" begins; that is, all men in the lines line the 
trenches and are ready in the event of a raid. After this work 



118 71sT NEW YORK 

begins, wiring is strung out front and all work that cannot be 
done during the light of day is done. Rations come up and 
are divided. Two A. M,, Tommy has to have his tea. A man 
slips out and reconnoiters out front. All night long Jerry sends 
up star-shells or Very lights; these illuminate the country for 
quite a distance around and are most annoying when one is out 
scouting. Jerry is fluffed, has his wind up, scared stiff, so up go 
his lights continually; he's taking no chances on a surprise at- 
tack. Found my first cootie while up there which made me a 
real soldier. If I stayed there much longer, would have been as 
lousy as the sergeant I was sleeping with; he picked them off 
without even removing his shirt. 

Went on my first patrol the previous night and fortunately 
can tell a bit about it. Seems that the sergeant who took me out 
had been gassed and had a nasty hacky cough which would start 
going at various times. On account of this cough, he had been 
told to refrain from patroling, as he only endangered the lives 
of the men with him. I didn't know this, so we started out, 
walking upright. I felt terribly large for some unknown reason. 
How far do we go ?" I whispered. ' ' Eh ? " Again I asked in a 
louder tone of voice and felt sure I could have been heard in 
Berlin. ' ' Dunno, ' ' says he, when he stepped on something that 
snapped. I jumped, my heart jumped, my tin hat raised up as 
far as the chin piece would permit. ''Are there any Germans 
out here?" ''Plenty of them." (Encouraging to me!) "How 
do they go, single or otherwise?" "Pairs, braces, flocks, 'ow 
ever you likes 'em." (Rather fresh, thought I.) Then he tells 
me, "If you runs across any, 'it 'em, don't shoot, for the flash 
would give yer away, and you'd be a corpse." A corpse — that' 
was me ; any killing to be done would be one sided ; I felt that, 
"he'd" do it, not I. 

We became more careful now; we separated and got on our 
hands and knees. Not a sound to break the stillness, except my 
heart pounding against my ribs. It seemed that Jerry must be 
able to hear that thump-thump. No ? — He's deaf then. By lying 
flat on the ground I was just able to see the sergeant; as he 
moved I moved, but about half as much ; this stillness was getting 
on my nerves. Suddenly a noise like a sneeze and a stifled cough, 
then up flies two Very lights, and I simply freeze to the spot, my 



IN THE WORLD WAR 119 

heart sneaking up into my throat. What was it ? The sergeant 
had suddenly developed a fit of coughing, but it didn't last long. 
This evidently disturbed Jerry, for he sent up Very lights more 
often. Personally, I had gone far enough, but the sergeant con- 
tinued on, so I couldn't quit, and kept going too. We came to 
''his" wires and stopped. I had no desire to pass through, so 
lay down by a post and listened. Cemetery quietness prevailed ; 
so quiet it hurt my ears ; when suddenly this quietness was shat- 
tered by much strangling and an explosive cough. Jerry didn't 
wait for any light this time but opened up with a machine gun 
and then Very lights. The bullets kicked up all around us, 
spattering dirt over us and pebbles hitting our tin hats. Nat- 
urally, pebbles hitting my hat sounded like hail. Thought sure 
I was hit, but not feeling any pain, realized what it was. When 
the lights went out and the machine gun let up, I promptly faced 
to the rear and started to crawl for our lines. The desire to get 
back overcame any thought of safety, so I sprang up and tore 
over the field for the lines. Had I been timed, I sure would have 
broken a record. Went through our wire, which fortunately was 
very lightly strung, and into the trench with a rush. Fortune 
was again on my side for no one ran a bayonet into me. I learned 
later what a foolish thing it was to enter a front line trench in 
such a manner. It is best to announce your arrival and save a 
funeral. 

July 1st found me on my way back to the company ; right glad 
too was I to be back among the boys. Was pestered with ques- 
tions which I staved off until I had taken a bath and policed my 
clothes for cooties. Our first pay came across and the celebration 
befitted the occasion. This was the first money received by some 
of the men since back home, so naturally they went wild. Not 
a thought given to saving any. Why save when to-morrow we all 
go into the lines on our maiden trip. Suppose you're killed, 
money wouldn't help any. July 3rd we spent waiting for Gen- 
eral Pershing to inspect us: packs were ready and our equipment 
fairly shone. Never saw him, but a major caught his for saluting 
with a riding-whip. We left Doullens during the night of July 
3rd on flat cars. Our kitchens were hauled aboard and after all 
was ready we made ourselves at home. Trying to sleep on a flat 
car in action is like trying to sleep on a fence ; the only reason 



120 71sT NEW YORK 

we didn 't fall off was because we were packed in so tight that we 
couldn't roll over. At daybreak the train came to a stop amid 
the clatter and grinding of brakes; whistles blew and we piled 
out into the town of Wizernes. After unloading, they marched 
us to a field and there fed us. Fortunately, they parked M in 
a spot which boasted of a very small creek about a foot wide. 
The fresh water was a blessing, so for once we did not grouse. 

After mess and a smoke, we pushed on. A fine day for hiking 
and the men go to it with a relish. After some hours we hit the 
outskirts of St. Omer. From rumors floating back to us, we were 
half way there. Some rumor ! For after marching a bit further, 
we began passing the head of our column coming back. "What's 
the big idea ? You guys going back home ? ' ' and other friendly 
remarks. Everything is 0. K. Somebody simply read the map 
wrong which resulted in our marching about four miles out of 
our way and to a canal which had no crossing, so we had to 
retrace our steps and begin all over again. Things like that usu- 
ally had a wonderful effect on our morale. Grouse ? It was one 
continuous kick from then on and men began to fall out. ''Ah 
whadda I care? Let 'em go. Where's the guy with a rubber map 

leading us anyway ? Bet the is riding a horse ; he should 

worry about us." We passed through St. Omer, St. Martin, 
Tilques and followed along a picturesque canal into Watten and 
then into Wulverdinghe, where we billeted. Two men from M 
had to fall out with bad feet; one, Chevaleux, our interpreter, 
and a new man who had been assigned. Much to my disgust, 
Lieutenant Turner made me fall back, with instructions to get 
them in. First I had to inspect their feet, then first aid was 
gone through ; after that we set out. I had no map and only a 
vague impression of the name of the town we were going to. A 
lorry came along in which I placed my cripples and rode into St. 
Martin where we had to get off. Waited for another lorry, then 
rode to Tilques where we ate and drank to our heart's content. 
Another lorry we took carried us miles out of our way into an 
English camp. Back to Tilques; this time we are right for we 
landed in Watten, but it was about 8 P. M. and dark. Inquiring, 
we find out the outfits are billeted in the next village up a long 
winding hill. So again we start out and only went a short dis- 
tance when we overtook three Tommies who were in a very jovial 



IN THE WORLD WAR 121 

and liic-cy mood. As I said before, a sergeant is mucli respected 
by a Tommy, so I informed them of my rank and asked where 
they were going. With much unsteadiness of body, they an- 
swered: ''Hup the 'ill, Sir (hie)." I then ordered them to take 
the packs. Much to my surprise they did with no comments, we 
adjusting them to their backs and continued our journey. " 'Ell- 
ish 'eavy packs these. " "Do you think so ? " " Break a bloke 's 

bloody back (hie) " The British pack was entirely different 

from ours, his being more like a sack which hung low on the 
back and usually empty, while our pack rode high and as yet we 
carried a bit of surplus. 

The next day (July 5th) there was no Reveille, but at 9:30 
they fed us breakfast and we were preparing for the day off to 
celebrate the Fourth and clean up. We had part of the day 
off at any rate. About 10 A. M. the Iodine Slingers put in an 
appearance and we had to fall in for inspection, cooties, etc. 
Late in the afternoon, several of the sergeants from old M, 
71st hiked into town for a regular meal and some champagne. 
Had plenty of each. July 6th we packed up and hiked back to 
Tilques; not in the village proper but outside a bit. A very 
short distance and easy going. Here we found a tented camp ; 
each tent was camouflaged. We learned this was a rifle range 
and was there for target practice and musketry school. We 
didn't hike enough those days, so the previous night several of 
us hiked five miles to town for some beer. 

July 7th. After finishing target practice we packed up and 
hiked four miles to St. Martin where we were billeted. The 
fourth platoon, like the last company of a regiment, was set by 
itself, so after the other platoons had been assigned we had to 
continue our hike a bit until we found a billet. Fortunately 
we discovered a fine large shed with plenty of straw at one end, 
so we had things ''cushy." Water right in the yard and no 
first-sergeant at hand to annoy us. Our drill-field was adjacent 
to our shed, so all we had to do was fall in, march a few feet and 
drill. With all these good features, we had a bad one, we had 
to hike for our "chow." Ran into Mike Stoneham, an old M- 
71st man, doing M. P. duty. Last time we saw Mike, he was a 
three striper; now he's a buck private. Seems he ran afoul of 
some French firewater and lost his stripes. Otto Luchtenberg, 



122 71sT NEW YORK 

one of our old sergeants who had gone overseas ahead of us for 
instructions, reported back to the company. The old Dutchman 
had put on weighty otherwise he was the same droll Otto with his 
girlish ways. (Hope he sees this.) From July 7th until the 
14th we stayed in St. Martin and drilled; here we learned the 
latest formations for attacking various types of positions. We 
hiked to the range at Tilques where we were taught to throw real 
grenades, shoot rifle grenades and attack a dummy trench with 
all infantry weapons. 

On Sunday, July 14th, our day of rest, we hiked into St. Omer 
where we entrained ; this time we rode in the famous ' ' Cheval 40 
Hommes," the entire night. These famous box-cars reminded 
me of our old horse-cars ; about the same size. If they put straw 
in and don't pack too tight, a fellow can at least rest up. The 
morning of the 15th we passed through Wormhandt and saw our 
first American troops; some National Army bunch! Oudezeele 
was our destination, but first we had to detrain at Winnezeele, 
unload and hike to Oudezeele. There they spread us all over the 
country. Most of the companies got billets. M Company, as 
usual;, got the left-over, which, this time, proved to be an open 
field. For the first time since our arrival we had to pitch our 
pup tents for our stay in this sector. As it had rained most of 
the time during our travel, the ground was far from dry, but by 
that time we had become hardened, so wet ground meant nothing. 
Our company area boasted of a pond, the usual French pond cov- 
ered with a green scum, but, if drained and boiled properly, one 
could wash and clean equipment. 

In an area now that makes us realize that a war is on, for we 
can hear the rumble of big guns, and at night we see the sky in 
the East is red and hazy from heavy firing. We go into the city 
of Cassel, which is about five miles from here, and built on the 
top of a high hill. One can go to the East wall of the city, and 
see in the distance the bursting of our heavy artillery shells. The 
front line is only nine miles away, as the crow flies. Divisional 
H. Q. is near by and for the first time since our arrival all the 
outfits are in the same area. Jerry raided us nearly every night 
but inflicted no damage. July 16th was a big day — we lost our 
campaign hats and canvas leggings; from then on it was trench 
cap and spirals. A fine looking sight we made ; half of us didn 't 



IN THE WORLD WAR 123 

know how to lap the spirals. Could see where Reveille would 
have a number of late arrivals unless the boys got up earlier than 
first call. 

July 17th. Jim Hoffman and Van Holland, of M 71st and 
Marcus Kipp of the 2nd received their commissions for shave- 
tails and amid congratulations left us for their new outfits. 
Hated to see the boys we soldiered with leave us but such is war. 
July 18th we marched to the showers for our annual bath. Won- 
derful showers; the shower part is the size of a half dollar and 
contains six holes for the water to trickle out ; four of these holes 
were usually clogged up. You are first ordered to undress and 
line-up to receive instructions ; one minute under to get wet, then 
the shower is turned off ; one minute to soap, then the shower is 
turned on for two minutes and you rinse. Bully idea; warm 
water is a real treat, but most of us would have enjoyed a longer 
stay. 

One rainy night Baldy and I were rudely awakened by the 
bull-like voice of our old friend from the Ash Can district, regi- 
mentally known as Squazzo, demanding to know where his pla- 
toon headquarters was. He soon found out and then he informed 
us that he couldn 't locate his equipment and would the Sergeant 
fix him up a place to sleep. Baldy and I talked it over and 
decided to let him sleep between us. A bad break, for, in the 
morning, both Baldy and myself felt an itchy feeling under our 
shirts; so after Reveille we made an inspection of our persons 
and found that, during the night, we had acquired quite a family 
of cooties. Squazzo was sent for. ''Squazzo, take off your 
shirt. '' ''Ah, Sarg., I ain't got no cooties." ''No? Take off 
your shirt." Squazzo does as ordered and we help him "read." 
Cooties ? Simply alive with them. Squazzo spent the rest of the 
day sitting about with his towel serving as breeches, for his cloth- 
ing was put through the boiling process. 

Sunday, July 21st, we packed up and headed for the line. We 
passed through Oudezeele into Winnezeele, then to Watten, 
southeast to Abeele and finally halted at Remy Siding, a deserted 
English camp. This hike was a heartbreaker. The heat was 
intense and our blouses nearly wore us out; but they would 
rather see us fall out from exhaustion than to order those damn 
blouses off. Suddenly the sky opened up and a deluge broke 



124 71sT NEW YORK 

loose, soaking us through in no time. We came to a field and 
pitched our tents and stayed for the night. Wet or no wet, we 
all slept, for we were tired. In the morning we moved into 
Nison huts, large steel huts the shape of half a circle, and waited 
for orders. We didn 't have to wait long for orders came through 
that we were to move forward that night and take up position in 
a reserve line of trenches known as the Westoutre Line. These 
trenches were merely outlined affairs about waist deep and mud 
soaked from the rain. Before darkness fell, we moved up a way, 
under cover of a camouflaged road, and waited for night. Here 
we were under observation, so our movements were slow and 
cautious. Stop every little while and fall out to let lorries and 
wagons pass for the front. We were in range of Jerry's guns 
and an occasional shell would suddenly shriek its way through 
the air and land uncomfortably near us. We moved up this road 
in columns of platoons with about 75 yards distance between 
each unit, so that if a shell landed on the road, losses would be 
reduced. 

Finally, about 9 P. M. we reached our destination ; our guides 
met us and each platoon sergeant was escorted over his particular 
sector by the sergeant he was relieving, then he returned and 
posted his men. Company H. Q. was located on the remains of 
what had been a farm, in a spot known as Ellarsyde, and quite 
some distance from the 4th platoon. When I met the sergeant I 
was taking over from, I asked him questions pertaining to con- 
ditions. He informed me that a short distance away there is a 
giant naval gun which fires at long intervals and that when this 
gun goes off, the flash lights up the country for some distance 
around, and the explosion is terrific. His parting words were — 
' ' Don 't let this get your goat for it 's not a shell. ' ' He no sooner 
finished this statement when the inky darkness was split by a 
blinding flash, and as we hit the bottom of the trench the report 
shook the ground. We both got up, looked at each other, and 
with a sheepish grin (I couldn't see it but knew it must be 
there), he informed me "that was it." The next time it went off 
I was prepared, so didn't mind it so much. None of the boys 
had any idea of sleeping ; this experience was too novel ; couldn 't 
afford to miss anything, but fortunately ''he" missed us on sev- 
eral occasions. Along toward morning "he" began dropping 



IN THE WORLD WAR 125 

them a bit faster. We could hear them coming with their 
Br-r-r-r-r- Crash, several of them striking so close that they 
threw dirt and mud into our trenches. The w-r-r, as a piece of 
shrapnel sped by, usually made us duck. During the night of the 
23rd ''he" shelled us from 9 P. M. until 1 A. M. and from 3 to 
5 A. M. ; this continued shelling being his method of trying to 
silence our artillery which was thickly scattered throughout that 
sector. About midnight, the gas alarms began to clang, so we 
don our masks and for four hours suffer the tortures of Hades. 
Along towards daylight we got the "All's clear" and removed 
them. Four hours in a gas mask is far from pleasant ; the nose 
piece hurts, your jaws get tired holding onto the mouth-piece 
and you can 't see a thing, for the heat from the face fogs the eye 
pieces. To add to the discomfort of the men. Lieutenant Rudin 
and I thought it would be a good joke to throw bits of mud at or 
near the men every time a shell came our way. By lying on our 
bellies we could see the boys outlined against the sky, so when a 
shell began its song and headed our way, someone would yell 
"Duck." Down all would go; at this moment^ Lieutenant R. 
and I would heave a handful of mud into the trench ; then the 
fun began. The remarks coming up from the trench-divers was 
laughable. "Gosh, clos't, warn't it?" "Whoof, it trew mud on 
me. " "A chunk got me on the hat. ' ' We kept this up until our 
arms grew tired. Lieutenant R. threw a stone which hit Joe 
Utter on the tin hat; the sound of stone against metal made 
quite some noise and scared poor Joe sick. During the day our 
movements had to be guarded ; men desiring to go from one posi- 
tion to another had to move singly, for here we were under 
observation of Mt. Kemmel and any massed movements would 
have drawn a barrage. 

The 4th platoon being nearest to our kitchen, it was up to us 
to carry the rations to the men further up. We got along very 
nicely and no shell to disturb us; but at one time when most of 
the boys had their mess-kits full of stew, we suddenly heard the 
song of a shell; no one laid their kits down, we simply dove, 
mess-kits and all into the trench. Tony No wick (a big Swede 
from up-state) had his foot in Corcoran 's stew; another lad had 
his or somebody else's stew all over him. The surprising part 
of these movements was that the slow-moving boys developed 



126 71sT NEW YORK 

remarkable ability to keep up with the fast movers. Early this 
morning, day-break, M Company had its first casualties. Jess 
Graham, 71st (skinny freckled-face Jess) was hit on the head by 
a shell-fragment. The same shell got a lad from M, 2nd. For- 
tunately for these lads, they were sleeping in the bottom of the 
trench and the shell exploded at the top or parapet which re- 
duced part of the force. Had they been standing, they more 
likely would have received a set of wings instead of wound 
stripes. Rained one of the nights we were in and the result 
brought back memories of Texas in 1916, when the rain made 
mud that oozed knee-deep through shoes and leggins and was 
slippery as slush. This was only a sample of what was in store 
for us. 

The night of the 23rd brought our relief, so we turned over 
our bit of trench to the new outfit and hiked back to Remy Sid- 
ing for a rest. We needed rest, for most of us had not slept for 
forty-eight hours or more. The next time we go in, we will regu- 
late our living according to the conditions of trench-life; sleep 
in the day and work after dark. The night of the 25th we hiked 
about 10 miles in the rain to the reserve line, part of us going to 
Opium Farm and part to Melon Farm. Hiking at night is most 
tedious for as you near the lines transports have the right-of- 
way. You go ahead, stop, "fall out on the right" until you are 
disgusted with the way they run things. We got in early, so were 
initiated into the ''Night Workers." Went out at 10 and re- 
turned about 2 :30 A. M. Our detail was to improve on a series 
of trenches. Jerry evidently was suspicious or knew we were 
there, for he kept shelling in our vicinity most of the time. He 
dropped one so close to Jimmy Manning that he could smell its 
breath. Good thing it wasn 't more than a dud. 

Along about 3 A. M. the rations came up and were divided 
among the men. Was just getting ready to ''cock off" when a 
Tommy 's voice inquired : " Is the Sergeant about ? " He was, so 
I followed my guide to Tommy's headquarters and received our 
first rum issue. As the rum ran from the keg it reminded me of 
molasses for it was thick and heavy. The quantity issued for my 
platoon was just enough for one man, I thought. Water is added 
to thin it before it is issued. A few remarks to the Sergeant 
issuing the rum had the desired effect, for he invited me to a 



IN THE WORLD WAR 127 

drink on the side and it proved to be a most potent beverage. 
When I assembled the fourth platoon to issue their rum to them 
it had to be done by tablespoonfuls. As each man came up he 
opened his mouth and received three spoonfuls. Having a 
heavy odor of rum about my person I was accused of consuming 
the men's issue. Some of them would have kicked had they been 
issued a cupful. 

During the afternoon word came through that we were going 
up and that at dusk we were to report to the English and split up 
with them ; a Tommy platoon and one of ours ; we to take orders 
from Tommy and receive instructions from him. We were given 
our map designations as to where to report with our respective 
platoons. Trying to read maps and locate objects in inky black- 
ness where you can 't light a match is far from easy. After wan- 
dering about muddy roads and making inquiries dumb luck fell 
our way, for we found our Tommy platoon-sergeant. When I 
informed him that I had forty men with me, he wanted to know 
if I had brought the entire company along. His platoon con- 
sisted of sixteen men. We set out; where, we didn't know; but 
we followed along, plowing through roads and fields, and wound 
up along railroad tracks and finally, after much wallowing 
through mud, came to a halt at the Bund by Dickebusch Lake. 
The platoons were met by guides from the platoons we were 
relieving, and away we went to our positions. M Company 
occupied positions in Ridgewood and along the Bund, the 4th 
platoon taking over a ridge which ran along the lake side. 
Wasn't so bad for us for bevies had been dug into the side of the 
ridge and at least shed the rain somewhat; some were so low 
that a man couldn't sit up straight in them while others were a 
little more comfortable. No lights could be lit unless the en- 
trance was well screened for Mt. Kemmel like a giant sentinel 
stood guard over us, and any lights would mean troops, and that 
meant a hail of shelling. 

These bevies had been built for protection from shrapnel only 
and were covered with sand-bags and stray sheets of metal. A 
direct hit on any of them would have resulted in death to the 
occupant. For some days we lived in Dickebusch and became 
real veterans. We learned how to take care of ourselves, to work 
at night, when to duck for cover and when to stand fast; we 



128 71sT NEW YOEK 

learned to tell the different sound of shells, duds and gas shells ; 
we learned how to conserve our water and food and became 
efficient in a number of stunts. A Yank is quick to grasp things ; 
the Tommies were most surprised the way we went into it all. 
On the night of the 30th Jerry was particularly vicious; he 
shelled and machine-gunned us for an hour. One of his ''heav- 
ies" dropped into a wagon-train that had just finished unload- 
ing our rations and was preparing to go back. This shell got 
twelve men, killing two and injuring the rest. Mike Cuddiby 
(from 2nd) our Mess-Sergeant, was literally riddled with shrap- 
nel, having sixteen holes in various parts of his body. He later 
died from the Flu. A bunch from the 4th platoon were string- 
ing wires this same night along a ridge near our bevies ; every- 
thing was going fine; the Tommy Sergeant was instructing. 
Suddenly several of us heard what we thought was somebody 
tapping on a taut wire ''ting-ting." We kept on asking ques- 
tions and receiving no replies, when we discovered we had been 
deserted. There at the foot of the ridge was friend Sergeant 
beseeching us to "get off the bloody ridge afore you get a 
blighty." Eealizing that the ting- tinging we heard was some- 
thing different than tapping on a taut wire, we dove into the 
shelter of the ridge. Our diving would never have won a medal 
for gracefulness. 

Things would be wonderfully quiet, when suddenly the pup- 
pup-pup of our machine guns would open up from one of the 
ridges near us; they would keep up a heavy firing for several 
minutes, then stop. Quietness for about a second, then 
"whr-r-r," as Jerry would start shelling, searching for our 
guns. Soon as our guns ceased, he would pick up his equipment 
and beat it for safer quarters, while we had to stick and take the 
gaff. A great game, you do something and I pay for your fun. 
Air battles were a daily occurrence, but we would always pile 
out to witness them, for they were exciting. A plane falling in 
flames after a game battle was lustily cheered by the men. The 
English sure had the most stoical lot of aviators; odds meant 
nothing to them. They would do what they set out to do ; if they 
didn't, down they would come, but seldom alone. I have seen 
one English plane battle with four Jerries and get away. 

Day in and day out, dusk to dark, "Stand To." Just before 



IN THE WORLD WAR 129 

dawn until it was light — ' ' Stand To. ' ' On a very misty or dull 
morning we "Stood To" longer than on bright mornings. Each 
night, rations came, details carried them up, and they were 
divided. All the boys became cooks; they made a McConackie 
(canned stew) taste like roast chicken. The eats were bully, not 
a great variety, to be sure, and some of us could have eaten more 
than received but, nevertheless, there was no kick. One morn- 
ing, the platoon sergeants were sent for and reported to B. H. Q. 
(Battalion Headquarters), where we were turned over to Tommy 
sergeants to receive instructions as to the location of our emer- 
gency trenches, a line we would occupy should we for any reason 
have to retreat. We started in our various directions. The ser- 
geant who was to guide us knew less about where we were sup- 
posed to go than I did. I knew we were somewhere near Dicke- 
busch Church. The fog was thick and the grass (knee-high) was 
soaking wet. For an hour we stumbled about, falling into shell- 
holes and wading through swamps; at last he guessed this was 
the spot. I was glad he guessed, for just about that time I was 
ready to go back to headquarters. We never used those reserve 
trenches. 

During that trip we all became well inhabitated with our pets, 
the cooties, who recognized no superior rank and bit the officers 
just as hard as they did us. At ''Stand To" July 31st we had a 
close call of losing a perfectly good raspberry-topped Corporal 
by the name of Joe Utter. No doubt he will recall his close 
shave. Joe was standing by his Lewis gun, head against the 
stock, when, crash-bang, and a second later the gun was parted 
from where it had been; a bit of shrapnel had plowed its way 
into the jacket. August 3rd after dark we had a busy night; 
ration-parties were rushed up ; M Company was relieved by the 
English outfit; we went in with the Buffs and went back to a 
support position about three hundred yards from the Bund. A 
miserable place to be quartered for there was very little room. 
They stuck us in elephant huts and in the cellar of an old 
farmhouse ; this house was surrounded by a moat, full of smelly, 
stagnant water. An elephant hut is nothing more than a half- 
circular affair of steel with heavy ribbing; on the inside they 
looked like the ribs of any large animal ; this was reinforced with 
concrete, steel railroad rails, sand bags, etc. Usually large 



130 71ST NEW YORK 

enough for fifteen men, we jammed twenty in. To add to our 
misery, it rained; that meant mud and meant that our lower 
limbs would be in a plaster cast, for Belgium mud had the happy 
faculty of sticking and staying. Our canned heat gave out but 
we had a light issue of food and all were tired. Everybody was 
in a vituperative mood. 

We had to heat our food some way. Our dubbins (waterproof 
grease used on our shoes) would burn nicely, so we wrapped this 
in burlap and cooked with that ; smoked like Hades but it threw 
heat. Bacon-grease would bum, candle scrapings, everything 
and anything that gave heat, was pressed into service. All dur- 
ing the night we were shelled but that failed to keep us 
awake. It's a great feeling to fall asleep with the sound of 
''heavies" bursting about. The ground shakes, and well, perhaps 
the next one will have your name on it. At 7 A. M. on August 
3rd we thought Hell itself had broken loose for we went through 
our first barrage and shortly after Jerry returned one. We had 
been under shell-fire, but this was a novelty. Mud flew, shrap- 
nel burst, but it wasn't one here and there; they fell row on 
row. Any troops going forward through such a storm of fire 
would have been cut to pieces. This barrage of ours was laid at 
a zero hour, at which time the Buffs went ''over the top" on a 
raid; their object being a certain brewery which Jerry had. 
They were to get prisoners. The whole thing was a surprise and 
worked beautifully; gained their objective and captured their 
prisoners. They lost heavily but got what they went after. Our 
second platoon had planned to make the raid in conjunction with 
the Buffs, but orders came through that American troops with 
the British were not to participate in raids, etc., until further 
orders. 

About 10 P. M. the same day, our relief, the 9th Norfolk, came 
in and took over. Were we glad to see them? Rather! We 
were told before we started that we had 16 miles to cover and it 
was slippery and muddy under foot and we were dead tired and 
ready to sleep standing up. The hike was one we will never 
forget. We filed out in columns of twos ; so dark that you could 
barely make out the man ahead. It rained a bit; we were wet 
and dog-tired. The hike through the mud was killing. Jerry 
shelled most of the trip out but the majority of us didn't care a 



IN THE WORLD WAR 131 

damn about shells ; we were just moving. Well, if we got hit we 
wouldn't have to hike any more. We stumbled, slipped and 
cursed most of the trip, but no one fell out. When whistles blew 
and word came down for us to halt for our customaiy ten min- 
utes rest, we simply dropped where we were and slept. At the 
end of ten minutes, word ran through the lines — "Forward, 
March." Automatically, the boys would get up and stumble on, 
sleeping as they hiked. About daybreak we came into and passed 
through the town of Poperinghe. On the outskirts in the fields 
we found that our kitchens had been brought up and the cooks 
had a piping-hot breakfast ready for us at 6 A. M. That was a 
life-saver. Tired as we were the food and bit of rest snapped 
our morale from zero to one hundred per cent.; we were ready 
to continue. About 9 A. M. we pulled into Trappist Farm where 
they gave us a day of rest. W^e took advantage of it and cleaned 
up. 

Most of us had no money, not having been paid in over two 
months. Our cigarettes were gone. A fine state of affairs, but 
thanks to Lieutenants Ross and Turner, arrangements were made 
whereby the men could borrow small amounts to procure the 
much desired weed. The following day found us still feeling 
the effects of our hike, but along towards noon a whistle sounded ; 
''M-A-I-L" yelled a sergeant. Stiffness, sore feet and all our 
troubles were forgotten. Some of the men broke Charlie Pad- 
dock's record for the 100, in their desire to get up front. Then 
back to the tents and for some time the camp was unusually still. 
Received our first batch of drafted men as replacements. We 
had had no casualties but could stand more men. They had 
been drilled a bit but not as much as we. A fine type of lads 
and willing to learn, so it wasn't long before they had shaped 
themselves and became one of us. 

The only unpleasant part of that camp site was the presence of 
a British observation balloon a short distance east of us. Jerry- 
would shell this balloon every now and then during the day; 
every time he did start breaking shrapnel about this balloon we 
would have the pleasure of listening to shrapnel and shell frag- 
ments "plopping" in the fields around us. As long as they only 
"plopped" it was 0. K., but a fellow couldn't tell when the 
sound might change to "Thump," as it found a mark on one 



132 71sT NEW YORK 

of us. After a week's stay at Trappist Farm, we packed up one 
hot morning and hiked to Hardiford. This was familiar ground 
to us for it was near Oudezeele and we had been there just be- 
fore our trip up. M Company went into billets as a company 
for, fortunately and for a change, the billeting officer found 
billets left over that would accommodate M without spreading 
us all over the country (an unusual feat for we usually received 
what was left over after the other companies had been quar- 
tered). From reports in American newspapers, France had no 
crops and was starving. From my observation, the country 
round about us produced some of the most wonderful crops I 
have ever seen ; potatoes, wheat, rye and other necessities. 

The Red Cross had headquarters in Oudezeele, so for the first 
time since our arrival we felt a touch of the home-land. They 
gave us soap, cards and many other American things we had been 
unable to get. The great shortage was smokes, cigarettes being 
at a premium (American ones as well as English). On Sunday, 
''Baldy," a sergeant from the old 2nd N. Y., and I. started on a 
tour of the surrounding country. We left camp early after 
morning mess and went to the main highway and waited for 
lorries to come along. We spent the entire day hopping lorries 
to the different towns about there, searching for cigarettes. At 
the end of the day we had traveled about 30 miles and added 
about 30 cigarettes to our supply on hand. In the English 
canteens each man is allowed so many cigarettes a day and 
there is no doubling on the line. On this trip we ran across an 
airdrome and hung around it for an hour, hoping to get a ride, 
but no such luck. The nearest I came to it was to climb in and 
get ready, when an orderly came running across the field and in- 
formed the lieutenant who was to take me up that it was 
' 'taboo " for American soldiers. 

Big doings on August 14th; we received our June pay and 
celebrated the occasion. Most of us journeyed to eat-emporiums 
and did damage to French fries and eggs ; although our food was 
excellent, a change was beneficial. M Company played several 
games of baseball, winning them all. The crack team we had in 
Spartanburg had not forgotten how to play our national pastime. 
The fighting in these games was great ; one would have thought 
we were playing for the title of the army. We beat B Company 



IN THE WOELD WAR 133 

on their own grounds and a week later Divisional Headquarters 
team became our victims to the tune of 11 to 2. We trained 
daily, rain or shine, and we had become so used to this that the 
days off weighed on our hands. One day in particular we had 
maneuvers (or they called them such). The entire regiment 
marched to a trench near Hardiford, took position, shot up a few 
signal rockets, an airplane flew overhead dropping signal flares 
(that meant nothing to us) then higher officers talked things 
over and voted the maneuvers a success, and we hiked back to 
our quarters. The hike was pleasant at any rate. 

At 7 :35 on August 21st we started one of those hikes that we 
swore would never be forgotten ; but somehow a hike comes later 
that throws the particular hike ' ' we won 't forget ' ' into the back- 
ground. The day was hot and the roads dusty and still we had 
to keep our blouses on, because Tommies hike in theirs. Every 
fifty minutes we were given ten minutes' rest, then up and at 'em 
again. Wasn't it hot! Each rest-period found it harder to get 
up and get going than the previous stop. At noon a half hour to 
pile some food down and off we go. About 3 P. M. we came to a 
halt, fell out and spent the rest of the afternoon resting up and 
waiting for night to fall, so we could move up to a position in the 
reserve. We were soaked through with perspiration and the 
thought that we had to stay in the same clothes for a week or 
two was far from refreshing. As night fell we moved forward 
but at a slow pace. Stop — go — stop — go, an occasional shell 
bursting at hand, but fortunately for us no casualties in M. We 
spent the night in deserted and tumbled-down huts and dug-outs 
in a woods southeast of Dickebusch. Jerry shelled these woods 
most of the night but never did locate us. It rained during the 
night and our already damp equipment became more damp. 
Sleep ? Few of us did for we were too tired and weary to even 
sleep. 

The following night the various companies met at a given 
junction of a road and we proceeded forward to Dickebusch 
along a railroad track. It was hard walking along these tracks 
for we slipped and stumbled over the ties; it was also difficult 
traveling on each side of the tracks on account of the sand. 
Shells landed along the route continuously. The shells at first 
caused us to drop until they exploded — then go on. We, however, 



134 71sT NEW YORK 

got tired of ducking and gave it up and took chances of getting 
hit, except when one sounded particularly close. One of these 
particular close ones was too close to be encouraging; we heard 
it and ducked. At the explosion, ''Baldy" and I could feel the 
hot breath of a fragment as it swished between us. ''Woof,'' 
said ''Baldy" — ''guess it had our address but couldn't spell our 
names." I agreed with him. Every now and then a dud came 
over, or we thought them duds, but some bright gas N. C. 0. 
had been told that gas shells failed to make a noise upon ex- 
ploding. So many duds fell that he began to scent gas, so we 
suffered. Orders came down the line to don masks. For fifty 
minutes we kept them on and almost sweated blood as we hiked. 
To sit still with a mask on is far from pleasant but worse when 
hiking. Most of us removed the mask itself but kept the nose 
and mouth piece in place. 

About 9 P. M. we pulled into Dickebusch where we felt at 
home, having been initiated in trench life in the very same 
sector, but this time we billeted in several shell-torn houses that 
had been reinforced on the inside, leaving the outside looking the 
same as when Jerry damaged them. To have repaired the out- 
side would have caused Jerry to shell them heavily. Life on this 
trip was a duplicate of our first trip in. Jerry strafed us con- 
tinuously. The trenches were just the same ; food came up every 
night and we lived the same as we did on our first trip in. Only 
difference was that we knew how to act this time. During this 
tour it rained fifty per cent, of the days ; the men were soaked 
and covered with mud, but, as was usual, their spirits ran high. 
The second day in, Bill Niece came down with a temperature and 
was sick as a pup, so he was sent back to the R. A. P. (Regi- 
mental Aid Post) for treatment. Was feeling sick myself; dizzy, 
aches in every joint and generally bad, so I reported with him. 
The Doc. there looked us over, took temperatures (mine was 
102.3) and ordered us to go back, pack up our packs and report. 
Bill felt too sick to make the trip, but somehow I managed to go 
back to my platoon, turned it over to ' ' Baldy, ' ' get Bill 's duffle 
packed and with the aid of one of the boys returned to the 
R. A. P. From there they sent us further back to the A. D. S. 
(Advance Dressing Station) where they put us through the 
same tests, but by an English Doc. this time. Bill couldn't hike, 



IN THE WORLD WAR 135 

so they put him on a stretcher carried by two Tommies. Glad I 
walked, for every time they heard a shell coming they dropped 
the stretcher and ducked. Went to another Aid Post; the Doc. 
there went through the same procedure, only this time we are 
tagged; Biirs read— '' Gas— slight " ; mine read, ''Trench fever, 
touch of gas." 

At this station we stayed for the night. In the morning they 
stuck Bill in an ambulance and away he went. (Two years later 
I met Bill in New York. He told me that after he left me he had 
some trip, ending in England, then home.) After hours of 
waiting, they informed me that the hospitals were overcrowded 
and I was to go to a D. R. C. (Divisional Rest Camp). A horse- 
ambulance took about ten of us back to the camp which was only 
a short distance from Trappist Farm. Most of us were blame 
sick, but with medical attention would soon be 0. K. Upon 
arrival at the camp, a sergeant checked our tags and assigned 
us to tents, six in a tent. No cots, ground soaked and one blanket. 
For well men this would have been fine, but for those with a 
high temperature, we considered it a raw deal and expressed 
ourselves to that effect. I, being the only sergeant present, was 
elected to see the camp C. 0. to get more blankets. Fortunately 
I had previously met the C. 0. and after explaining conditions 
he had four blankets issued to each man. Mighty poor camp, 
little medical attention and scanty rations. To add to the situa- 
tion, it rained a little every day. I stood this for a week for I 
was too weak to do much, but little by little came around so that 
when the company came out I was strong enough to return. 

Suffered our first death casuals this trip. Corporal Charlie 
Brust and an Italian chap who had been a replacement were 
killed by a H. E. (High Explosive). Charlie was a fine kid, one 
of the obsei-ving type and one who could be depended upon. 
Charlie and the wop had been instructed to take a position in 
a shell-hole out front of the line a bit and act as observers. An 
0. P. (Out Post). Here they were to spend the day. In the 
Kemmel sector the country was flat, so it was impossible for 
them to do much observing by looking over. In Spartanburg 
we had been told that a trench-mirror placed on a long stick 
would make a fine periscope in the event of necessity. Charlie 
had evidently recalled this, for he pressed his mirror into service 



136 71sT NEW YORK 

as a periscope. The mirror, flashing in the sun, caught Jerry *s 
eye and what went through his mind we shall never know; per- 
haps he thought it an advance signal post, for he dropped sev- 
eral heavies near the 0. P., one of them taking effect. On 
August 31st the Division engaged in its first attack. The attack 
was a surprise and a complete success. The boys encountered 
little opposition except from machine-gun fire which was annoy- 
ing, but caused no casualties in M. The Lewis gun crews were 
much in evidence by their recklessness, some of the bigger men 
firing from their hips. When night fell we had advanced a 
mile and occupied a section on Vierstraat Ridge. This point 
was established and most of the night was spent reconstructing. 

September 3rd we were relieved and marched to a railroad 
junction at Proen where we entrained for Doullens, but not until 
we traveled from 11 :30 P. M. to 4 A. M. in a downpour. Thirty 
men were packed in a car, so between the uncomfortable feeling 
of being soaked and so many men in a car, sleeping was impos- 
sible. This trip in Doullens they put M Company in what had 
been a convent ; during the stay there one or two sisters kept it 
in order. Received our first bit of news of our old buddy Ser- 
geant Jimmie Hoffman, now Lieutenant Hoffman. Also from 
Jamie DaCosta, another old M boy, now First-Sergeant in L 
Company, 165th. The drill field was about an hour's hike from 
our billets; first we drilled up a long hill, then down the other 
side where we spent the day drilling; our afternoon's drill would* 
be up this same hill and down the other side again. Drilling 
to us those days was play; we worked hard for we all realized 
just what it meant. Bayonet drill we once would stall through, 
but now we pitched into it with a vengeance. For eighteen days, 
days that were free from excitement, we stayed in Doullens. 
All our money had been spent on food and wine, so that when we 
pulled out on September 22nd most of us were broke. 

While in Doullens I had been detailed to Battalion Head- 
quarters as Battalion Ordnance-Sergeant. In a way I was 
pleased for it permitted me to keep off my feet, my left leg hav- 
ing gone back on me, due to old injuries and the additional 
strain of late. Hikes to me were torture, for the pain in my 
leg would not permit me to sleep and I would be all in the fol- 
lowing day. Several days of hiking would have me worn to a 



IN THE WORLD WAR 137 

frazzle. The only objection I had to going away was that it 
kept me from the boys I had soldiered with so long. My duties as 
Ordnance Sergeant were simple ; I had to have so much ammuni- 
tion on hand at all times, grenades, Lewis guns, etc., and check 
them daily. They gave me six mechanics to keep things in repair 
and no one to boss me, so I really drew my first ''cushy" job in 
the army. The company entrained at Doullens during the night 
of September 22nd and rode to Tincourt where they billeted in 
deserted bevies for a day or so before moving forward. Here 
the regiment left most of their surplus equipment, for from then 
on big things had to be accomplished. 

September 25th M relieved an English Company of the 18th 
Division B. E. F. and took position in front of the town of 
Ronssoy. The English had been unable to remove several nests 
of German machine gunners who had positions on Guillemont 
Farm and Quennemont Farm and who were causing much loss 
and were in the way of an advance, so on September 27th the 
106th Infantry with M and K of the 105th went over the top at 
daybreak to capture these positions. At zero hour, a thick haze 
hung over the fields, but as the barrage dropped the outfits swept 
forward. The haze was a big handicap ; the smoke of the shells 
bursting and mixing with the fog added to the difficulty of 
seeing. M lost its first-sergeant and two other sergeants as 
they came from their trenches. Along a sunken road Lieutenant 
Rudin went down and died where he fell, but the boys kept on ; 
the men became separated; Lieutenant Turner had gone on, 
where, nobody knew, and the fourth platoon men were with him. 
The battle raged back and forth for these positions that were 
well fortified and gallantly defended. Attacks and counter at- 
tacks raged throughout the day. As Jerry would come out to 
meet the boys, they would go into shell-holes, then reorganize 
and counter. Big Roy Ganung went ''West," shot by machine 
gun fire at the furthest point of our advance. ]\Ionks ]\Ionguzzi 
went back to get a Lewis gun that had been dropped; this act 
cost ]\Ionks his life. Little Herbert Boers went down fighting. 
The men following Lieutenant Turner reached their objective 
and passed over and far beyond, but the main body of the attack 
could not go through. Here this little body of men consolidated 
and fought it out alone. Lieutenant Turner, they say, fought 



138 71sT NEW YORK 

like a superman; he asked no quarter and gave none. Gill 
(2nd) and Mike Neary (10th) were found dead as we advanced 
two days later, but from the Germans lying around and among 
them, they gave more than they received. Jimmy Manning and 
Abe Zirt along with a new man were captured and taken to the 
rear. As Jerry swept forward to overcome this stubborn little 
garrison, they undoubtedly were surprised to find that such a 
small fighting unit could execute such damage. Their ammuni- 
tion gone, their comrades killed, these three sat down and waited 
patiently for what was in store for them. 

M 's casualties were heavy, for I saw many of our boys as they 
passed through the Aid Post at Longreues — Hasselbarger, Gus 
Herren, Matson and others whom I have forgotten. By the 
night of the 28th we established our new line and were relieved 
and the 105th went back to the supports. Old Walt Klinge, one 
of the few old timers of old M 71st, single handed broke up 
what was to have been a counter attack. He was decorated for 
this. The boys marched back to St. Emilie for the night and 
understood they were to receive a couple of days' rest, for they 
had earned it. In a heavy rain they made camp and rolled in, 
only to be pulled out early on the memorable 29th and rushed 
forward for this great battle, to act as moppers up. The shelling 
by both sides during these days was intense, Jerry continu- 
ously shelling all roads, night and day. During the night of 
the 28th tank after tank was lined up and put in condition for 
zero hour of the 29th. In front of Jerry's lines lay barbed wire 
entanglements that looked impregnable; never before had wire 
been strung so heavily, for Bony and LeCatelet were the north- 
ern strongholds of the famous St. Quentin Canal. Impossible to 
capture, was Jerry's thoughts; no human beings could get 
through these entanglements to capture the machine gun nests 
on the other side. 

At 5 :29 on September 29th our barrage fell ; heaven and earth 
were breaking up ; Hell broke loose. A barrage such as this one 
had never been heard or seen before. The ground trembled from 
the concussion of all types of artillery throwing their steel mes- 
sages of death into the German lines. Company M and 
the rest of the 105th were in support, supposedly to 
mop-up as the first wave passed on. In their excitement 



IN THE WORLD WAR 139 

and desire to get into the fight they advanced too quickly 
for soon after fire began to pour into their ranks from the rear. 
Jeriy had come up from his hole and was back-biting. The 
27th were surrounded but history fails to give credit or decora- 
tions to our Majors for Lost Battalions^, and with the aid 
of the Australians the 27th fought its way through. Prisoners 
began to pour into the rear, a sickly looking lot ; wizen and drawn 
looking of face, far from powerful looking, and they seemed 
pleased to be captured for they truly were sick of war. At day- 
break on the 30th the writer had to go up front to locate Bat- 
talion Headquarters. Rations had gone up the night before but 
the advance had been so rapid that the drivers failed to locate 
the troops. Taking a lad by the name of Morris, I started out, 
passing through St. Emelie. The road to Ronssoy was straight 
and leading to the front. Jerry was shelling this road, not heav- 
ily but heavy enough to make it very uncomfortable. About 300 
yards ahead of us two Auzzies were heading for Ronssoy. Sud- 
denly Morris and I crouched low for we heard a ''heavy" com- 
ing and it sounded close, so we ducked. As we did, the shell hit 
directly in front of the Auzzies. When we reached them, both 
were dead ; one having lost both legs, the other, part of his head 
and an arm. 

Coming into Ronssoy, at the junction of the road we found 
our Medical H. Q. D. They were dead tired for they had been 
rushed night and da}^ caring for our wounded. As we came up 
the Ronssoy road I witnessed a sight never to be forgotten. For 
miles, north and south, our artillery stood practically wheel to 
wheel, firing as rapidly as the guns could be loaded and fired. 
The smaller calibre guns in the first line ; 100 yards behind and 
wheel to wheel heavier guns; back of them, still heavier guns. 
Leaving Ronssoy behind we passed "Death Valley;" here we 
saw the havoc of war. Men, mules, horses and all matter of 
equipment lay strewn about. Such waste, human and other- 
wise! So this was the price of war. Stretcher-bearers slowly 
wended their way back towards Ronssoy, carrying their ghastly 
loads ; they were dead tired but kept on their errands of mercy ; 
never a complaint escaped their lips. 

After much searching, I finally found Headquarters, but there 
was no need sending up food for they were to be relieved that 



140 71 ST NEW YORK 

night. Late in the afternoon of the 30th, with the Germans in 
retreat, the boys rested and began souvenir hunting, collecting 
all they could lay hands on ; German pistols, watches, anything. 
George Seheussler with several others was sitting on the ground, 
talking over the events of the day, when a wiz-bang suddenly 
exploded quite some distance away. No thought was given to 
the incident as it burst so far away; it seemed harmless. Fate 
played a nasty trick, for a bit of the casing flew and struck 
George in the back. I am told he smiled and said, ''I'm hit," 
then quietly fell backwards and passed on to his Maker, with a 
smile on his face. To have passed through the dangers George 
had and come out scarless, then to be killed by a stray, seemed a 
cruel turn of fate. 

x\ll of us were as dirty as hogs and mud-caked; our under- 
clothes were black for we had not been out of them for over a 
week; w^hen rest periods came, we did very little washing, for 
any moment might bring an order to move up forward a bit. 
When our relief came in on the 30th we went back into the 
Peronne sector, Tincourt Woods, or thereabouts. Jerry had 
occupied this territory a few days before, but the only thing left 
to remind us of him was his war material scattered about. The 
territory had been occupied by him for four years and he evi- 
dently intended staying four more years. The following weeks 
were weeks of continuous hiking short distances but always 
within shell range and sound of the front. We passed through 
Bellicourt, Nauroy, Joncourt, Montbrehain, Brancourt, Fremont, 
Bohain, all of which towns had been in Jerry's hands for four 
years. The few remaining inhabitants who had been prisoners 
during the past four years received us with tears in their eyes. 
' ' Vive le American ! ' ' They had been half fed. When they ate 
our food they appreciated its superior quality. 

Coming into the town of Busigny late at night and the day fol- 
lowing its evacuation, I had a rather unpleasant experience. It 
was dark, no lights could be lit, so we scattered seeking any avail- 
able place in which to sleep. Morris and I saw a house, so walked 
in. There was a bed there but we learned that most beds were 
infested with bugs, so we rolled into ponchos and slept in a 
corner on the floor. Morris asked me, ''Do you smell anything, 
Sergeant?" "Yeh, pretty rotten, isn't it?" Nevertheless, we 



IN THE WORLD WAR 141 

went to sleep with our noses covered. Upon awakening at day- 
break we discovered the cause of the odor. On the bed in the 
room was the dead body of an old lady. How long it had been 
there, we couldn't tell, but judging from conditions, she must 
have been there for several days. We reported our find to the 
sanitaries who gave her a respectable burial. Every day it 
rained a bit and we kept moving always forward. New sleeping 
quarters every night; any place with overhead covering was 
acceptable. Rumors always floating — ''Going sixty miles back 
and rest for thirty days," etc. We moved, all right, for along 
toward 8:30 on the 16th orders came through to move up and 
relieve the 30th Division, on LeSelle River. Most of M had 
rolled in for the night but they sprung up and in a very short 
time packs were rolled, wagons loaded and off they went. On 
the 16th Ernie Dames and Al Loeffler, sergeants of old M 71st, 
received their appointments to attend the 0. T. S. 

At 4 A. M. our barrage was laid and continued for hours be- 
fore the attack; then along toward daybreak, LeSelle River was 
stormed, the river forded and the heights beyond on the verge 
of falling. The battle raged all day of the 17th in a drizzling 
rain, the heights falling the following day. Jonc de mer Ridge 
fell before our assault. The Ridge in our possession, the St. 
Maurice River lay before us and a hard nut to crack. For two 
days, the 19th and 20th, our artillery pounded, our machine- 
guns poured unending streams of lead across and the Infantry 
attacked, but failed to cross until late in the afternoon of the 
20th. Jerry 's defense was wonderful but the undaunted courage 
of the men of the 27th finally broke his morale and he fled. Our 
casualty list ran heavy but those killed were few. Honest John 
Kelly, Jack DeBoess and Stish Stevenson were wounded. At one 
time casuals were coming back in such large numbers that the 
Supply Company was formed and was prepared to go into the 
lines. On the 21st after five days of continuous fighting we were 
relieved. Each man had done his bit and captured his share of 
prisoners. Some had done more conspicuous things than others; 
captured machine-gun nests single handed; but they never re- 
ceived mention for these deeds^ let alone Congressional Medals, 
yet word came to us of a sergeant in a draft outfit from Ten- 
nessee being awarded the highest military medal for conspicu- 



142 71sT NEW YORK 

ous bravery in action. He had done no more than some of our 
boys. From the time of our relief until the 24th when we landed 
in Roisel, the town we were to entrain from, we hiked. We 
averaged 15 miles per day; two of the days it rained and was 
very cold. We slept where we could, washed very little and 
stayed filthy very comfortably. 

On the 25th M entrained and pulled out of Roisel, waiting 
down the tracks for the other Battalions and troops to entrain 
and load. The supply train had orders to be at a siding at 5 :30. 
Reporting on time, we found things not ready for us. It was 
cold, so several of us lit a fire, sat around and watched the traffic 
as it crossed and recrossed the road passing over the tracks. We 
were sitting about 100 yards away, when suddenly we heard a 
sis-s-s and the ground trembled and the crossing started Heaven- 
ward. At that place there was a lorry with six men heading 
south, in front a water-wagon drawn by two horses ; going north, 
a motorcycle and side-car. The lorry rose up, standing on its 
rear wheels, the water-wagon and horses were lifted and thrown 
about forty feet, while the motorcycle was thrown to one side. 
The driver and helper of the lorry did not receive a scratch, 
but the lorry was buried in debris. All of the men were dug out 
unharmed except one who was dead. Both horses and driver of 
the water-wagon were instantly killed, while the motorcycle and 
driver were unharmed. Whether the Germans had left a delayed 
mine or some other contrivance behind we never found out, but 
we did realize what it would have meant had a troop train been 
passing over at the time of the explosion. 

On the night of the 26th after many delays we pulled into 
Corbie, piled out, unloaded and hiked to the town of Dewars (or 
Deours) . The hike was made after nightfall, so our billets were 
not inspected the night of our arrival. The day following our 
arrival we had to ourselves. Clothing and equipment were 
washed and the cooties removed from our shirts, and we slowly 
returned to our normal selves. Our ranks were much thinner, 
but every day or so one of the old timers returned from the hos- 
pital and gradually M began to look like its former self. There 
were twenty old faces missing that would never pass in review 
again, but somehow circumstances caused us to overlook their 
absence. We missed them more after returning home and losing 



IN THE WORLD WAR 143 

the barbaric conditions we lived under. Each day was identical 
with the previous one ; we drilled a bit, played a little and every 
night had a bit to drink. Most of the days were cold, so bathing 
became a once-a-week affair, for taking a bath in the cold wind 
was far from pleasant. Received some more pay while in 
Deours, so once again the boys smoked and ate French fries and 
eggs for a change. 

On November 11th about 11 A. M. we heard the rat-ta-tat-tat 
of a drum; the inhabitants of the town came running from all 
directions and gathered about an old man who stood very quiet 
until everybody in the vicinity had gathered about; then 
he announced (in French) that the war was over. Germany 
had signed a truce. Not a sound was made when he finished. 
The women cried, the old men sniffed, then bedlam broke loose ; 
everybody hugged everybody else. Suddenly bells began ring- 
ing, artillery began firing, causing most of us to look up, ex- 
pecting an air raid; not seeing anything we began to wonder 
what all this excitement was about. "Yive la American, tres 
bon" — and a free drink to America. Smoly-hokes, some- 
thing must have happened. Our bugles blew Assembly and we 
rushed to our respective commands and fell in. It was then we 
learned the cause for the Froggies' hilarity. Whip (Captain 
Whipple) announced to the company that Peace had been de- 
clared. Fine, grExVT — but little cheering — ' ' Mineola ! ' ' 
shouted one lad. "When do we go home?" 

That night I started on a seven-day leave. I had drawn two 
months' pay and won some money rolling the African Dominoes, 
so was flush and Paris my next stop. Bade the boys good-bye 
and with Corporal Cusson (2nd) hiked and lorried to Amiens, 
where we found the town had gone mad with the news of 
Peace; fireworks going off, lights lit and everybody making 
merry. Arriving in Paris about 5 A. M. we checked in to the 
M. P. 's and were granted a twelve-hour pass until our train for 
St. Malo. Paris too was Peace crazy; everybody was happy 
and all showed it. Personally I had such a bully time that I 
had to duck the M. P. 's all the next day until I could catch the 
train to the leave area. While in Dinard received orders that 
instead of reporting back to Amiens I was to proceed to Bouloir 
(105th H. Q,) in the Le Mans area. Arriving there found I 



144 71sT NEW YOKK 

was three days ahead of the outfits, so hiked and rode to where 
the Division Headquarters was to be. Coming into town I ran 
into Captain Potter. We looked things over, gathered informa- 
tion from some men of Divisional H. Q., then seeing about twelve 
Fords lined up picked one out for the 105th and rode back to 
Bouloir where we billeted. A day before the arrival of the out- 
fits I went to La Roush with the billeting officer and selected the 
billets that were to be for M Company. My command of French 
though poor sufficed to win me a bed in the home of an old 
French couple with whom I lived for my entire stay in the 
LeMans area. 

From November 23rd until February when we left for Brest 
we lived like kings. Had regular drill schedules but the officers 
took the men out into secluded spots and drills were called off 
until recall when we marched back to our billets. Inspections 
held daily but inspection by the Major on Saturdays was en- 
joyed by us all, for there was intense competition among the 
four companies of the Battalion, M Company winning most of 
them. (Yells from I, K and L!) One day we received word 
that General Pershing was to review us. Much hustle and bustle 
cleaning equipment for the big event. We marched to Cam- 
paigne, a field near Le Mans, and about 12 miles distance, in 
little over three hours, and, as was usual, we simply stood up for 
hours until the General arrived on the scene; then hours of 
standing at attention while he inspected the Division. It's fine 
being inspected by your General but it's no fun. In February 
they began giving us what they called Embarkation Inspection ; 
we would march to a field, lay out our equipment, then some 
officer we had never seen before would check us up. Checking 
up consisted mostly of a brisk walk up one line and down the 
next. If a man was short anything, the front rank passed it to 
the rear rank and vice versa. One day our barrack-bags ap- 
peared on the scene ; but only the bags ! The contents had been 
removed — no doubt by some of the hard working, long-range 
snipers from the S. 0. S. and other back- area units. 

One day in February we packed up, full packs, and hiked in a 
downpour to the railroad near Le Mans and started what was 
to be our last train journey in France. Heading for Brest was 
the rumor, and for once the rumor was correct. They packed 



IN THE WORLD WAR 145 

forty men in a car and in some cars more, but heading for home, 
we should worry. We rode all night, the next day and the night 
following. The second morning, bright and early, we had our 
first glimpse of the ocean. ''Mineola!" was the cry set up. 
There was much going ahead and stopping, but finally we came 
to a dead stop. ''All Out!" and away we went to the famous 
mud-camp at Brest. Big improvement since last we saw it. 
Tents with floors ; Y. M. C. A. and K. C. huts, and shops of all 
kinds graced the road, but the camp still boasted of the mud 
that made it famous. The day we arrived it was cold and 
gloomy, but our spirits ran so high weather conditions were 
forgotten. We marched to the extreme end of the camp where 
they assigned us our tents. The last time we had been under 
canvas our company streets had been wide and dry even in wet 
weather, but here the streets were narrow and we had to walk 
on duck-boards to keep from becoming buried in the mud. At 
mess time we had to fall in, march half a mile, line up and pass 
through stiles and pass the counter where you held out your 
mess-kit in which they splashed your ration. After this act you 
wended your way into a large hall with high tables from which 
you ate. Finishing, you passed through another turn-stile, de- 
posited any refuse into cans set aside for that purpose, then 
passed to the washing stands where your equipment was cleaned. 
The day after our arrival we had little time to ourselves. 
First we fell in for fatigue and general policing; then a hike in 
the rain to the farthest end of camp where we waited our turn 
to receive physical inspection and examination for cooties; they 
even gave us a bath and an exchange of underwear and other 
clothing urgently necessary. This procedure continued for two 
days, until we were all tired of undressing and dressing to show 
ourselves (like so many horses at auction) to some Iodine Slinger. 
Two days in camp and then orders that on the following day 
we were to embark and sail for home. That was a fine rumor; 
most of us failed to believe it, for hadn't the men at Brest told 
us that they usually held incoming troops there for at least ten 
days. For once, in all the time we served in France, a rumor 
came true, for the following day we packed up and hiked back 
over the same road we had come over just about nine months 
before. It was a bleak, cold day, the day we left our camp in 



146 71sT NEW YORK 

France, and while passing through Brest a heavy cold wind- 
driven rain began to fall which soon soaked us through. We had 
to be carried by lighters to the Leviathan and each lighter could 
only carry about two to three hundred men. M, being the last 
company in line, had to patiently wait its turn. Standing for 
hours in a cold rain waiting our turn to board the ship was nerve 
taxing but I failed to hear a complaint. Slowly we worked our 
way to the shelter of the dock and there received the numbers 
of our sleeping quarters. For another hour we patiently waited, 
but under shelter this time, where we could get hot drinks from 
the K. of C. and the Y. M. C. A. booths. 

Finally, in the later afternoon, M piled into the lighters and 
away we went. Pulling alongside the Leviathan we had to 
crawl through an opening that let us into the bowels of this 
giant liner. As we crawled through, sailors directed us to our 
quarters. We did little wondering about the ship for most of 
us were dog-tired and dripping wet. After resting and getting 
some food we felt better. About eight o'clock a call was sent 
out for volunteers to load the coal. The sooner the bunkers are 
filled, the sooner we would start home. Every man stepped 
forward, names were taken, reliefs made, and once again the 
105th became stevedores. How the boys did work ! They flew in- 
to the job the same as they did into Jerry. They passed coal all 
night long and part of the next day, until all the barges were 
empty and the bunkers filled; then we removed from our body 
and clothes as best we could the signs of our labors. The trip 
back was lacking in excitement of any kind. We played cards, 
visited our friends in the various companies and did everything 
possible to speed up the time that was weighing so heavily on 
our hands. It was calm most of the home trip but on the fifth 
or sixth day out we ran into a heavy storm which caused severe 
discomfort to some of the poor sailors among us. 

At 2 A. M. on March 7th the writer was pulled out of his 
bunk to do a trick of guard for two hours. Guard now simply 
meant that each compartment had to have a sergeant always 
awake in the event of any unforseen incident happening. Fin- 
ishing my trick at 4 A. M., I woke my relief sergeant and saun- 
tered up on deck. It was a wonderful morning to be on the 
deck of an ocean liner; it was cold but refreshing and we were 



IN THE WORLD WAR 147 

heading into a strong head-wind. The sailors were beginning 
their early morning duties, ropes and chains being straightened 
and decks scrubbed. The first sign of dawn was beginning to 
show itself in the East; firsts a faint sign of light, then gradu- 
ally from gray the sky-line began to take on a faint pink and 
soon after touches of orange began to herald the approach of 
the sun. Over the starboard side I began to imagine 1 saw a 
broken outline of something standing against the sky-line. As 
the light became brighter, this outline began to stand out more 
prominently. Whoops! Land! And I bolted below to in- 
form the boys. I wasn't the only one aboard who had seen 
land for the cry passed through the entire ship. A few came 
on deck but many of them thought more of sleeping than the 
sight of land. When passing the Ambrose Lightship, our decks 
were crowded with men who shouted their greetings in response 
to the whistles and waving from the lighter boats which began 
coming out to meet us and escort us in. By the time the Leviathan 
poked her nose into the narrows, the men on board had taken 
up every position that would afford a view; they were in the 
rigging, on the giant freight booms, they were everywhere they 
could get a foothold ; the port-holes outlined happy faces. Each 
and every one of us were straining our eyes to be the first to 
see dear old Liberty, to gaze once again on the skyscrapers we 
knew so well. 

As we crept up to quarantine small craft loaded with wel- 
comers began to poke their way through the early morning mist. 
Upon nearing the Battery, what a sight ! The harbor was packed 
with boats of all kinds and each boat packed to capacity. Whis- 
tles shrieked, flags waved. The faster boats came alongside and 
anxious people with uplifted faces called, asking if so and so 
was there. Excursion boats with bands playing the familiar 
airs ; airs that we had marched away to. The shores were lined ; 
skyscrapers extended their welcome. What a sight — 
WHAT A welcome! At first we failed to respond, we felt 
something within us that we couldn 't understand ; a lump rising 
in our throats, a tugging at the heart-string. More and more 
boats sailed out, more bands began to play, but the band that 
struck up ''Hail, Hail, the Gang's All Here" received a frigid 
silence. The gang wasn't all there, and at just such a time as 



148 71sT NEW YORK 

this the tune was unappreciated. Tugs came out and slowly the 
Leviathan was warped into her berth at Hoboken. No time was 
lost; we were unloaded soon as the gang-planks could be laid, 
and away we went. The K. of C. — Salvation Army and Y. M. 
C. A. tried to out-do each other. They fed us, gave us candy, 
cigarettes and even handkerchiefs. We were loaded on to fer- 
ries and taken to Long Island City where we entrained for 
Camp Upton. My, such a greeting — the ferry-house was 
jammed; the lane to our train was lined with wives, sweethearts, 
friends and the curious; they gave us everything they had; 
gum, candy, anything we asked for we received. Then we were 
loaded on trains, real trains, two men to a seat, soft seats. Some 
difference between these and our 40 Hommes 8 Cheval. It was 
dark when we reaehed Camp Upton but we felt at home, for 
this wasn 't the first time we had made camp in the dark. They 
assigned us to barracks; each man had a cot and so we spent 
our first night in the old U. S. When things were straightened 
out a bit there was a general scramble for a telephone booth, for 
we N. Y. boys had families who needed a bit of hello-ing. 

The morning following our arrival we were marched away to 
the de-lousing baths. As we entered we were handed a barrack- 
bag in which we stuffed our clothes, then turned them in to be 
placed in the high-pressure steam furnaces which killed any 
vermin or their eggs that might be in the clothes. We then 
adjourned to the showers for the first real hot bath we had in 
months, with no time limit. Next on the list was to retrieve 
our clothes and dress. Any clothing that was torn or unserv- 
iceable could be exchanged at the Q. M. in the dressing room. 
No man was to leave camp without permission for the M. P.'s 
would stop you. Yes? The M. P.'s didn't stop us, and personally 
I think it very wise on their part that they didn't. Formations 
consisted of Reveille, when a roll check was made. The attend- 
ance was fair. March 26th we entrained at Mineola and came 
into the 71st Regiment Armory in preparation for the parade 
on March 27th. Those who lived in New York were permitted 
to sleep at home ; the others spent the night at the armory. 

Early Tuesday, March 27th, a beautiful day but entirely too 
hot for parading in full equipment, found the various units of 
the 27th in their respective places in the side streets of lower 



IN THE WORLD WAR 149 

New York. The parade was to start at 9 o'clock sharp. It did, 
but M, after hours of restless waiting, started at 11 :15. Orders 
were to hike for twenty-five minutes and rest five. All New York 
seemed to be present; the streets, every available window and 
other places of vantage were utilized. The reception tendered 
us was wonderful but none of us cared a hang for parading. 
Such heat — it was Hell ! The streets threw hot breath back into 
our faces and we received no rest ; then they double timed us for 
five or six blocks ; quick time for four blocks, then more double 
time. Men began to fall out in a dead faint, yet no rest. From 
8th Street to about 100th Street we received no rest, then as 
troops began to clog about 116th Street and the streets below to 
110th Street, where General O'Ryan reviewed us, they had to 
bring us to a halt. We had lost all interest in parades by that 
time for we were absolutely fagged out. People showered us 
with fruit, candy, gum ; anything they had they threw to us. 

After the parade we were put on trains and taken back to 
the 71st Armory and dismissed until the following day when we 
entrained and went to Camp Upton. There we stayed four days, 
turned in equipment and government property, received our 
final medical examination, checked up all company paper-work 
and on April 1st, 1919, they handed us our discharges, gave us 
our final pay and $60 as a present and we became civilians once 
again. No one to order you about, no more details, no more 
anything except to try and readjust one's self to conditions 
enjoyed by civilians. 



REMINISCENCES OF A CAPTAIN 

By Major Raymond F. Hodgdon 

There was no sleep for anyone in camp that night and each 
succeeding day saw four more companies depart. Many officers 
from our old regiment were present to see us off and there were 
many wives and sweethearts, somewhat stunned by the sudden 
change of events. Those poor wives! I close my eyes and can 
see their tear-stained faces as they were that day when we 
marched out of camp. I can also picture the battlefields where 
I last saw their loved ones, many of them old friends. I can see 
their death-blue faces, their glassy eyes staring at me and those 
awful shell-torn bodies twisted in every conceivable position, or 
blown in every direction. It is not very pleasant to run across 
and recognize the severed leg or arm of a comrade, for one ex- 
pects any moment to find his head. 

* * * 

The bunk arrangement below decks for the men was an in- 
tricate affair and appeared like a maze until it had been studied 
and gone over a few times. The food was excellent and though 
the men received only two meals a day, they were well satisfied, 
a condition which I had never known to exist before and only 
once since; that was after an advance and our mess sergeant 
had received rations for 176 men when we had only 49 left to 

feed. 

* * * 

The weather was ideal and we spent most of the day lolling 
about the decks. There was no excitement the first half of our 
voyage, except now and then a man lost his hat overboard, when 
his comrades would beat him over the head until he found a sock 
or something to pull over his ears. We were wearing campaign 
hats and under the circumstances I thought the men who lost 
theirs were small in number. However, the Colonel thought 

160 




Top: Overlooking the Bund, Diekebusch Lake. 
Bottom: 105tli Infantry at Doiillens. 



71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 151 

otherwise and issued an order that if it continued, the Company 
Commander concerned would be tried — or words to that effect. I 
do not know under what Article of War the charges could have 
been drawn up but as the Colonel lost his own hat the next day 
we heard no more of the matter until the following afternoon, 
when our daily paper aboard ship, "The Lee Rail" published 
these few lines : 

Doughboy, Doughboy, hang on to your hat, 

Whatever else betide. 
For should you lose it overboard 

Your Captain will be tried. 
But should the Colonel lose his hat — Apple sauce. 



To a land lubber the engine room of an ocean liner is a maze. 
Gigantic driving wheels were jumping up and down and in and 
out until we were sure at least one of them would hit us. I was 
afraid to put out my hand for fear of getting mixed up in the 
machinery and in that short half hour I saw more submarines 
than there could possibly be in the whole German Navy. It was 
terribly hot and noisy and we nodded now and then to a fifteen- 
minute description, of which I heard not a word for my mind 
was too busy with the U-boats. Ducking through a low, narrow 
archway, we came into the boiler room — where men stripped to 
undershirts and blue jeans fed coal into the furnaces at the rate 
of seven shovelsful every two minutes. I take my hat off to 
these stokers, heroes unseen, mostly unthought of, who, if we 
were torpedoed, would surely die like rats in a trap. 

TP TP W 

One day a general stopped an army driver and asked what he 
had on his wagon — the load looked as though a large family was 
moving out. 

''Officers' bedding rolls. Sir," answered the driver. 

*'Who owns the top one?" 

"Lieutenant Callahan, Sir." 

"Throw it off and leave it by the roadside." 

The General then departed, most likely to superintend the 
packing of his several trunks. That bedding roll looked like the 
outfit of a piano salesman. However, the striker who packed it 



152 71sT NEW YORK 

had watched the proceedings with the General and somehow or 
other it arrived at its destination 0. K. I have heard that when 
the lieutenant was wounded, months later, his mountainous bed- 
ding roll followed him safely to a hospital in England. The 
lieutenant may have had a wonderful striker or perhaps he was 
just plain lucky. My bedding roll, down to regulation size and 
weight, had been lost three times, pilfered twice (that's how it 
became ''regulation") and I finished my third month of exist- 
ance Over There with only a toothbrush and a handkerchief. 
The only articles of clothing I had then were those required by 
law and civilization. 



In a small town in Belgium I entered a shop and asked the 
woman back of the counter (who, by the way, spoke English) for 
some tooth paste. She handed me a tube about the size of a 
cigarette, so I said: 

"Two, please; how much?" 

"Two francs-fifty each." 

It was near the end of the month and I was all but broke. 
Five francs meant half of my bank roll, but there were enlisted 
men of my own regiment present and I didn't care to appear 
cheap, so digging for my last ten francs, I gave her a weak smile 
(the Old Hawk!) and said: 

"Rather dear, isn't it?" 

She shrugged her shoulders and replied : 

"Officer, plenty money," 

* * * 

This was the first and last chance we officers had to examine 
our trunks, so we opened them forthwith. Here and there a 
"chink" wearing a childish grin — and pajamas — would stroll in 
and stand around our opened trunks and if he saw anything 
which interested him it was examined very carefully. They were 
as quick as lightning and though we watched them closely, many 
a valuable article disappeared in the twinkle of an eye. Occa- 
sionally an officer would offer a cigar or some cigarettes; im- 
mediately the grin disappeared, a greedy hand snatched the 
smoke and then the "chink" would grin and stroll on. Our 
boys were "on to" these fellows, however, and a Yank actually 



IN THE WORLD WAR 153 

sold a useless watch to one of tliem. I hope it was the "chink" 
who pinched my flash-light. 



A question arose during our stay in France, and at least one 
American newspaper took it up and invited Yank soldiers to 
send in their views as to whether French girls were more at- 
tractive than American girls. My advice to any American who 
is in doubt on this subject is to "See America First." 

* * «= 

The average layman thinks a striker is a soldier who cleans 
an officer's boots, but he is far from correct. A striker is a 
soldier who is detailed to look after an officer's things, and on 
the battle-field he takes care of the officer. In order to do both 
of these jobs well he must be an efficient soldier and whenever 
an officer is found dead on the battlefield there is generally an 
enlisted man dead or wounded lying near him — that's the 
striker. 

* # * 

There were two dining-rooms for officers at B. H. Q. ; one was 
in the dugout and the other was up "on top." Luncheon was 
generally served "on top" when the Boche artillery would per- 
mit it but it didn't appear as though he would stand for it that 
day (evidently having been notified of my arrival) for there 
was any amount of harassing fire going on and some of these 
shells came mighty close. Eventually a fellow can judge when 
a shell is about to hit nearby and many times during that meal 
an officer would stop in the act of raising his cup to listen — 
and then I would hear it coming — whmmmmmmmm — Bang! 

"Where did that one go, Sergeant-Major?" 

"Well over, Sir." 

That meal was a terrible ordeal for me and a hundred times 
at least I cursed my too vivid imagination. They opened the 
agony with soup but it w^as too loose for my kind of spoon, so I 
passed. Next came some fish^ which I managed to swallow, bones 
and all. I assured them I didn't care for meat and potatoes but 
I buttered some bread — and my fingers — cut it into small pieces, 
and when nobody was looking I tossed a piece into my mouth. 
They had beer, lime juice and Scotch whiskey and I took the 



154 71sT NEW YORK 

Scotch, after which I was able to drink my coffee without spilling 
over half of it. The British officer lives fine even on the front 
line, and I was glad I had brought my striker along, for he 
picked up some points regarding "Cooking under difficulties" 
which did not appear in our cook book. 



At that time British officers were new to me, and though no 
one could be treated with more consideration than I was, still 
I could not feel at home. I imagine it was their quiet reserve 
which made me feel a little uncomfortable for I have always 
been strong for a good laugh, even at B. H. Q. The Medical 
Officer was a man after my own heart and I believe he surmised 
my feelings for with many a joke or witty story he soon had 
me at my ease. He was almost an American, that M. 0., and I 
hoped^ but never expected, to see him again after my few days 
in the line with the British. He was soon to rejoin his cavalry 
regiment somewhere near the coast, while I was bound for the 
Lord knows where. Several months later I was on the front seat 
of an ambulance, bound for a British hospital, when I spied him 
standing on a street corner. He saw me at the same time and 
we both waved. I was the only patient and the lady driver 
pulled up to the curb and I stepped out to greet him. 

There we stood on a busy street corner in Abbeville, the 
faultlessly dressed Britisher and the dirty, muddy, bandaged 
and I must acknowledge ''lousy" Yank. I was mighty glad to 
see him and from the grip he gave me I think it was mutual. 
What a big, handsome chap he was, somewhat addicted to the 
ladies, but who could blame him — he was heart-free and I have 
no doubt in his own set back home he was much petted and 
spoiled by those selfsame ladies. 

# * * 

In years to come many a mother will save up her pennies to 
search France for her boy's grave and many of them will search 
in vain, for one shell of medium calibre will obliterate a grave 
forever. However, we are seldom obliged to bury a man in the 
front line. After an advance^ details are sent out to gather the 
dead, graveyards established and as well taken care of as any 
back home but of course we have no impressive headstones. A 



IN THE WORLD WAR 155 

quiet spot in Flanders marks the resting place of a beloved offi- 
cer of our regiment, the first to go " sorry "^ — Lieutenant-Col- 
onel Morris N. Liebmann, killed in action, 4th August, 1918 — 
R. I. P. On his left rests a lieutenant and on his right a private. 



During the day a young lady visited the people with whom I 
was billeted and I noticed on her waist a miniature pair of U. S. 
crossed rifles and, as she spoke English, I took the liberty of 
asking her regarding this ornament. She told me her brother 
was a Y. M. C. A. worker and that he taught French to the 
soldiers at Camp Wadsworth, Spartanburg, S. C. For several 
months that chap was within forty feet of my tent in that south- 
ern camp, and now I met his sister in a small village in Northern 
France, not very far from the Boche front line. 

w * * 

The Bund around Dickebusch Lake gave it the appearance of 
a bowl and though it was shelled day and night by the Boche, 
one could move in comparative safety by hugging the inner 
rim. 

After passing the eastern edge of the lake, we found ourselves 
in the open and the guide led us along a battered narrow-gauge 
railroad which the Boche at the time was shelling. Every few 
minutes machine gun bullets would come zipping over and we 
were forced to hug the ground. However, from this point I had 
little or no trouble hugging the ground for I was always falling 
into a shell hole or just crawling out. Sad to relate, many of 
these shell holes had cold, cold water in them; in fact, I think 
all of them did. We were nearing Ridge Wood, in the center 
of which company headquarters was located, and on the eastern 
edge was that part of the front line which was to interest me 
for the next few days. 

* * * 

We were challenged by a sentry at company headquarters: 

''Hew are Yew?" 

My guide answered, ''Norfiks" — (Norfolk Battalion). 

The blanket over the entrance was moved slightly. I ducked 

^ Killed— died. 



156 71sT NEW YORK 

my head, stepped inside and nearly fainted. In a chair facing 
the door sat a Tommy, whose face in the candle light was the 
color of slate. His eyes were glassy and he was dirt from head 
to foot. He had been buried by a trench mortar shell and almost 
suffocated before his comrades could dig him out. The M. 0. 
also found he was injured internally. Just as I stepped inside 
company headquarters a big shell exploded outside and soon 
there was a call for stretcher bearers. Two machine gun officers 
had been hit; one lost his right leg and the other lost his life. 
It looked like a busy evening for the M. 0. 

We were about fifty yards from headquarters when some- 
thing whizzed by the back of my neck so close I felt the breeze 
of it. When I questioned my companion regarding this, he 
laughed and said, "Somebody must be throwing stones at us." 
Perhaps it was ''three shots for a nickel" but at any rate I 
prayed that sniper wouldn't win a cigar for any work he might 
perform on me. 

* * * 

It is an intricate problem to feed a company in the line. In 
Flanders our kitchens were at times eight and ten miles back of 
the line. Each morning the mess-sergeant who remained with 
the kitchen was informed of the actual trench strength of each 
platoon. After the food was cooked it was placed in burlap bags, 
tied with a platoon number, and at night it was brought to 
B. H. Q., on limbers. The company ration parties carried from 
B. H, Q. to company headquarters where the supply sergeant 
distributed to the platoons. After a trip of this description in 
a burlap bag, food is often in poor condition and of course it is 
cold. Generally, threads of burlap hung to each article of food, 
but we became accustomed to giving our victuals a ''hair-cut 
and shave" before using. Sometimes a shell would hit in the 
midst of a ration party and when the remainder arrived at com- 
pany headquarters, three or four men and an equal number of 
bags would be missing and somebody would be S. 0. L.,^ for no 
more food could be brought up until the next night. 

* * * 
^ Soldier out of luck. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 157 

A company commander in the front line gets little or no rest 
for he is up all night writing reports or visiting his line, and 
it is generally 8 or 9 A. M. before he can lay down for a 
few hours. By this time, however, the battalion commander has 
been up for an hour or so, shaved and had breakfast, and like- 
wise the regimental commander^ who begins to ''raise Cain" 
over the 'phone with the battalion commander. Possibly the 
brigade commander has been ''sticking pins" into the regimen- 
tal commander; at any rate, B. H. Q. gets the buzzer working 
to company headquarters and this continues throughout the day. 
Between these outbursts a captain manages to get in about three 
hours' sleep in fifteen-minute snatches. About ten P. M. the 
regimental commander lays his weary head upon his pillows, 
thoroughly satisfied the brigade commander is after his "scalp" 
and that the company commanders in the front line are ' ' laying 
down" on their jobs. 

* * * 

In many places the parapet had been worn or shot away and 
the Jerry snipers watched these spots like hawks. At night 
they trained machine guns on them and a shot came cracking 
over every minute or two, followed by a short burst. We tried 
on many occasions to patch up these bad spots but every morn- 
ing Jerry came over, flying low, and if he noticed any repairs 
he would signal his artillery and in ten minutes the place was 
worse than before. However, with the aid of camouflage, we 
worked elsewhere. 

* * * . 

The Boche sent up some wonderful lights — rockets and flares 
and golden rain — and made no-man's land as bright as day. It 
was over an hour before we could move on and it was nearing 
daylight when we an^ived at our own company headquarters. 
We had some close shaves along our own line — just missing one 
Boche patrol — and from running in a crouched position I ached 
from head to foot. There is no doubt war is a young man's 
game — d — n young. 

* * * 

A British officer told me of a chum who sat on the parapet in 
the front line while a sniper took a hasty shot at him : Ping — 



158 71sT NEW YORK 

''I wonder if he is shooting at me!" Ping — *'I believe he is." 
Ping — another officer's name added to the casualty list. 



Eleven P. M. found us ready. The men had taken what cover 
was available and I had gathered some newspapers and was 
trying to read. Promptly at zero hour down came our barrage, 
followed immediately by hundreds of warning lights over the 
Boche lines, and then down came his counter barrage. What a 
hellish din it was! There is no describing it. Trench mortar, 
gas H. V.,^ shrapnel, aerial darts, rifle grenades — every conceiv- 
able kind and size of death dealing projectile landed north, east, 
south and west of that bungalow. In less than five minutes I 
wished from the bottom of my heart I had taken the British cap- 
tain 's advice and taken to the trench, for I felt sure they couldn't 
miss forever — even if they tried. 

* * * 

Two platoons were quartered on the west side of Dickebusch 
Lake just outside the Bund. They were subject to some shell 
fire occasionally but were otherwise comfortable and safe. The 
other two platoons were quartered in ditches and bivies near 
company headquarters which was situated about 600 yards south 
of the Lake. After leaving the edge of Dickebusch Lake, a 
narrow trail leads south to company headquarters and from 
dusk to dawn this trail was swept by machine gun fire and shells. 
Every night someone was hit for there was no way of out judging 
those machine guns and there was no use of ducking. One gun 
zip-zipped its bullets along the top of the ground while another 
sent them over at the height of a man's chest, so we trusted in 
the Lord and hiked through it. 

* * * 

Our company pitched their pup tents in a field and dug 
in. The farmer who owned the field did not want us there and 
his wife felt the same way and took pains to let us know it. Of 
course nobody would care to have his best pasture dug up but 
this was war and as I had received orders to dig in, the farmer 
was S. 0. L. These people knew they would be reimbursed for 

*High Velocity. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 159 

any damage done and their only reason for howling was to fore- 
stall any arguments regarding the large and somewhat unrea- 
sonable claim for damages they would eventually present and 
Uncle Sam would pay. One farmer, on being told soldiers would 
camp on his land the next day, hitched up his plow, ran a few 
furrows and presented a claim for a crop of vegetables. That's 
patriotism for you with a vengeance. 

* * * 

The Boche was a methodical old geezer and generally had good 
reason for anything he did or did not do. I do not know what 
his reason was for not shelling Cassel but he never did to my 
knowledge. Perhaps the Kaiser intended using it for a sum- 
mer home after the war. 



The Boche did some very strange things. There was a certain 
cross-road in Flanders which he shelled at the same hour every 
day and never at any other time. If troops arrived near this 
place around the strafing hour they sat down and waited until 
the ''show'* was over and then moved on in comparative safety. 

* * * 

I remember seeing in a magazine an etching by some American 
artist, showing the low hanging archway one must pass under 
before entering the square in Cassel. Many times I have passed 
under it but never noticed its beauty until this American put 
it on paper. I suppose during my stay in France I passed many 
such beauty spots unnoticed which, under ordinary circum- 
stances, would have given me a thrill. However, after being 
over there beyond the gold stripe period and in action a few 
times, I found the only thing that could thrill me was the sight 
of the Statue of Liberty, backed by taU buildings. 

* * * 

The last time I visited Cassel and the hotel I sat at a table 
near the window where I could view the surrounding country 
and as I gave my order I became aware of a conversation taking 
place just back of mine. It was between an Australian and a 
big Tennessean, and if anyone is in doubt as to the unity of 
the Blue and the Gray that conversation would have furnished 



160 71sT NEW YORK 

him with an earful. The Digger asked: ''Say, Sammy, how 
many troops do yon chaps expect to have in France by next 
winter?" 

"Now, look-a-yere, Digger — don't call us Sammies^ — it don't 
sound grown up." 

"Well, old top, what do you call yourselves?" 

"Wa-al, I don't guess we're nothin' 'cept Americans, though 
some call us Yanks. ' ' 

"I understood you chaps from the Southern part didn't like 
the name of Yank. ' ' 

"Wa-al, we fought that mattah out between ourse'ves and to 
our own satisfaction some years back and I guess if the Presi- 
dent of the United States cain stand for it, it won't hurt me 
none. Anna-how don't call us Sammies. Mile., encore cham- 
pagne." 

* * * 

We practiced sending and receiving all different kinds of re- 
ports and it reminded me of a conversation I had with a French 
officer back in the States. We were talking of the constant flow 
of orders and "red tape." These orders, emanating from divi- 
sion, brigade, regimental or battalion headquarters, are the line 
officer 's nightmares and hardly a day goes by which does not see 
at least one of them from one of the above H. Q.s. One may 
come from the office of the division commander stating that 
something or other which has happened of late must cease at 
once. The brigade commander tacks on the information that it 
will not be tolerated in the brigade. The regimental commander 
DEPLORES the existence of such conduct in his regiment, and 
the battalion commander calls the attention of company com- 
manders to the "above indorsement" and adds that "discip- 
linary action" will be taken against the officer who permits this 
conduct to continue. Perhaps a soldier in X company has stolen 
some bread but by the time his company commander has thor- 
oughly digested the communication he feels as guilty as though 
he personally aided the culprit by "laying kiggy" for him out- 
side the bakeshop door. 

Thinking of this, I told the French officer I would be glad 
when we got across and into action for orders and communica- 
tions would then be a thing of the past. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 161 

' ' But, my dear Captain, you have mees-take ; she is more dan 
worse in zee front line." 
He was correct — she was. 

* # * 

As I look back, I realize we line officers were often too hasty 
and too quick to judge. Often it was nobody's fault that an 
order went astray or was lost and least of all the fellow we swore 
at, the chap at division headquarters. For instance, an order 
may be issued at 9 A. M. from division headquarters and at 
that hour it was not only a feasible order but an imperative one. 
Nevertheless, if the enemy shelled heavily and all wires were 
down, the order might not reach the front line until 9 or 10 
P. M., at which time conditions might have changed to such an 
extent as to make it impossible of execution. There is no one 
to blame except the Boche but it is of no use to swear at him 
for that was "done to death" long before we entered the war. 

* * * 

Communication between units and from front to rear is called 
liaison. At times it becomes well nigh impossible to maintain 
liaison but an officer is never excused if the several means of 
communication break down for he must in some way keep in 
touch with headquarters and the units on his right and left. 

Many times in the front line at Dickebusch our "one-lung" 
wire to B. H. Q. would be broken by a shell and it might take the 
lineman an hour to locate the break or he might be picked off 
before he could repair the wire. Under these circumstances if 
an important message is awaiting transmittal to B. H. Q. a run- 
ner must carry it even in daylight or under heavy shell fire. 

* * * 

Every possible means is used to maintain army liaison. Wire- 
less, telephone, telegraph, buzzer, lamps, flares, rockets, flags, 
pigeons, dogs, baloons and flying machines. They all fail at 
times and we are obliged to fall back on the old reliable runner. 
These men have been known to carry messages through bar- 
rages when every other means have failed. 

Runners are born, not made, though they must of course re- 
ceive special instruction to properly fit them for their important 
and dangerous work. They must be possessed of a good sense 



162 71sT NEW YORK 

of direction and be able to find their way about by night as well 
as by day. They must be familiar with maps and be able to read 
a compass ; they must have good eyesight, hearing and wind, and 
be quick-witted, daring and resourceful. One might imagine 
it would be hard to find men of these qualifications but after 
looking around carefully they can be located, sometimes in the 
most unlikely men. They are often fellows who cannot keep 
out of trouble when the troops are back in rest billets but give 
one of them an important mission, coupled with danger, and he 
will seldom fail. Of course they often get hit and I don't be- 
lieve there is one of my personal runners who doesn't wear a 
wound chevron. There may have been messages sent me which 
I did not receive, but I cannot remember a single case of a mes- 
sage of mine sent by runner which failed to reach its destina- 
tion. 

Each company and platoon train four men as runners (liaison 
men) who work in pairs. They are never sent out singly except 
to accompany an officer and many of them have saved an offi- 
cer's life at the sacrifice of his own. 

In Dickebusch two trips from company headquarters to B. 
H. Q. was about all a pair of runners could stand in twelve 
hours. They went straight over the top of the ground and if the 
shelling and machine gun fire was not heavy, they could make 
the round trip in one hour and a half. If, however, they were 
held up by fire or the ground was muddy and slippery, they had 
a tough time of it. I have seen my runners return from B. H. 
Q. in the Dickebusch sector almost exhausted and covered with 
mud up to their hips. In Flanders the runners cleaned their 
clothes by scraping them with sticks. 

I sent a pair of runners with a message for an officer whose 
location I could give only in a general way. They started at 
5 :30 P. M. and by 11 :00 P. M. I gave them up for lost— killed 
or captured. They returned at one o 'clock in the morning, hav- 
ing delivered their message in the rear of what had been a few 
hours before the enemy front line and they brought back an 
answer. Most important of all they had used their eyes and 
were able to give an idea of conditions in a sector which had just 
become our front line. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 163 

It is dangerous to report a man ''killed in action" unless his 
death is thoroughly established for should he later turn up in the 
hospital, sick or wounded, the officer making the report is sub- 
ject to trial by court-martial. It was for this reason many men 
were reported missing in action and later reports listed them as 
killed or wounded. These contradictory reports were doubt- 
lessly trying on the folks at home, but what was an officer to do 
— if he wished to stay out of jail? 

I inquired of the men regarding a certain Corporal whom no 
one had seen since early in the battle and was about to list him 
as "missing" when a runner spoke up: 

"Corporal ? Oh, he's " sorry, "^ Captain. I saw his 

body in the first Boche trench we passed over." 

I knew this must be so for that runner would never report a 
man killed unless he made a careful examination of the body. 

* * * 

Another important job in the company is carrying rations. 
Ration parties are told off each night and every man takes his 
turn at this very important and dangerous work. The enemy 
is always on the watch for these chaps and after a careful study 
he knows approximately what time the rations are brought up 
and where they are dumped, what time the ration parties start 
out, their route and probable time of return. With precision 
and regularity Jerry strafed these parties and often made a hit. 

There was a B. H. Q. located at the Bund at Dickebusch Lake 
and the rations for the support battalion were distributed from 
this point. Ten o 'clock every night the limbers would come lum- 
bering up and a few minutes before that Jerry would start his 
strafing. The shells were generally a bit over or a trifle short 
but one night when the Tommies were holding the line, a hit 
was finally made and what a hit it was ! The limbers were up 
and the ration parties were assembled around them when this 
shell landed in the middle of things, killing most of the men and 
all of the mules. It was a luck shot but an unfortunate one 
and somebody went hungry the next day. I always heaved a 
sigh of relief when the ration party reported in. 

* # • 

* Killed. 



164 71sT NEW YORK 

Of all the thankless, unromantic jobs in the service the army 
cook tops the list. He is always the first man up and the last 
to bed and nobody has a kind word for him. Some of the caustic 
remarks flung- at him from the mess line would rile even an 
iron man. 

"Well, Old Pots and Pans, what kind of corned- willie do we 
get to-day?" 

' ' Hey, cut out the samples. I 'm going to eat it if it kills me. ' ' 

^ ' What are you doing, Mr. Hoover, saving up for Christmas ? ' ' 

"Chuck a few more Boche helmets into that stew. Cookie; it's 
getting — werry — werry — thin. ' ' 

"Any seconds?" 

When we were in the line the cooks had a hard job of it for 
besides preparing the food some of them accompanied the lim- 
bers forward and the Boche shelled the roads searching for them. 
After unloading the rations they loaded up with any dead that 
may have been sent down from the line and started on their 

homeward trip, generally through the same old shell fire. 

* * * 

As we neared the support line we met the division com- 
mander who had evidently been up to have a look around on 
his oM^n hook. I was somewhat dubious as to our reception when 
we arrived abreast of the General, for Lieutenant Bergen and 
I were carrying heavy canes, in violation of a recent order issued 
from G. H. Q., A. E. F. I am not strong for the carrying of 
canes by American officers, but in the front line in Dickebusch 
they were absolutely necessary. I had heard of the General 
stopping his car in order to correct a soldier whose blouse was 
not buttoned but I knew him to be a reasonable man and felt 
sure he would fail to make mention of the "tent poles" we were 
carrjdng in to the front line. As we arrived within saluting dis- 
tance, a staff officer who accompanied the General said — most 
likely for our benefit — "I see they are getting the habit. Gen- 
eral ! ' ' and he cast a heavy, critical eye at our canes. The Gen- 
eral gave us such a bright and cheery "Good morning. Gentle- 
men, ' ' I felt like making faces at the staff officer. 

# # « 

If there is one place more than another that is unhealthy for 
infantry, it is in the vicinity of artillery. All our carefulness 



IN THE WORLD WAR 165 

for the past weeks went for naught for the Boche soon got our 
range and the first hit killed one of our boys and wounded about 
eight more. The artillery vamoosed and I was obliged to order 
the company into their battle position in a nearby trench. A 
few shells hit my domicile but found "nobody home" except 
some of my personal equipment. My one and only shirt was 
hanging on a bush and after a shell hit it squarely I could find 
neither the bush nor the shirt. 

* * * 

It was almost 3 A. M. when we were ready to move out 
and with a lieutenant acting as guide we started for the front 
line by way of the Hallebast Road. This road was the only 
means of approach to the front line in that sector and was there- 
fore a favorite target of the Boche. He was shelling the front 
line as we started, so for the first mile or two we were 0. K. We 
had to pass a cross-road called Hallebast Corners, which had 
been nicknamed "Suicide Corner" or "Dead Man's Corner" — 
I have forgotten which, but it makes little difference for both 
were correct — and we put on what little steam was left in us 
passing this spot. When about a mile from our destination we 
came within range of the Boche shell fire and were obliged to 
drop to the ground each time one of his 5.9s came whistling 
over. 

To get a fair idea of the sound of an approaching big shell 
start whistling in a high key, gradually increasing the volume 
and speed and at the same time gradually drop to a low note. 
To put on the finishing touches, close your eyes and picture a 
bright flash followed by a loud detonation and a rush of wind 
against you. If you say "Bang" loud enough and have a 
little imagination, you can almost frighten yourself. 

I shall never forget the shell which came over just before we 
reached our destination — a trench which the day before had 
been the front line — its whistle could be heard in the distance 
and we stopped to listen. It must have been a big one and as 
the sound of it grew louder — and louder — and louder — down we 
dropped — Bang! It sounded like an earthquake and was so 
close I was sure many of the men had been hit ; in fact, I thought 
it landed in the road. We waited a few seconds and then down 



166 71sT NEW YORK 

came the junk — dirt, stones, gravel and pieces of shell pelted 
us. Some men were bruised but by some miracle no one was 
seriously hurt and we jumped for the trench before the next 

one landed. 

# # # 

All soldiers on the battle-field are souvenir fiends, regardless 
of orders against this practice. Many soldiers have lost their 
lives through this thoroughly American — and Australian— trait. 

A captured Jerry major once gave the following description 
of the different Allied soldiers he had fought against : 

''The Frenchman fights for his country: the Englishman for 
his king, but the American and Australian fight for souvenirs, 
and he would kill a man d — n quick for one." 

We were not quite as bad as that but we had a reputation 
with Jerry for being rough, which was very good for our morale 
and very bad for his. 

A Boche prisoner once gave me his Iron Cross and appeared 
very anxious to get rid of it. He most likely preferred giving 
it away to having it taken from him (picking his own robber, so 
to speak). I intended sending that cross home but just before 
going into action I turned it over to an officer to mind for me and 
have never seen him since. I suppose if I do locate him some 
day he will explain: ''Well, that's how you got it." 

It is best to get rid of Jerry souvenirs before going into action 
for if a fellow is captured with one on his person his chances 
of seeing the Statue of Liberty are practically nil. A Yank 
found a dead Jerry who had an American dollar bill and a 
package of Camels in his pocket and "it was well for him he 
died when he did for he wouldn 't have lived much longer if he 

hadn't." 

# # # 

Jerry threw over "beaucoup" gas that night and in our rat- 
hole we officers were obliged to wear our masks for almost two 
hours in one stretch and we had several stretches. We were 
lucky he didn't keep it up all night for if there is one thing 
I miss, it is my "rolling." After that first stretch I had just 
lighted a "pill" and a deep cloud of "Bull" was comfortably 
resting in the lower recesses of my lungs when the alarm again 
sounded. One eventually holds his breath unconsciously while 



IN THE WORLD WAR 167 

adjusting the S. B. R.^ and I did it this time, with the result 
that I blew a cloud of smoke through the flutter valve and all 
but coughed the mask off. Gas alarms are no respector of per- 
sons and I saw a lieutenant get caught with a mouthful of 
''Bully Beef." I am thankful I do not chew tobacco. 



It was shortly after 5 A, M. when the one thing I feared would 
happen confronted me. A lieutenant from the preceding com- 
pany ran back to inform me that one of his connecting files had 
lost touch with the troops ahead, and we were lost. Lost — and 
zero hour 5 :50 A. M. — 35 minutes left and I had not the slight- 
est idea how far we were from the ''tape.'' I knew we were 
to "jump off" at Yak Post, which could be easily located on 
my map but how was I to orient myself in the dark. I had my 
own company and half of another and our battalion could ill 
afford to lose one-third of its strength at this time, for we were 
weak in numbers before starting. 

I wonder how many officers have been ruined as troop com- 
manders through just such an unfortunate circumstance as now 
confronted me. In this war there was no time to make or listen 
to excuses or extenuating circumstances — a fellow was either a 
leader of men or he was not, and it required only one mistake 
to relegate an officer to some job well back of the line, where he 
would never again have an opportunity to redeem himself. It 
was a very hard rule, for what man lives who will not make one 
mistake ? Still, men 's lives and the greatest war in history were 
at stake and the A. E. F. was not overseas to test the ability of 
officers. It looked very much as though I would soon be pack- 
ing my grip for a bulletproof job well to the rear. I had a vision 
of myself walking into regimental headquarters a few days later, 
armed with a sweet smile and a snappy salute, and addressing 
the "Old Man" something in this manner: 

* ' Good-morning, Colonel ; awful sorry I could not be with you 
in that attack the other day; fact of the matter is I got lost — 
how's your wife?" 

We had just turned into an unimproved road, which was 
lined with dead bodies and along which a transport was moving. 

* Small box respirator. 



168 71sT NEW YORK 

None of the drivers could tell me where they were going or where 
the road led and the Boche shells would not permit of any loiter- 
ing about, so facing the column about we marched back to the 
main road where there was some protection for the men and I 
could get a chance to consult my map and compass^ — I. didn't 
have the heart to look at my watch. 

I decided to move back along the main road and take the first 
turn to the right. It was only a guess but we had no time to 
scout around and I must be one of two things — either right — or 
terribly wrong. We had hiked only a hundred yards or so when 
we ran into our battalion intelligence officer^ out on the hunt for 
us. Allah be praised! 

Day was breaking by this time and I saw we were off our 
course, so we swung to the right until my compass needle indi- 
cated we were traveling 103°. We saw many of our tanks, some 
moving ahead, some mopping up the trenches we passed over and 
others had run onto some mine fields and blown up. Death in 
a tank must be frightful. I saw one chap who died crawling out 
of one and he was practically cooked. 

* * * 

We passed many of our own dead and wounded and the 
number was increasing as we advanced. Some of them looked 
at us in a dazed sort of way while others weakly appealed for 
aid. One of the bitterest experiences in war is the necessity of 
pushing on to the objective, disregarding the pitiful appeals of 
the wounded. Sometimes during a short halt or a lull in an 
action it is possible to give first aid to a comrade, but should a 
well man stop to assist each wounded one the objective never 
would be reached. Not a very humane way of looking at the 
matter but what little humanity exists in war is evident only 
after the battle and consists of burying the dead. 

* * * 

General Sherman, were he alive to-day, could not express, at 
least in print, his opinion of present-day warfare. Nobody 
could, and I doubt if a really vivid description of one of this 
war's big battles will ever be told by a man who actually took 
part in one. In order to see and explain a battle, one must view 



IN THE WORLD WAR 169 

it from a vantage point well to the rear or flank where most of 
the horrors and thrills are not felt. On the other hand, a man 
who has taken part in a battle sees the horrors and experiences 
the thrills but remembers very little of it a few days after it has 
taken place. God in his mercy has so constituted the human 
mind that it cannot retain those frightful scenes and experiences 
for any length of time. The battle which I am trying to describe 
is at the present writing only six weeks old and yet there is a 
haze over my memory and the battle scenes are fading, slowly 
fading in a mist of forgetfulness. I am thoroughly convinced 
the average case of so-called shell shock is nothing more than 
inabilitj^ to throw off the mental pictures. I saw a soldier in a 
dressing station w^ho was tied to a cot and his hands were 
strapped to his body. His face was in ribbons from his own 
finger nails and he was frothing at the mouth. Shell shock? 
Perhaps, but I think it was horror and mental pictures. Of 
course, there is such a thing as shell shock but the sufferer gen- 
erally loses his reason and dies. 

More of our boys were dropping as we advanced and we could 
feel the machine gun bullets whizzing by us and zipping through 
the grass at our feet. One went through the map which I was 
foolishly carrying in my hands and I woke up to the fact a war 
was going on. We were now advancing from shell-hole to shell- 
hole and as I made for one slightly to my left, one of my ser- 
geants dropped into it and pressed his hand against his side. 
That soldier would have been on his way to the officers' training 
school within forty-eight hours but he died before reaching the 
dressing station. 

There could be no specified distance for each of our rushes; 
when the fire got too hot we dropped for cover and when it 
swung in a different direction, we hot-footed it again. I re- 
member legging it for a shell-hole and, dropping into its narrow 
and uncomfortable bosom, I beat a Jerry machine gunner by sec- 
onds. As his bullets crack — crack — cracked the outer edge of 
that dent in the ground, I tried to crawl into my tin hat. When 
a bullet cracks the chap at the other end is altogether too aw- 
fully close for comfort. He gave it up after a time and I beat 
it for a shell-hole which had reached its maturity. 



170 71sT NEW YORK 

Jerry was certainly picking off officers, but the only deter- 
mined attempts made at me were in that narrow shell-hole and 
the bullet which went through my map. It never dawned upon 
me to put that map in my pocket. I felt like the colored soldier I 
read of in the ''Stars and Stripes.'^ This darky was one of a 
working party out in front of the wire when suddenly Jerry 
came over. The working party started for home "toot sweet" 
and this chap, hanging on to his pick, legged it for all he was 
worth. Some one shouted to him: 

' ' Sam, why don 't you drop that pick ? ' ' 

Sam answered : ' * Man, I ain 't got time to drop it. ' ' 
# # ^ 

It was about this time that Captain F. R. Potter of my regi- 
ment dropped into the trench and as he was senior to me, he took 
over command. Dear old Potter with his inevitable steel pointed 
cane and his wonderful vocabulary of English, sweet and pro- 
fane. 

Captain Potter had found himself in the same boat as myself ; 
being unable to advance his company he had come forward alone 
to have a look around. We had little fear of a reprimand for 
if we had not taken the trench the Boche would surely have done 
so — at any rate he gave us a h — 11 of a scrap for it for almost 
24 hours. 

Captain P. and I were surprised but glad to see each other for 
we knew most of the company C. O.s had been picked off. Cap- 
tain P. is short of stature and we attributed his escape to that 
fact, but as I am of the bean-pole type we attributed my escape 
to my disreputable appearance for I surely was a "bum" and 
no self-respecting sniper would waste a shot on me. The seat of 
my breeches had parted and departed, blouse and leggings were 
torn, and I was dirt from head to foot, due most likely to my 
tumble into that deep shell-hole. A big British issue watch was 
hanging out of my breast pocket, for all the world like a rube 
on Broadway, and my little gold wrist watch, a present which I 
valued very highly, was a sorry sight to see. All in all, neither 
Captain P. nor I were pickings for a machine gunner, though 
if they had picked him that day they would have saved them- 
selves a lot of trouble a few weeks later. 

« * # 



IN THE WORLD WAR 171 

When the smoke screen lifted at 11 :00 A. M. the Australians 
had not as yet readied our position. They evidently had trouble 
getting forward and would naturally be delayed if we were. 
A tank which was to precede them came lumbering along through 
the still remaining smoke and as it drew near we could hear the 
machine gun bullets smashing against its front and sides. We 
hailed the crew of this tank as she reached our trench and noti- 
fied them of what was holding us up on our right. The little 
slit in the tank's side closed with a snap and crashing across 
our trench she started for the nearest machine gun nest, followed 
by our cheers. She had traveled only a few yards when she sud- 
denly stopped, the trap door on the top flew open and a man 
vaulted out. While he was still in mid-air an explosion took 
place inside the tank and black smoke and flame shot through 
the trap-door. The Boche had blown her up with anti-tank guns. 
Soon another tank came along and we rushed from her path as 
she bumped across our trench. To our great amazement she 
turned around, recrossed the trench and pumped lead at us and 
she was so close it is a miracle that nobody was hit. Swearing 
in his very best form Captain P. "surrendered unconditionally" 
to the crew and then gave them a piece of his mind (or, I should 
say, a chunk of his mind) and directions. However, in a few 
moments this tank was also out of action and the crew in King- 
dom Come. 

* * * 

In our company we had but one case of funk in the presence of 
the enemy and as the soldier eventually proved himself, I feel 
I can mention the incident without injury to the uniform, our 
company, or the man himself. I believe this soldier was suf- 
fering from mental stampede, which is a disease known only to 
those members of the medical profession who have been through 
front line duty and though it may not appear among the popu- 
lar ailments listed in medical journals, it nevertheless exists^ and 
there is often good reason for it. 

A fellow sometimes gets blue and lonesome when he is in the 
line and this feeling often lasts for days. It is not the ordinary 
kind of lonesomeness but constant danger and narrow escapes in 
dreary, muddy trenches, coupled with thoughts of home, will lay 
a weight on a fellow 's chest and a lump rises in his throat which 



172 71sT NEW YORK 

cannot be swallowed for days, especially when he is "fresh fish.'* 
Perhaps a letter hasn't been received in months and when it 
does arrive brings the announcement of the only girl and the 
chap next door having been married, mother is sick and the doc- 
tor 's bill unpaid, the kids are in need of food and clothes, and 
the Government allotment is, up to the day the letter was sent, a 
myth. Perhaps a little self-pity crops up. "Why should he be 
forced to suffer these added trials ; isn 't he doing enough, stand- 
ing in water, sleeping in mud and eating food which sometimes 
stinks, besides facing death every minute of the day and night ? ' ' 
Pool all these joys and hand them to a man whose mind is not 
naturally strong and something is bound to happen. 

We were in reserve at Dickebusch when Private made 

his mistake. One evening he and another soldier were sent by 
their platoon sergeant to company headquarters for some water. 
The Boche was sending over gas shells, and when it came time 

to return Private could not be found. That night he was 

reported missing by his platoon sergeant who attached a note 
explaining the circumstances. After a thorough search to make 
sure he had not been hit, I was obliged to report him A. W. 0. L. 
in the face of the enemy, a very serious charge. 

There was not a soldier in the A. E. F. who did not know the 
penalty for desertion before the enemy. Generally the lightest 
sentence was twenty years at hard labor, besides finishing out the 
war at the most hazardous tasks, and the death sentence was also 

possible. Private was turned over to me under guard when 

we came down from the line, he having been apprehended by the 
military police at Calais. It generally went hard for soldiers 
picked up in seaport cities. Not even a genius could ever con- 
vince a military court that absence from his regiment and pres- 
ence in a place where ships left for America were purely acci- 
dental. 

I was ordered to prefer charges against Private under 

the 75th Article of War, and he was to be tried by a general 
court which was then sitting. We had very few cases of deser- 
tion in our division and that court could be relied upon to make 
a man suffer who brought disgrace upon the old 27th. 

Private was examined by a medical officer and a report 

was made as to his mental condition. I made several inquiries 




Top: Lys River^ Scene of Wicked Fighting between Hi.jth infantry and 

119th Prussian Guards. 

Center : Dickebusch Village. 

Bottom: Boni Cemetery in the Distance, Where Many 105th Infantry Men 

Were Buried. 



IN THE WORLD WAR ITS 

among his former comrades and, though most of them despised 
him for what he had done, they agreed he had been morose for 
some time previous to his desertion and it developed he had 
been crying after receiving a letter from home. In my report I 
stated the accused had never appeared strong-minded and be- 
cause of home troubles was, in my opinion, mentally unbalanced 
at the time the offense was alleged to have been committed. I 
was in hopes that my report might lessen his sentence a few 
years or at least save his life. 

While awaiting trial he was under arrest in the company 
street and was given all the unpleasant jobs to perform. No 
one was permitted to talk to him, and very few cared to and 
when there was no work for him to do, he was taken out to drill 
under armed guard. No one wanted to be in the same squad 
with him and his life during this period must have been hell on 
earth. Often I spied him in ranks without rifle or side arms, and 
the forlorn look on his face gave him the appearance of a 
whipped dog which does not know which way to turn. A few 
days before his trial was to take place we were ordered into 
the line north of St. Quentin. 

The poor devil began to see some real war scenes now and in 
his mental state it must have been agonizing. Shells whistled 
and dropped close to us shortly after we detrained and it was 
not long before dead bodies were common sights. I would not 
have swapped places with that soldier for a million dollars cash 
and the positive assurance I would never be brought to trial for 
in a few short days he must have fought a hundred battles with 
himself and by himself. He knew he would soon be in action, 
possibly without a rifle or any means of protecting himself ex- 
cept with his hands, and he dreaded that battle-field only God 
and himself knew how much. He also knew his every act would 
be watched closely and the slightest movement in the wrong 
direction would bring a former comrade 's bullet crashing through 
his brain. Perhaps that bullet would come whether he did wrong 
or not. The very thought of it must have brought a chill and I 
venture he would have peddled his very soul to have stamped 
out forever that one act of folly. 

The men of his platoon were very bitter toward him for be- 
sides the disgrace he had brought them he was causing them 



174 71sT NEW YORK 

extra work, for somebody must stand guard over him day and 
night and it is a wonder they did not finish him off themselves. 

The night before we went over his platoon sergeant came to 
me to protest: "Captain, I earnestly request this prisoner be 
taken from our platoon for he is beginning to show signs of funk 
again, is making the men nervous, and if he is not left behind 
or some other thing done with him, I am afraid he will not be 
alive when we start forward to-morrow morning." 

I could not blame the men of that platoon for they were proud 
of their unit and like all soldiers were perhaps a little super- 
stitious. Nevertheless, my orders would not permit me to leave 
the prisoner behind and it would have been unjust and sure 
death had he been detailed to another platoon. My only course 
was to take him over myself. I said nothing about him to my 
headquarters detachment and they were too busy to notice him 
when he appeared amongst them the next morning. I wondered 
if he would fake being gassed and try to avoid the trip in that 
way, but he did not and I noticed he had scrounged a rifle and 
some ammunition. 

As we started over the top 1 forgot him entirely and so did 
every man in headquarters detachment for we all had our work 
laid out and no one had time to bother or think about the pris- 
oner. If ever he had a chance to beat it, he had it then and 
nothing in the world could have prevented him from going to the 
rear had he cared to. Many men were being hit and it would 
have been a very simple matter for him to drop into a shell- 
hole, ram his bayonet into the fleshy part of his arm or leg, and 
in less than twenty-four hours he would have been in a clean 
bed in the hospital. He did none of these things, however, and 
I cannot understand why he stuck it out for his only chance of 
beating that trial was to get himself killed. To go through the 
hell of that battle, knowing he was coming back to twenty years 
of hard labor and disgrace or death required guts of a strong 
character. 

We had gone several hundred yards before I thought of him 
and, turning around, I suddenly found him in place and his 
eyes were glued on me. Those eyes made me uncomfortable and 
when I again looked at him all I could see were his eyes, still 
glaring at me. I began to wonder if he was waiting an opportune 



IN THE WORLD WAR 175 

moment to let me have it in the back. The last time I saw him 
things were getting hot and he flashed me a glance as I jumped 
for a shell-hole next to his. 

The next morning, when things quieted down and I was on 
my way back to B. H. Q., I heard a weak voice say: ** Captain, 

is this the way to the dressing station?'' It was Private 

and another soldier was helping him along. I asked : 

''What's the trouble. Son?" 

*'They got me, Captain." 

''Bad?" 

"I think so — hit me three times." 

I could see the pain and pride in his face and I was as proud 
of those wounds as he was. I offered to look up a stretcher, but 
he refused it, saying he could walk if his companion stayed with 
him. 

That boy lay in a shell-hole twenty-four hours with a bullet 
hole straight through him — the bullet entered his stomach and 
came out his back — and some time during the night he received 
two more wounds. 

After we came out of the line I sent a communication to the 
Regimental C. 0. stating in full the facts relating to this soldier's 
case, and three days later I received an answer. 

"From— CO. Infantry U. S. A. 
To —CO. Company H— Infantry U. S. A. 
Subject — Private " 

1. If the conduct of Private in the recent engagement 

was all that it should be and if in the opinion of his Company 
Commander the case warrants it, then, in the presence of 

Private and his comrades, the attached charges will be 

destroyed. ' ' 

I was unable to destroy those charges in the presence of 

Private but I did so before his comrades and Private 

was notified. 

I do not know whether Private was sent to some other 

division or whether he was sent home when he became strong 
enough to travel but I do know when he is mustered out the fol- 
lowing remarks will appear on the back of his discharge paper: 



176 71sT NEW YORK 

''Wounded in Action— 29th September, 1918. 
Service^ — Honest and Faithful. 
Character — Excellent. ' * 

I hope mine reads as well. 

* # * 

The next day we marched to Fremont, a town which had been 
sacked but very little damaged by shell fire. My rolling kitchen 
pulled into a yard which resembled a barnyard back home for 
everything was present but the chickens and livestock. One of 
the cooks discovered a poor old man half dead from cold and 
lack of nourishment, lying on a bed in a sort of servants' quar- 
ters. The poor old fellow was ninety-two years of age and it was 
a wonder the past few days of warfare had not killed him, for at 
least one of our shells had landed within a few yards of his 
meagre quarters. The cooks got him into the house and built 
a fire in the kitchen stove and it wasn't long before he was hand- 
ed a cup of hot tea and some bread which he devoured raven- 
ously. Someone handed him a cigarette and he wanted to eat 
that also but after some more food and drink he was handed a 
pipe and tobacco and it surely did look good to see him sitting 
by the fire, puffing away for dear life. Somebody has said that 
"War would not be possible except for the brutal condition of 
the human male mind." I wish the man (or was it a woman?) 
who made that statement could have been present in that kitchen 
that afternoon. Many a hardened soldier who had with pride 
killed his man on more than one occasion stuck his head in the 
doorway to see if anything could be done for ' ' the kid. ' ' 



There were many civilians in Busigny and the surrounding 
towns who had been under German military rule since early in 
the war, and they were delighted with the change. Lieutenant 
Morris made arrangements with a family who lived near our 
ditch to fix up some lunch for us, and when they heard it would 
be for officers, they got out the best in the ice box. Lieutenant 
Morris must have been mistaken for a striker when he made 
these arrangements for when we walked into the kitchen and 
sat down at the table, the whole family who were present showed 



IN THE WORLD WAR 177 

evident signs of surprise. Evidently the Boche officers looked 
and acted differently. No soldiers preceded us to open the door 
and call the inmates to attention nor did we show importance. 
We were just two hungry Americans who were ready to show 
appreciation and pay for the feed which they laid out and this 
last surprised them more than anything else. After lunch I sat 
playing with the youngest member of the family, a boy of four 
years, while Lieutenant Morris tried out his atrocious French 
on the mother and father. The little fellow and I were getting 
on famously until I heard Lieutenant Morris notify his parents 
that I was le captain and that spoiled the party. His mother 
rushed over and scrubbed his face and hands, at the same time 
giving him a hundred instructions which frightened both him 
and me. When we left I could still see bewilderment in her 
face. ... "A captain who liked to talk to babies — Yes, these 
Americans are surely strange people.'^ 

# # «: 

It seemed to me as we started forward that the Boche artillery 
loosened up before ours. At any rate, we were in his barrage 
from the start. I do not know how often infantry have walked 
through an enemy barrage in this war but it certainly could 
not have been done as a regular thing every morning, or Peace 
would have come in 1914. 

After advancing about three hundred yards we came to a 
sunken road which for tough looking sights has never been 
equaled in my experience. Dead men, wounded men and pieces 
of men were everywhere — here a leg or arm, there a trunk or a 
head. The sight would have been an excellent test for strong 
stomachs had not most of us been already nauseated from gas. 

* * * 

Regardless of what trouble they were having at the river, we 
could not stay in that sunken road another minute, for the shells 
were dropping around us like fire crackers and every second men 
were hit. I had just decided to order the company forward 
when a 5.9 shell, the burst of which deafened me, landed a few 
yards to my left, — at the same time a few hundred sledge-ham- 
mers hit me back of the left ear. My lights did not go out but I 
went to my knees, and it was such a determined whack that I 



178 71sT NEW YORK 

thought it was all over but the burlap. I immediately became 
the proud possessor of a watermelon which was bleeding and I 
felt sure that hunk of iron had carried on. One of my men 
helped me to a niche in the side of the bank and put a dressing 
on me, and as black spots passed before my eyes I wondered if 
I could hold out for one more smoke, and I believe I put that 
question to the soldier who patched me up. 

The black spots before my eyes persisted and were followed 
spasmodically by waves of weakness which convinced me I was 
soon to kick in. I pictured some of my brother officers who had 
gone ''sorry" ^ in the last scrap and wondered if the burial party 
would take into consideration my length of limb or be obliged (as 
they were with one long officer) to give me a couple of try-ons 
before my grave fitted me properly. 

* * * 

I found Lieutenant Giblyn stretched out on the floor with sev- 
eral other wounded and, though the place was filled up, they 
made room for us and I leaned back against the wall, resting 
my "two heads" against the cool bricks. 

About 10 A. M. some stretcher bearers from my owti company 
arrived with about twelve Jerry prisoners to pick us up, and 
though they offered to take Lieutenant Giblyn immediately, he 
refused to budge until the more serious cases had been taken care 
of. Finally, four Jerries placed him on a stretcher and with one 
of my own men helping me, we started for the dressing station 
in St. Souplet, about a mile down the road. 

* * * 

As each wounded man arrived he was brought to an examining 
room where, if necessary, his wounds were redressed and he was 
retagged. They were then brought outside and placed in rows 
to await transportation to the rear, the urgent cases being placed 
separate. One Jerry soldier who was tagged ' ' urgent ' ' took his 
place with our own men in the first ambulance going to the rear, 
regardless of the Jerry officer next to him, who had waited for an 
hour. If that soldier got to the rear quickly his life might be 
saved whereas it was perhaps too late to save the officer's leg. 

^KiUed. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 179 

Those doctors were there to save lives, not legs or officers in par- 
ticular, and they knew their jobs and did them well. 



About 4 in the afternoon we ' * walking wounded ' ' were placed 
on lorries and transported nine or ten miles to the railhead, 
where we boarded flat cars on a narrow-gauge military railroad. 
I will pass hurriedly over that railroad trip to the C. C. S.,^ 
except to say it was cold and it rained. I had heard of women 
nurses receiving military decorations for their heroic work with 
the wounded and I thought it more or less bunk but after seeing 
that C. C. S., I am strong for giving every decoration the Allies 
possess to any woman who served in one. 

Back in the base hospitals a wounded man was little more 
than a curiosity to the occasional visitor, for if his leg or arm 
was badly shattered it was neatly bandaged and held in place by 
one of those new contrivances which surgery has developed in 
this war. In the C. C. S. that night every man had been hours in 
transit from the battle-field, his dirty bandages were soggy with 
blood and his body was dirty and generally covered with vermin. 
Still these women of mercy grabbed each fellow as he was 
brought in, cut away the dirty clothing where necessary, and 
with many a cheery word and gentle touch his old bandages 
were replaced with clean ones and he was as comfortable as he 
could be until he arrived at the Base and his limb sewed up or 
cut off, whichever the case might be. 

* # * 

All of the British officers were on parade. Their kits were 
never more than a few days behind them and most of them had 
brought their strikers along whereas after my bath I hadn't 
even a suit of underwear. One of the nurses, judging my needs, 
dug up from somewhere a suit of underwear, some socks and an 
American Red Cross comfort bag which contained a shaving 
outfit, soap, toothbrush and powder, comb, mirror and about 
everything I needed, except money and outer clothing. I felt 
like the chap whose new suit fitted him fine except the coat and 
pants. 

* * • 
* Casualty Clearing Station. 



180 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 

I do not wonder pedestrians are put under arrest for getting in 
the way of the Parisian taxi-driver. Anyone who would take a 
chance in front of one should be hung. This chap who had me 
for his fare was Mr. Taxi himself for he kept tooting his one- 
lung horn and everybody as far as I could see got out of his way, 
but there must be some old people in Paris who cannot do a 22- 
foot broad jump. Nevertheless I could not discover where this 
taxi driver buried his dead. He was most likely a very popular 
man in town and I felt quite sure Marshal Foch must have heard 
I was on my way to The Richmond in his taxi. When we drove 
up to the entrance I hopped out, said a prayer of thanksgiving, 
and went inside to fight for a room. 




Top: Destroyer on Convoy Avith "President Grant." 

Center: Brest, Looking Toward the United States. 

Bottom : 40 Homnies and 8 Cheveau Car. 



AFTER SPARTANBURG WHAT ? 
By Major Harry Merz 

Joyous news ! We leave here for somewhere — plaee not desig- 
nated — soon. Such was the word passed late in April, 1918. 
Somewhere? Anywhere after spending the fall and winter and 
early spring in this burg. Anything or place after the incessant 
Squads East, the hammer and pound and grind under the balmy 
skies and in the salubrious climate of the balmy sunny south at 
Camp Wadsworth. Mineola! Hail, hail, the gauges all here! 
But not a darned one of us wants to stay. Let's go ! 

Camp Wadsworth was a hardening process all right enough. 
W( kicked like selected army mules at conditions and housing; 
both were bad enough but even the proverbial soldiers' grouch 
coidd not be made an excuse. After a week of hustle and bustle 
making the life of the Supply Officer a burden, while plaguing 
him for things he didn 't have and couldn 't get — sizes to fit — we 
entrained and landed at Newport News. Wasn't so far away 
bi it was somewhere else and that suited the soldiers' disin- 
cliiation to stay put. From the trains we marched to Camp 
Stuart and there got the surprise of our soldier lives. '^Gee 
whizz, where the devil is the camp? This place is full of real 
wooden houses built to live in ! Two stories ! Say, buddy, rub 
your eyes and tell me what do I see! Has the Skipper gone 
daffy? W^hat's that he said to the Top Sarge?" ''Open your 
ears, you apple knocker ; can 't you understand English when she 
is spoke? Skipper just ordered the Top to send a detail of 
twenty men to the head of this street for iron beds!" ''Lordy! 
Whatinells happened? Ain't there going to be no war for us; 
have we really become too proud to fight?" Luckily not yet. 
The American population is slow to speak but when it does, 
LOOK OUT, Mr. Bosche, take notice and don 't forget. 

At Camp Stuart we were very comfortably housed, two pla- 

181 



182 71sT NEW YORK 

toons in a building, each man with his own bed with a spring 
and mattress, plenty of light and air, and a great big mess-hall. 
And, wonder of wonders, a real honest-to-goodness range to 
cook our meals. Coal range, too ; no more smarting acid vapors 
from wet wood to blear your eyes and choke you. Mess-sergeants 
and K. P.'s were in clover and we got plenty to eat and good 
too. Kinder made your feel like the calf being fattened for 
slaughter, but we enjoyed the process. Lots of drills helped to 
keep us in condition and from putting on too much fat. "What 
time there was between eats and drills was spent in exchanging 
11 EE 's for 7I/2 B 's, assorted feet. 'Twas mostly a hopeless task, 
but an extra or heavier pair of socks would take up surplus space. 
Tactical criss-cross exchanging made it possible to get a nearly- 
fit in blouses and breeches, but sometimes it was a perfectly hope- 
less job and buddy with a thirty- eight for a thirty-two chest 
watched his chances when the other fellow wasn't looking and 
made the swap unbeknownst to the other. There was a howl of 
course but as you couldn't prove it what's the use of kicking. 
All done. We're loaded for keeps; double equipment all round. 
Officers' Call sounds and we report at the Old Man's quarters 
where we are informed in strictest confidence that we embark on 
the Grant the end of this week but the men must not be told 
yet for fear it might leak out. Conference over we depart for 
our quarters and get as much as twenty yards away and this is 
the conversation we overhear among a knot of men. ''Surest 
thing you know. We're gonna sail on the Grant on the eight- 
eenth." Wireless! 

MAY 18, 1918 

The long-looked-for day has arrived. We paraded through 
the quaint little town, acclaimed by a cheering populace swelled 
to three times its normal size by visitors. We board the 
Grant, the siren blows a long warning screech; we slip away 
from the dock and land upon an uncharted mud bank, and stay 
there till morning. Saucy, snorty little tugs push, pull and 
poke, our engines turn over and we're off. On our way, we don't 
know where. Hail, Hail, the Gang 's All Here, so whatinell do we 
care ! But a bit later when the glorious U. S. A. begins to fade 



I 



IN THE WORLD WAR 183 

from view a strange silence overtakes that wonderful bunch; 
every eye is strained to get the last view of "The land of the 
free and the home of the brave. ' ' Most of us want to give a good 
rousing cheer ; we feel like it. But the nearest any of us can get 
to it is that peculiar feeling that begins with a gasp and ends 
with a lump in the throat which you can't swallow. We sit down 
on deck or anywhere else where there is room — there isn't much 
for there are over 6,000 men aboard. Not one feels any better 
than the other. Each is doing a lot of thinking about the loved 
ones at home. Every mother's son is doing a lot of wondering — 
never mind what — but there's many a glistening eye in the 
bunch. Mess Call sounds, and we get busy for that meal any- 
how. What the next call of its kind will produce in the line of 
attendance and inclination mere man knoweth not. Every man 
was assigned to his berth by the naval officers on board; each 
stowed his equipment within easy reach and settled down to 
life aboard ship and spent all his time on deck in the fresh air. 
Uncle Sam 's domain was way out of sight by this time and most 
of the outfit were having their first experience on the briny 
deep ; some, moocha some, between gasps and gulps gave expres- 
sion of strong desire for the up hill and down dale of that part 
of ten-a firma they know best. No use, buddy ; take it and like it ; 
don't have to keep it if you find any trouble about it; there's 
just as good fish in the sea as ever were caught and there'll be 
long after you're through. 

Led by the Huntington we proceed to the rendezvous where 
the rest of our convoy, eleven ships, meet us and away we go for 
"over there." Officers are assembled on C deck where all neces- 
sary instructions for fire drill and abandon ship are given. De- 
tails for boat stations and commanders are made and men are 
assigned as lookouts. The officers who got the assignments for 
the crow's nest felt that they were very important commodities 
until they took a peek at their stations "up ever so high way up 
in the sky ' ' and a good look at the ratlines they had to climb to 
get there. Then in a burst of consideration for the feelings of 
their juniors they came to the conclusion that while these were 
very important stations it was a shame that the younger element 
had been so shamefull}^ neglected in being deprived of an oppor- 
tunity to show their ability. We were perfectly willing to do 



184 71sT NEW YORK 

the encouraging while they did the climbing. It's so nice up 
there half way to the sky, especially in a good roll and that com- 
fortable jazz of a quartering sea. You're welcome to your 
cradle, buddy; ours rocks plenty much down here. If your 
bough breaks, baby will fall and there'll be a splash, that's all. 

Second day out; nothing happened except many inspections 
oversides; rank didn't count, they were all rank. The men like 
sardines in a box, set up in racks called bunks, were as comfor- 
table as pigs on ice, but the novelty more or less, rather less, 
compensated for the discomforts which were unavoidable under 
the circumstances. Life belts had been issued with orders to 
wear them at all times; never could tell when they would be 
needed as the tin sharks abounded ready to carry out the Spur- 
loss Versenkt order. There were many discussions as to the 
merits of these preservers. Two men of C Company were en- 
gaged in speculation as to whether these things would keep you 
afloat one hour or ten when a sailor happened along to whom 
they confided their doubts. Sailorman looked at them quizzi- 
cally for a moment or two and asked, ' ' Ever look inside of one of 
those things?" ''Certainly not; weren't allowed to cut them 
open." ''Oh, hell, slip it off and look on the inside." Suiting 
the action to the words he pulled off his own and there in white 
letters was stenciled the words "For practice only." Two very 
much astonished doughbo3^s beat it for the top sarg's quarters 
and blurted out : ' ' Hey, Top ! These things are only for prac- 
tice and whereinell do we get the real ones when something 
happens?" "For practice only" merely distinguished those 
preservers which had been used for instruction purposes from 
the regular equipment of ships. 

Joshing and practical jokes were not confined to the main deck 
nor below. Up on the officers' deck a knot of officers were dis- 
cussing futures and some things a little closer. Captain Trum- 
ble, our Supply Officer, remarked to Captain Harry Maslin: 
"Getting kind of rough, don't you think." "Oh, shucks, this 
isn't anything," was the answer; "wait till you get to the Bay 
of Biscay, then you will see something rough. Why, it gets so 
bad there that the waves are upside down; but you can always 
tell when it's going to be rough because the sailors always put 
pewter dishes on the tables when a storm is coming. Say, or- 



IN THE WORLD WAR 185 

derly, will you kindly find out for me what kind of dishes they 
are putting on the tables in the Ward Room, and report at 
once!" Orderly returned after a lapse of time. He was hep 
and saluting with a good snap reported : ' ' Pewter dishes, Sir. ' ' 
Captain Trumble, who had never seen anything rougher than a 
creek, beat it for his stateroom and was seen no more for the 
rest of the day. On another occasion Captain Potter was hold- 
ing forth on Mai de Mer, its prevention and cure, to a bunch of 
his brother officers. ''Of course," said he, ''when one of those 
damned sailors comes along with a nice fat piece of pork with a 
string tied in the middle, swallows it and then imitates a cham- 
pagne bottle by pulling it out suddenly it's all off." Ditto Cap- 
tain Trumble and the rest of us. Urgent business elsewhere. 

Many an hour we spent watching the maneuvers of those wasps 
of the sea, the destroyers which were escorting us. It sent 
thrills through us to see them darting about with a bone in their 
teeth and kicking up a stern wash which betokened the speed at 
which they were going. Many times and often did we hold our 
breath when they went over on their beam ends while going about 
almost in their own length, wondering if they ever would right 
themselves. No question about it of course ; they were built for 
rough work and the men in command knew their business, but 
most of us were land-lubbers and didn't know. The sailors on 
board the Grant overhead some of our comments. With a 
disdainful smile they merely commented: "Wait till you see 
those birds really working, then you will hold your breath." A 
day or two later we got a thrill none of those on board will ever 
forget. Everything was calm, the regular routine was going 
along as scheduled, we had just gone through the Station Drill 
and were on our way to quarters at about four in the afternoon, 
when the siren let go with a deafening, ear-splitting screech. 
Bang went a gun and all hands raced to their stations faster 
than ever before. No need to tell us there was something doing 
for we felt it, and when we got on deck we saw a sight that 
nearly split us with enthusiastic admiration. There were the 
destroj^ers way over on their sides, their decks awash, plowing 
along as fast as their wonderful engines could drive them, 
burying their noses in the seas and throwing up clouds of spray 
that sometimes hid them from view, when suddenly something 



186 71sT NEW YORK 

slid overboard with a splash. It was an Ash Can containing 
ninety pounds of T N T. On they speeded, two more splashes 
caused by Ash Cans from the Y guns and about they came, rac- 
ing full speed, crossed each other's course so closely that all of 
us expected a collision, two more cans went over, and then away 
from what was going to happen. 

On board the sturdy old Gramt we distinctly felt the vibra- 
tions of the explosions that followed. Up went six beautiful 
geysers of green water and spray followed by a thick murky 
black smoke and then came pieces of something that betokened 
the end of the lesson for Tin Shark number one. Several days 
later we were again summoned by the alarm, but this time we 
happened to be on deck at drill. We saw the upturned bow of a 
life-boat floating at a suspicious angle. Every gun at once got 
ready for action, but before one of them could fire a shot from 
the Huntington hit it squarely and smashed it into match-sticks. 
Whatever was under it was Spurloss Versenkt as the destroyers 
could find no trace of anything. 

In our convoy was the Pocahontas, a former United Fruit 
Liner converted into a troop ship. On one of her trips she had 
an encounter with a Bosche sub^, and escaped with nothing more 
serious than a perforated smoke stack and the radio: "Missed 
you this time. Get you on your next trip." Her next trip was 
with our convoy. One afternoon the alarm was sounded in a 
way that meant business. Something was in among our ships; 
what it was none of us knew or ever found out, but Pocanhontas 
suddenly went full speed ahead, bore directly down on the 
Grant and came within 100 yards of poking her nose into our 
ribs. One hundred yards is not so very close when measured in 
feet and inches, but it was plenty close enough to make a good 
many wonder how wet the water would be. There was a deal of 
wig-wagging between Huntington, Pocahontas and Grant, 
and some of our boys who were fairly expert signal men 
claimed that Pocahontas reported having rammed a sub. 
' ' I hae me doots, ' ' says canny Scot. So had most of us, because 
the land-lubber who can read a gob when it is slinging his arms 
about just simply ''aint." We sailed the briny deep for an- 
other day, none of us any more interested in anything but when 
do we get there? Regular routine work, morning drills, with six 



IN THE WORLD WAR 187 

laps around the decks as an exerciser in which company officers 
participated while the higher-ups did the grinning ; ditto for the 
afternoon session. Regular inspections of the men's quarters 
and equipment were made. This is where the juniors had a 
chance to be spectators for captains and above had to do this 
job. There was a set schedule for this and right in the middle 
of one off went the siren with one of its blood-curdling screeches. 
In jig-time every man was at his station; check roll was hastily 
made, reports went in and then those of us who were on the star- 
board side saw an exhibition that was worth while. The destroy- 
ers went whizzing along hell-bent-for-election, diving into the 
heavy seas as though they were trying to reach bottom, with their 
noses bobbing about like corks on the ocean, dropping ash cans 
on their way and then off they dashed as though no longer in- 
terested. There were a number of dull rumbling explosions, 
columns of water shot skyward topped by a thick black smoke, 
and it was officially stated that another of Von Tirpitz's hopes 
had gone to Davy Jones's locker. Two for this trip. 

Ash cans did the business. No, they weren't the kind our 
D. S. C. makes us put our refuse into. They were tin cans con- 
taining ninety pounds of T N T, one of the most powerful ex- 
plosives ever made. There was an exploding contraption at- 
tached which could be set to raise ructions at any desired depth. 
This was somewhat of a secret but in general worked this fashion : 
There was a detonating cap inserted in the can attached to a 
fuse which ended at the top of the can. Fixed on top of this was 
a fulminating cap attached to a trigger released by a spring. 
This spring snapped when the can of T N T went down the full 
length of its mooring wire. The buoy attached sank so far and 
no more; the can of T N T and the buoy parted company, the 
spring snapped, the fuse was ignited and off went the explosive. 
It was not necessary to hit the sub. The concussion of the ex- 
plosions down deep in the water was sufficient to crush in the 
sides of the sub, and if there was no internal explosion all hands 
went to the bottom like, so many rats in a trap. Terrible punish- 
ment, but it fitted the crime of sinking defenseless passenger 
ships with all on board. It fitted the crime of torpedoing ships 
protected under all usages of warfare by the Geneva Cross. 
Whoever failed to respect hospital ships loaded with wounded 



188 71sT NEW YORK 

and dying soldiers^ even if they were enemy combatants, de- 
served and got no more sympathy than is granted to pirates. 

Our dangers of the deep were at an end. We were nearing the 
shores of France after a twelve-day trip and entered the harbor 
of Brest on June 1st, 1918. The Leviathan and the ill-fated 
Lincoln were there when we arrived and the Lincoln went 
out the next day on her final trip with our mail on board. After 
our landing we played at longshore work handling the thousands 
of bags of mail and tons upon tons of supplies brought in by 
three ships as well as our own. The mail from the LincoVn 
and Leviathan was enough to completely block up the dock. 
It was there for a week after we left. This job finished, we were 
marched to the eats station. Never will one of us forget 
that place nor the wild boast of a still wilder Irishman, a Cap- 
tain Q. M, (we don't know his name) who boasted that he could 
feed and had fed 3,000 men an hour with his facilities. No 
wonder ! One look at the culinary arrangements, another at the 
product produced and we were ready to concede that so far as 
we were concerned he might treble his figures but he couldn't feed 
one of us. Chow went into the garbage and we went hungry. 

Then came our first hike on French soil. Though it seemed 
like walking up the side of a house, loaded down as we were with 
our double equipment, on a road that seemed harder than any- 
thing shoe leather had ever been called to tread upon, we tackled 
the job with the usual grim determination that has been the out- 
standing feature of the Yank when called on. The road was 
white as chalk and covered all over with a sharp flinty substance 
that played havoc with the soles of our shoes. It looked like 
broken glass, but in reality was a very brittle stone which was 
found in profusion in the chalk beds which abounded in that 
territory. Less than quarter way up, the boys began to double 
over to relieve the strain on their backs. On the sides of the 
roadway a great crowd of little French kiddies, boys and girls 
ranging from knee high to fourteen years, trudged along looking 
at the soldiers who had come from America to fight for France, 
Not a word escaped them. Big sad eyes looked at us with wonder 
and admiration. Suddenly one youngster pulled out a little tin 
whistle, there was a squeak or two and then upon our astonished 
ears burst the familiar air : 



IN THE WORLD WAR 189 

Hail! Hail! The gang's all here, 
What the Hell do we care, 
What the Hell do we care. 
Hail! Hail! The gang's all here, 
What the Hell do we care Now. 

Every back in that gang stiffened as if it contained a steel rod ; 
there was just one unanimous shout of approval. A kiddie with 
a tin whistle had roused the fire in their hearts, and they nego- 
tiated that hill as though it were the sidewalk on Broadway. 
Hands dove into pockets and a shower of coins went to the kid- 
dies as a greeting from the Yanks. They scrambled for them, of 
course, amid gleeful shouts, but what the youngsters of the male 
sex were mostly interested in were our smokes. Climbing a hill 
we naturally marched route step and there was no harm in the 
urchins dodging into our column, clasping the loose hand of 
soldier boys and joining with the bunch in singing some of our 
march tunes. But just as soon as a song was finished out came 
a grimy little hand with the request ' ' Un cigarette pour Papa. ' * 
That sounded enough like "United States"; the cigarettes were 
handed out liberally and the kids went upon the side of the road- 
way, pulled out a match, scratched the seat of their pants in 
approved fashion and lit up. Papa got none of those cigarettes. 

Up the hill — and ye Gods what a hill it was — and then on to 
the Pontanezon Barracks. We are not in position to take sides in 
the discussion that took place as to its merits or demerits. When 
we were there our camp was pitched in a quadrangle away from 
the Barracks, on the other side of and higher up than the gully 
about which there was talk. We bivouaced in pup tents. The 
place was dry as a bone and clean and we were very comfortable. 
The air was wonderfully pure, the country beautiful and the 
natives the essence of cordiality. Surely Les Americaines they 
are brave men to come to fight for La Belle France and our 
homes. N'est pas? We must show them that we are their 
friends. No sooner had we pitched camp than along came a 
rosy-cheeked girl with a basket on her arm. Smilingly she ap- 
proached a group of our boys and ''Desirez vous des ceufs?" said 
she to one of them. ' ' Gee ! Whattells she parleying ? " " Don 't 
know but guess she wants to sell you something. Look into her 



190 71sT NEW YORK 

basket, you bonehead. " They looked and ''Gee fellers, fresh 
eggs," was the howl they set up. There was a concerted rush, 
a scramble, and then, "Line forms on this side." First man on 
the line annexed six ceuf.s and handed out a fist full of French 
coins of various sizes and denominations. His eyes popped when 
Mademoiselle calmly took one after the other and he gasped when 
she quietly said: "Encore." Rapid fire French had taught him 
that this meant do it again. She got half a franc apiece for 
them. The bargain concluded, he decided that the easiest way to 
crack an egg was to bump it on his steel helmet. There was just 
one squash and yolk and white slid down the back of his neck as 
though they were used to it. The darned things weren't hard- 
boiled at all, they were raw. Another rush brought the whole 
bunch of buyers alongside the demure maiden. In every possible 
way they tried to explain that she should boil the eggs for them, 
but it was no use. "Compris" was all the answer she gave. 
Invention is the mother of necessity. A stray tin can, enough 
water to fill it, a bit of fire from dry twigs, and in jig time raw 
eggs were boiled eggs. They were good, they were the very best 
fresh eggs we had ever tasted and it was immediately decided to 
have a mess of eggs for breakfast. 

Accompanied by the mess-sergeant, who spoke French, and a 
detail to do the lugging we proceeded to the house of our friends. 
Mess-sergeant was instructed to ask had they any more eggs to 
sell. Frenchy said, ''Ah, oui, beaucoup, monsieur." Easy as 
falling off a log. Friend "rapid-fire" said that was "Oh, yes, 
plenty, sir. ' ' We accompanied the peasant to his barn and right 
then and there our desire for an egg breakfast went into the dis- 
card. Crate upon crate were the eggs piled, and every crate bore 
this brand in plain United States : ' ' Cold Storage Eggs. Packed 
in Chicago, U. S. A., 1916." We had comed-willie hash and 
bootleg next morning. 

After a short stay here we hiked some kilometers and finally 
reached a railroad back at Brest and here for the first time 
glimpsed the famous 48 's. Dinky little cars that looked like toys 
compared to the freight cars we had in the United States. "40 
Hommes — 8 Cheveaux Lengthwise, ' ' was the stencil mark on the 
side of each, and one ride in them as far as Neuelle served to fix 
them in our minds for all time. Those who had no knowledge 



IN THE WORLD WAR 191 

of French bothered the life out of those who did ''compris." 
' ' Does our luggage go in them ? " " No, you chump, can 't you see 
the marks on the cars 40 Hommes 8 Cheveaux Lengthwise?'' 
That don 't mean baggage. " " Oh, have a heart. I can make out 
the lengthwise stuff. Course the cars run lengthwise, but what's 
all that other 40 and 8 stuff about?" "That, you boob, means 
40 men — 8 horses lengthwise. ' ' We got in. Forty Hommes was 
the legend but 50 Hommes was the load plus our dunnage. Not 
another could be squeezed in. The Cheveaux? Oh, they stayed 
outside in the legend. 

All on board everybody waiting for the next move, and then 
we heard a series of shouts and beheld an apparition in gorgeous 
blue uniform all bedecked with gold lace somewhat after the 
style of our ''Wax Works" in pre-war days. He was the boss of 
the railroad and insisted upon being recognized in his authority. 
With a flourish that put a major-general to shame, he waved a 
little brass trumpet, about half the size of our new and muchly 
cussed bugle, put it to his mouth and two measly little toots 
came out of it. That was all, but it must have had a magic in- 
fluence on the choo-choo at the front end of our train, for the 
whole shooting-match went scooting along the track like a thing 
possessed. Travel by rail in those days in France was uncertain 
and precarious. Go awhile and stop longer was* the rule. P. R. 
(Personal reconnaissance) was a frequent necessity, as the avions 
(airplanes) had an uncomfortable habit of practicing marks- 
manship on the roadbed, very often with disastrous results, more 
often just close enough to the tracks to give you a first-hand 
view of what a shell crater looked like. Some of them were big 
and deep enough to accommodate a two-story house with room 
to spare, and needless to say we were duly impressed with the 
explosive power of the Bosche's contraptions. There are many 
details about the 48 's that are hardly worth mentioning. Some 
we dare not. The scenery from the cars on our trip was very 
interesting, and some of it beautiful, until we got to the vicinity 
of Abbeville, a railroad center where Fritzie had vented much 
of his venomous spite and plenty of bombs. Air raids were of 
frequent occurrence and many of the houses in the town were 
blown to bits. The railroad yards had received tHeir full share 
of attention and twisted rails, smashed cars, broken-up engines 



192 71sT NEW YORK 

and shacks formed a picture of wanton destruction that is almost 
beyond description. 

From Abbeville we went on to Neuville, where we detrained, 
marched across the railroad and piled our luggage preparatory to 
an exercising drill. We didn't drill, but we got considerable of 
a shock when the order came down the line, ''All men will dis- 
card their excess equipment. One uniform, two changes of 
underwear, one pair russet and one pair hob-nailed shoes, the 
necessary toilet articles and ponchos will be carried. All else 
will be piled on the salvage heaps. Squad and kit bags in- 
cluded. ' ' What the men wanted to know, came at the shoulder 
bars with a rush in the form of innumerable but terse questions. 
We couldn't tell them any more than what the order said, but 
we did tell the boys ''Don't waste words. Pick out the best you 
have, make a hurry-up change and discard the rest of your 
duds." None of us could see any earthly sense in packing this 
far like overloaded mules. Surely the Tommies couldn't wear 
our clothes — there Avere no other Yanks ahead of us who needed 
them. Well, orders is orders, so we dumped our things on the 
salvage heaps and parted from many a cherished souvenir from 
our bestest with heavy hearts and journeyed on to Beauval. 

Preparatory drills and exercises, limbering up hikes, guard 
duty, grenade practice and trench drills were our main occupa- 
tion, and as a side issue we showed the Froggies how to clean up 
a fairly dirty town. We were not yet within the fighting lines, 
but all the regulations in effect where Hell was breaking were 
enforced here. No lights after dark was an order that was 
rigidly carried out because the airmen were extremely busy and 
lights were very apt to draw a visitation from them, as one artil- 
lery bunch found out while they were seated about an open jSre. 
Some of their men and horses went out of business in a hurry 
when a bomb from one of Jerry 's planes dropped in their midst. 
Our next stop was a little town called Neuelli Hopital, and there 
the officers met the order "Turn your trunks in to the Supply 
Officer by 11 A. M. for shipment to Paris or London for 
storage. Nothing but what you can carry will be taken. Bag- 
gage will be limited to 50 pounds per officer, including bedding- 
roll." This meant that all the half dozen of each kind of article 
— extra heavy woolen socks, white shirts and collars, extra cuffs. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 193 

shoes, trench boots and the hundred and one things which the 
War Department had ordered us to purchase at an expense of 
about three hundred dollars — were classed as unnecessary and 
dispensable. We had to buy them, make affidavit that we had 
them, and now we were to pack them for storage. Fine busi- 
ness, but we packed them. 

Next came the order sending us to the East Poperinghe Line 
for practice. This was said to be a quiet sector. Maybe it was 
before we got there, perhaps it was after we left, but during the 
time we were there Fritzie made noises in plenty and slammed 
over samples of about everything Krupp ever made. He wasn 't a 
bit stingy about the quantity he sent over and sure was proud of 
his variety. Looked to us as if he had a surplus and was afraid 
it would spoil on his hands, so wanted to get rid of it quickly. 
We were reasonably sure that we knew all his brands. When he 
stopped for rest our artillery sent him a rush order of goods 
made in the U. S. A. They were good salesmen and delivered 
on the spot where Bosche ha'd his ammunition dumps and off 
went five hundred or a thousand shells with one terrific bang. 
Our rifles and machine guns were busy at the same time and the 
"Got Mit Tins" bunch kept quiet for a while. This was a daily 
performance, interspersed with raids and counter raids, trips out 
into No-Man's Land and sniping. After a week of this we went 
to the back area for a well earned rest. We had received our 
baptism of fire, not without some losses, and we felt pretty much 
like veterans. We had held this line from July 9th to August 
20th, and then moved to the Dickebusch sector, where we had an 
action on August 21st, and held this line until August 30th, when 
we made an advance on Vierstraat Ridge. On August 31st we 
fought a battalion in the vicinity of Mount Kemmel and then 
advanced on Wytschaete Ridge September 2nd. 

While we were in the trenches at Dickebusch, the Bosche 
snipers held command of No-Man's Land and the tops of our 
trench lines. Any exposure was almost sure to result in a sore 
head if not worse and the men were ordered not to show them- 
selves above the parapet. One afternoon a big fellow landed in 
our trench, went off with a terrific bang, blew three or four 
fellows about like cards and two landed on top of the trench; 
one chap was almost buried in the dirt while another was blown 



194 71sT NEW YORK 

along the length of the trench. Luckily nobody was hurt, but 
the chap who took a flier along the trench felt around to see if 
he was all there and then looked for his buddies. He saw two of 
them up on top of the parados, strictly against orders, and im- 
mediately shouted to them: ''Hey, you fellows will get Hell if 
the lieutenant catches you up there; come down quick." They 
slid down none the worse for wear and immediately countered 
with the remark, "And what do you suppose he will say to you 
if he asked you to explain your move by the numbers ? ' ' That 
same night Fritzie wanted to know who was in our line and at- 
tempted a raid. So far and no further, Fritzie, for we laid 
down a grenade barrage, perhaps the first of its kind the Yanks 
had put over on him, and he decided that home was the place for 
him. 

On or about the 26th of August a machine gun sniper held 
command of part of our trench which had been broken down by a 
shell, at a point where it was necessary for our men to pass. 
Every time a man attempted to pass zipp-zipp would go a burst 
of bullets. It was very uncomfortable for the men and they 
reported the facts to the top sarge, who after a while got tired of 
the grouches and reported the facts to the officer in command. 
The officer was busy signing reports on reconnaissance and other 
matters which H. D. Q. had to receive hourly and merely 
growled: '*Tell the men to keep down." After a bit of P. R. 
the sniper was located, a few Hales Grenades went his way, fol- 
lowed by a couple of clips from a rifle, and the coast was clear. 
No more sniping. A certain Yank has that Bosche's belt buckle 
as a souvenir. After the advance on Wytschaete Ridge we re- 
tired to the rear area where we enjoyed a much needed rest, 
during which we had practice in all kinds of attacks, prepara- 
tory to our next show. We got back to a place called Heidebeke, 
and there entrained for Doullens on September 4th. Here again 
our famous eight-hour schedule went into effect and we all 
worked like beavers preparing for further fighting when next we 
went into the line. On September 20th we were ordered forward 
to the area opposite the Hindenburg Line, the much vaunted 
Gibraltar of the Bosche defense line. On September 27th we 
fought the battles of The Knoll, Quinnemont Farm and Guille- 
mont Farm and on September 29th went in for the Hindenburg 



IN THE WORLD WAR 195 

smash. Zero hour was about 5 :50 A. M. We were on the line 
before that, probably about 5:30, and with every nerve tense 
waited for the fateful minute. Exactly on the second our guns 
opened out with a roar that defies description. Every machine 
gun sent a leaden hail as fast as its mechanism could drive, and 
away w^e went out there into inky blackness. Out there where we 
knew the enemy was, but not a man faltered. We moved like a 
huge steam roller. Our orders were explicit. ' ' Every unit will 
take its objective and hold it to the last man." Those were Gen- 
eral 'Ryan 's orders to us and, so far as human power, will and 
courage could control, we determined to obey. 

On we went in one wild dash with never a let-up for nearly 
six hours. We had no barrage, we could not have one to help us 
because of the very nature of our undertaking. Nothing that 
Fritzie could send our way had any effect on our advance until 
we hit a sunken road where the enemy laid down a smoke screen 
on us and then we had to stop to get our bearings. As soon as 
we got straightened out, on we went and our battalion, the First 
of the 105th Infantry, commanded by Captain Harry Maslin, 
formerly of the Seventy-first New York, had the signal honor of 
penetrating over 1,000 yards deeper into the enemy line than 
any other unit that day. Captain Maslin had under him that 
day four companies of the 105th Infantry, each one commanded 
by a former officer of the famous Seventy-first New York In- 
fantry. We participated in a glorious victory, but we paid a 
terrible price. Every officer in the battalion was seriously 
wounded and most of the men were killed or wounded by the 
frightful hurricane of machine gun fire we were subjected to at 
a time when there was no possible chance of getting shelter. 
After the battle of the Hindenburg Line on October 1st, what 
was left of the regiment went behind the fighting lines, for rest 
and reorganization. On October 17th it was engaged in the 
battle of LeSelle River, near St. Souplet. On October 18th 
occurred the battle at Jonc de Mer Ridge in the vicinity of Arbre 
Guernon, and its fighting ceased with the engagement at St. 
Maurice River near Catillon October 19th, 1920. On October 
20th the 105th moved back to Corbie for rest and training and 
on November 28th went to the Le Mans area for training, re- 
filling and preparations for departure to Brest for embarkation. 



THE STORY OF COMPANY L— 105TH INFANTRY 
SPARTANBURG TO HANDIFORT 

By Captain Charles H. Scott 

The 105th Infantry broke camp at Spartanburg on May 1st, 
2nd and 3rd, 1918. Captain Stanley Bulkley (71st) and Second 
Lieutenant George Howard left on Sunday, April 28th, with the 
regimental detail on a secret mission. This was all that was 
known at the time as to what their leaving meant. During the 
next four days First Lieutenants Carlin and Smith, and Second 
Lieutenant Meriwether (71st) were busy day and night checking 
up property in the 106th Infantry, while officers of the 106th 
Infantry checked up the 105th. Orders and counter orders flew 
about every few minutes. The men furbished up their equip- 
ment; turned in old or wornout items, both quartermaster and 
ordnance, and drew new; marked all property not previously 
done and saw to it that all mess and other company property 
was in good shape. Boxes for shipping company property over- 
seas were made and proudly lettered — ''Co. L, 105th Inf., 
A. E. F." 

On Thursday, May 2nd, First Lieutenant Charles H. Scott 
(71st) returned from New York, where he had been on leave of 
absence, arriving in camp at 3 P. M. Being the senior officer 
he took command and was advised the company would move the 
next afternoon. Within fifteen minutes orders were received to 
have baggage ready at seven o'clock the following morning, and 
a little later this was changed to read nine o'clock that same 
night, again changed to seven o'clock and at about five o'clock 
changed to "At Once," with the note that the wagons would 
arrive at the head of the company street immediately. By 5 :45 
P. M. the last load of company property and officers' baggage 
had gone. That night officers and men slept in their blankets on 
the floors of their tents, and thus spent their last hours in the 

196 



71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 197 

home that had been theirs during seven long weary months of 
training and waiting. The Call had come! During the last 
evening and the early hours of the following morning the com- 
pany officers had an interesting time trying to sell to officers of 
Pioneer outfits remaining in camp such of their effects as they 
did not want or could not take with them — particularly the huts 
which had been built underneath the tent coverings. First- 
Lieutenant Carlin was the lucky one — he disposed of his hut for 
ten dollars! Lieutenant Scott was the last Officer of the Day 
and Company L the last to do guard duty in the old camp. 

Friday morning, May 3rd, the company moved out about nine 
o'clock following Company M. The 10th N. Y. Inf. which was 
Camped beside the 105th sent their band to play us all out of 
camp, but Joe Mode brought over the 71st band, placed them at 
the head of Company L and played for us on the first leg of 
our journey to "Over There." Down the road in front of the 
71st camp we marched, shouting hail and farewell to the men and 
officers whom we knew so well, and on toward the quartermaster's 
stores with the waiting train on a siding there. All along the 
way our friends from other outfits lined the road to wish us 
' ' Good Luck " ; as we passed the 47th camp, they turned out to a 
man to hail First-Lieutenant Carlin who came to the 105th from 
that regiment. No 71st man in Company L will ever forget Joe 
Mode and the 71st band, nor the last march behind them. Broken 
up, scattered in various organizations as we were, the 71st spirit 
still lived ! That band played it into us once more ; we took it to 
France, to the firing line, and were ready to take it to Berlin. 
Rumors as to where we were to go had of course been numerous. 
We had learned the advance party were in New York, so thought 
that good reason to believe we would go there too. Others had 
heard we were to go to Newport News and that rumor was per- 
sistent. Charleston, New Orleans, Panama and many other 
places were also included in the rumors. At any rate, no official 
information was given out and our departure was supposed to 
be secret. Well it was, if you count all Spartanburg and half the 
United States out — otherwise it was pretty well known. 

We got aboard the cars to find ordinary day coaches had been 
provided for all — officers and men alike. We were advised by 
Captain Hall of K Company (who was in command of the bat- 



198 71sT NEW YORK 

talion) that a strict censorship would prevail on all correspond- 
ence, and that company commanders must read and 0. K. all 
mail sent out. So everybody got busy writing letters. The usual 
train regulations prevailed, with platform sentries, inspections, 
etc. The train started for the coast — so Charleston became the 
best bet for our destination. At Columbia, S. C, after joking 
with a large number of soldiers from Camp Jackson who had 
come down to see us pass through (more secrecy!) we turned 
north and knew we were at least headed for Richmond. So New 
York again loomed up ahead of us. "We turned the cushioned 
seats lengthwise and managed to sleep in fairly comfortable 
fashion. Meals were served hot, cooking being done on field 
ovens mounted on a baggage car in the usual manner. At Rich- 
mond, next morning, the train turned down the James River and 
at last we knew — it was to be Newport News ! 

Running for several miles through a large Q. M. camp, which 
we learned was Camp Hill, we at length reached Camp Stuart 
Saturday, May 4th, disembarking from a siding close to our bar- 
racks. These barracks were a new experience for us; it was 
significant that our men did not like them, complaining that it 
' ' did not seem like soldiering. ' ' The first thing we noted was that 
quite a number of ladies had already arrived to visit members of 
the two battalions that had preceded us; this caused a grand 
rush to telephone and telegraph stations with the result that we, 
too, soon had visitors. We stayed at Camp Stuart for thirteen 
days. Part of the time was taken up with ordinary drills, guard 
duty and other like duties. But the principal job was to draw 
and issue overseas equipment. This came in many different lots 
at all conceivable hours. Identification disks were issued and 
stamped only to be changed in style of wording three or four 
times until they measured up to the very latest requirements 
received from France. Among others, we received the recruit kit 
(consisting of safety razor, brush and comb, tooth brush, shaving 
brush, and soap) ration bag, breech cover, rifle wire-cutters, 
bomb-bucket, rifle grenade discharger, Very light pistol, folding 
saw and additional revolvers. 

A number of the men had been left behind, sick, at Camp 
Wadsworth. Some of these began to arrive, having gotten out of 
hospital by fair means or foul and in some way or other made 



IN THE WORLD WAR 199 

their way to us. One of these was little Danny Mahar (71st) who 
refused to surrender the service record with which he had been 
sent to hospital, found out our location and came on by himself 
to join us; sick and almost unable to stand he got by the doctors 
somehow and sailed with the company; thereby adding still an- 
other to former evidences of his pluck — the pluck that later, on 
the battle-field, earned him the D. S. C, the British Military 
Medal and the French Croix de Guerre with palm. Men who 
had been on furlough came back. Others who had been A. W. 0. 
L. showed up. One man who had been gone for ninety-one days 
returned ; the company commander interviewed him and learned 
of the wonderful time he had been having in New York ; on ask- 
ing if his idea in joining the company was simply to get a free 
trip across with plans to go A. W. 0. L. to Paris, was very 
quickly made to realize that this man really wanted to fight and 
so he was returned to full company status without action of any 
kind. But he surrendered a book of ''Good Addresses" in Paris 
which was turned over to the First- Sergeant as company prop- 
erty. This man shall be nameless for he made good during all 
the fighting ; he did his full duty and gave no trouble ; but af tei 
the Armistice he returned to his A. W. 0. L. habits. It was inci- 
dents like these which proved that Company L really wanted to 
fight ! 

While at Newport News we learned that Major DeKay had 
been transferred out of the battalion definitely — on account of 
sickness. A new commander came to us, Major Herbert Barry, 
a former captain of Squadron A., N, G. N. Y., who had gone to 
the Officers' Training School (O. T. C.) in Spartanburg and 
graduated with a majority. The new major had a hard job tak- 
ing command in the midst of all the work and bustle of these 
preparations to embark, getting his equipment together, and 
getting acquainted with his outfit. One remembers distinctly 
how he sat down three times on his freshly lettered trunks and 
had to borrow carbona from Lieutenant Scott to get the paint off 
his breeches. Company L received a new second-lieutenant, one 
John C. Cipperly, a graduate from the Spartanburg 0. T. C, 
who came out of Company D, 105th Inf. We looked over this 
long, lanky six-footer curiously and decided he was 0. K. Lieu- 



200 71sT NEW YORK 

tenant Meriwether was promoted to First-Lieutenant and trans- 
ferred to Company I. 

We had equipment and medical inspections without number, 
of both men and officers. We turned in report after report of 
items of which we were short and finally received them all. The 
officers were compelled to display to the major a full equipment 
and to buy any of the required items of which they might be 
short. Many a time in France we wondered why the higher au- 
thorities had caused us to spend our good money for many of 
those things — particularly those six white shirts and dozen col- 
lars. Our four sergeants graduated from the 0. T. C. but not yet 
commissioned, Holmes Smith (71), Albert Spony (71), Francis 
A. Nolan and Francis P. Thornton (71) also purchased a part of 
their officers' equipment and placed it in trunk lockers to go with 
the officers' baggage^ — for it was known their commissions were 
likely to come through any day. Officers not already provided 
with them bought Sam Browne belts. Among property bought 
for the company was a new typewriter; this machine went all 
through the campaign with Company L, and came home with 
them to Camp Upton. Absentees on account of sickness and one 
or two who had failed to find us on their return from furlough, 
began to cut down our number. Medical inspections came along 
and also took away a few. When we finally made out the passen- 
ger lists, we were compelled to omit the names of Sergeant Don- 
nelly (71), Sergeant Leonard (71), Corporals Heiser (71) and 
Kennedy, and Privates Sheid (71), Lavecchia, Tescher, Nelson, 
Lloyd Mulford (71) and Vines. The list as finally completed 
showed 4 officers and 206 men. 

In addition to visiting with those who came to see us, we had 
the pleasure of bathing at the nearby beach. Another pleasant 
memory is the ''Spread" given us by the ladies of Newport 
News ; this occurred in the company mess hall ; our talented mem- 
bers sang, danced and did other stunts similar to those at the 
Christmas celebration in Spartanburg. Our evening parades 
constantly demonstrated the steadiness of the Regiment. On 
May 16th was held the last parade, at which the officers joined 
the Colonel at the reviewing point and the Regiment marched 
past under command of the non-coms. It certainly was an in- 
spiring sight. As one officer wrote home, ' ' It made me feel very 



IN THE WORLD WAR 201 

proud to have had a hand in developing such an organization — 
I'll take my chances with them anywhere." On May 15th the 
visitors had nearly all disappeared. Barrack bags and heavy 
baggage were packed and shipped. General Michie, our Bri- 
gade Commander, assembled the officers, telling them that while 
we were to be separated for a time, he expected the Regiment to 
function up to a high standard and exhorted us to play the game 
to the limit. He sailed on another ship than ourselves — we 
never saw him again. On May 16th Lieutenant Carlin and a 
detail left us to go aboard ship as an advance party to arrange 
for our accommodations. At 11 A. M. on May 17th, 1918, we 
marched out of Camp Stuart on our way to the docks. Friday 
certainly was moving day for Company L. 

Through part of the city and down back streets to the dock 
where our ship awaited us, lay our way. As usual, there was a 
long wait at the gateway entrance to the actual dock. The com- 
pany broke into single file in the rotation of their names on the 
passenger list — practice for this had been held in camp — walked 
up a steep runway which led to a covered dock, along inside this 
to an opening with a gang-plank to the ship. Here the line 
halted ; each man answered to his name as it was called from the 
passenger list and stepped aboard. Members of the company 
advance detail met us as we came aboard and conducted us to 
our bunks. The men's quarters were forward on the third deck 
below the main deck. The quarters were airy and clean, but very 
crowded. Bunks were of canvas, three to a tier. Passageways 
between tiers were scarcely wide enough for an average pair of 
shoulders to pass. The light at best was dim — at sea when only 
blue lights were allowed at night, it was practically dark — good 
practice for night work on the battlefields later on. Officers were 
given cabins strictly according to seniority ; field officers each had 
an entire cabin, all line officers were three to a cabin and the 
cabins were very small. We found our ship was the President 
Grant, a former German merchant ship. It is interesting to note 
that the company commander's wife had advised him fully a 
week before of the name of the ship and date of sailing ; this was 
two or three days before he was officially advised with injunc- 
tions to strict secrecy ! While he was out of camp on pass, nearly 
a week before sailing, Sergeant D. S. Scott (71) also learned 



202 71sT NEW YORK 

from some sailors he met, the name of the ship on which we were 
to go over. However, we had no information as to our destina- 
tion and so far as the writer is aware no one, at least from the 
line officers down, knew what it was until our actual arrival. 
The rest of that day and ni^ht the ship lay at the dock taking 
aboard baggage. We found the entire 105th and one battalion of 
the 108th were on board. We spent our time getting acquainted 
with the ship and visiting each other. We also mailed our 
' ' Safely Arrived ' ' post cards in bags which were taken off during 
the night. 

We sailed the morning of May 18th but soon got stuck on a 
mud bank which delayed us several hours until tugs pulled us off. 
Meanwhile the organization was more or less re-arranged to con- 
form to the requirements of the Navy. The men received two 
very hearty meals per day. This they supplemented by pur- 
chases at the Y. M. C. A. canteen on board, to say nothing of the 
time the ship 's stores were broken into and L men had a big feed. 
There were excellent sanitary arrangements and shower baths. 
Regular times were taken for exercise, but this consisted princi- 
pally of running about the decks. Guard duty required the whole 
company, as posts were very numerous. Strict rules had to be 
observed regarding those parts of the ship which could be visited. 
''Can't stand there, soldier!" was an injunction often heard. 
Lieutenant Carlin drew crow's nest lookout duty, Lieutenant 
Smith, Sergeant Spony and Sergeant Nolan the same on deck, 
Lieutenant Cipperly the policing detail, which left Lieutenant 
Scott the supervision and general duties of the company. 
There were many inspections of the company quarters. Enter- 
tainments in the form of band concerts and moving pictures were 
provided for men and officers. Generally, the life was pleasant 
and easy. At first while in the Gulf Stream, the weather was hot 
and quite uncomfortable in quarters and cabins — later it grew 
cooler. There was a library on board from which books were 
obtained ; most of them were supplied by the Westchester County 
Red Cross. Wireless bulletins were received from the U. S. and 
published to the men through the first-sergeants. 

The officers were entertained in royal fashion. Seats at the 
dining tables were according to seniority. The food was as good 
as any first class hotel — three meals per day. Band concerts, 



IN THE WORLD WAR 203 

moving pictures and community singing were provided in the 
dining room each evening. The first moving picture shown was 
*' Atonement" in five parts. Sunday there were religious exer- 
cises. A paper called ' ' The Lee Rail ' ' was issued of which Cap- 
tain MacArthur of Company A was the editor and Lieutenant 
Scott in charge of the actual production — we used the ship's 
print shop to get it out. Officers and non-com. schools were held 
in I. D. R. There were eight or nine ships in the convoy as it 
left Newport News, joined the second day out by four or five 
more which we understood came from New York. We were 
escorted by one battle cruiser. Abandon Ship drills were held 
several times each day. On assembling at our posts the roll was 
called and reported to the adjutant. At first we called the roll 
by name, but later we found it quicker and easier to call it by 
the bunk numbers. Our positions were beside life rafts on four 
raised platforms — two each side of the foremast ; this we shared 
partly with Company M. Incidentally, we wore our life pre- 
servers continuously and used the pockets as a scrap basket. 

The fourth day out we had our first submarine scare. The 
Abandon Ship alarm sounded about 10 :00 A. M. Rushing to the 
deck, we were just in time to see that cruiser turn short about^ 
apparently in her tracks, and commence firing at some point near 
the center of the convoy, meanwhile steaming across the front 
of the convoy. We rushed to our stations and called the roll — 
there were two men absent, who seemed to be accounted for by 
duties in other parts of the ship which made it practically impos- 
sible for them to reach us. INIeanwhile the gun on our port bow 
commenced to fire. The men of the 105th could not be restrained 
— they climbed up the rigging and all other available places, 
cheering the shots and having the time of their lives. Afraid? 
Not they ! But it was only an overturned life boat — though the 
navy took no chances. On May 26th we were met by the fleet of 
destroyers and on May 27th had our second submarine scare. 
This was a real one. But the submarine was sighted quite a little 
distance off and taken care of by the destroyers who either sunk 
it or caused it to take flight, — we really could not tell which. On 
May 30th, in sight of land, we experienced our third attack, 
which was very real. Many saw the periscope and the actions of 
the destroyers were thrilling. It was all close in. The way those 



204 71sT NEW YORK 

little insects of ships surrounded the spot and criss-crossed about 
in the shape of a figure 8, dropping their depth bombs, was a 
sight not to be forgotten. In one whale of an upheaval from a 
bomb we could see oil and pieces of wreckage. One submarine 
was through. Two destroyers dropped behind and later, after 
we had arrived in port, one destroyer passed us towing a German 
submarine behind it which had been captured ! We heard later 
that the commanding officer of that destroyer was decorated for 
the job. 

This same Decoration Day brought us into port. It was Brest ! 
This beautiful harbor certainly did look good to us. We steamed 
in and dropped anchor not far from the Leviathan which had 
already discharged her troops. We lay there overnight. But 
that night at dinner the officers wore their Sam Brownes for the 
first time ! The next day we were taken ashore by lighter. Here 
we had our first contact with the British, as the sergeant in com- 
mand of the lighter was of the British Army ; his efficient meth- 
ods were noted and commented upon. Landing practically upon 
a street alongside some railw^ay tracks, we looked about curiously. 
Of course, there were some French soldiers, and with a thrill we 
saw one or two German prisoners at work under the eye of a 
French sentry. Then came the march up a steep hill through 
some of the narrow cobbled streets. Little children ran along 
with us, taking hold of our hands and many requesting — ' ' Ciga- 
rette for my fader" — they could not say much more in English 
but explained somehow that father was in the trenches. Later, 
after we had tried some French tobacco, we thoroughly under- 
stood why they preferred American cigarettes ! Several times we 
heard them sing ''Hail, hail, the gang's all here!" — ^so we knew 
they had met American soldiers before us. We noted the Breton 
headdress on some of the women and the universal wooden shoes. 
In fact, every instant we realized more and more that this was 
France ! On we went, out beyond the old moat surrounding the 
ancient part of the town and several miles into the country. At 
last we reached a point where we turned down a narrow lane and 
into a field surrounded by high dirt hedges, moss covered. We 
found it w^as known as the Pontanezon rest camp, being just out- 
side the Pontanezon Barracks. Both fields and barracks dated 
from Napoleon's day, the high hedges being built to conceal the 



IN THE WORLD WAR 205 

drills and maneuvers of his troops. Here we pitched pup tents 
and began to look around. First thing we found was that water 
was very scarce; it came to us in a water cart of the style with 
which we were to become so familiar, and was chlorinated. How 
we did hate the taste of that water. In fact, we soon learned 
there was very little good water in France and thereby under- 
stood why the people were so addicted to their vin rouge and vin 
blanc. Furthermore, we observed they know how to use it and 
not abuse it ; we saw very few drunken people over there. Also 
we soon learned to treat it in the same manner ourselves. That 
evening the men of the Company began to take lessons in French ; 
Corporal E. J. Brown, who could speak the language, was found 
surrounded by a group of L men just outside the camp limits 
talking to a French girl, while the others under his direction 
practised various phrases which they hoped to use on their own 
later on. That night as the shadows began to fall — dusk comes 
about 10 P. M. at that time of the year — a group sat gathered on 
top of a hedge playing various musical instruments brought 
along with them. Every one about gathered around, and led by 
the musicians, sang war songs and songs of home. Chief among 
the musicians was Al Spony (71) of L Company and his guitar. 
Here was a man to gladden a company commander's heart. With 
his guitar and his songs he cheered us countless times. Who of 
L Company will forget his songs on the weary hikes? How he 
would peal out "Well be together sweethearts — love will find a 
way" — and some of us quoted that line in our letters home. 
Today with his wooden leg — he left a good one in the Argonne — 
he is the same bright, cheery, cheerful soul that he always was. 
Every man in L Company is grateful that Lieutenant Spony was 
with us over there. 

Two days later Lieutenants Carlin and Smith brought up the 
remaining half of the company which had been left behind with 
Company M to unload ship. Not much could be done in the way 
of drilling, but some time was taken up with hikes along the 
roads. A great batch of A. E. F. printed orders was received 
with injunctions for officers and non-coms, to read and digest 
them all — it was impossible. There was a great deal of time 
which hung heavy on the men's hands. Of course they were wild 
to go into Brest and view a French city, but orders were against 



206 71sT NEW YORK 

all passes. The company commander tried to get through the 
Major permission for the men to go into town by groups in 
charge of an officer, as had actually been done in one or two other 
companies, but was unsuccessful. At last there came a night 
when practically all of L Company, if not with the permission, at 
least with the sympathetic good will of the company commander, 
broke through the guard lines and went into town. Most of them 
returned before taps. Many, however, were returned under 
guard with little notes from the Provost Marshal who we found 
out later took this means of sending them in rather than hold the 
men for charges, because he had once been a member of the 
National Guard of New York and had a feeling of comradeship 
for them. The company commander still has many of these 
notes — they form a prized part of his souvenirs de guerre. The 
next day the battalion was paraded down the side of a road and 
Major Barry publicly reduced to the ranks nearly all the non- 
coms, of Company L. Then he ordered the company commander 
to write the usual request for reduction. This was done with the 
notation that it was by direction of the C. 0. 3rd Battalion, and 
First-Sergeant Cavanaugh took the papers direct to the Regi- 
mental-Adjutant, seizing the opportunity to explain the affair in 
full. Shortly the Major and Lieutenant Scott were called before 
the Colonel where it was quickly decided that there should be no 
reductions. The Major later called these non-coms, before him 
individually and reinstated them. This ended the incident. 
]\Tajor Barry next day marched the battalion to a nearby village 
and treated every member to a drink of vin rouge at the es- 
taminet. 

We began to have our troubles about washing. One or two 
canteens per day supplied very little with which to do every- 
thing. So there came a time when the Major led us all a few 
miles away to where there was a stream wandering through a 
meadow. The companies were lined up along the stream. Came 
the order to wash dirty underclothes. The only underclothing 
present was on the person. Surprise and delight! Soon there 
were hundreds of naked bodies splashing about in the water — 
and the underclothing was washed. Again we were marched to 
the Pontanezon Barracks where we all had the privilege of hot 
shower baths. While lined up waiting the order to march back 



IN THE WORLD WAR 207 

to camp we saw the 131st Infantry go out of the barracks where 
they had been quartered. They were on their way to the train to 
move toward the front. They were a fine looking outfit and we 
wished them good luck as they passed. Now we learned that a 
great deal of the company baggage brought over with us was to 
go no further. Consternation seized us for those boxes contained 
many extra articles, some forbidden ones, that we had individu- 
ally decided to bring over. A grand rush for the docks where 
we broke into the boxes and salvaged what we could. Also great 
relief on the part of company commanders when they learned 
that in France there was no property accountability for them, 
only responsibility, and that they would not be held accountable 
for property so taken away from them — and supply-sergeants, 
too, felt the relief. 

At last came our day to move, June 5th. We went back down 
through the town to the railroad tracks beside the water where 
we found the box cars, "hommes 40, chevaux 8," awaiting. 
Forty men to a small car ! Not enough room for all to sit or lie 
down at one time ; it had to be done by turns. The officers were 
more comfortably quartered in cushioned compartments. Tinned 
food and biscuits were issued for three days. We were on the 
road forty hours, travelling through the northern part of France. 
We saw the orchards of Normandy, fields, gardens and the inter- 
minable hedges. Orders were for all legs and arms to be kept 
inside the cars — but they were too crowded and parts of anatomy 
would stick out. Here and there stops were made which gave us 
a few minutes to stretch our legs. We saw old men, women and 
children, but no young men, except a few in uniform. At the 
stations we saw groups of refugees with their pitiably small 
bundles, generally in charge of Y. M. C. A. or newspaper men. 
We passed through several cities. At Rouen we learned that 
General Michie had died on a train at this point from heart fail- 
ure and that Colonel Andrews was now brigade commander. At 
one point we passed a group of German prisoners who pointed to 
us, then ahead and drew a finger across their throats. Just then 
the train stopped. The officers had the job of restraining the 
men from rushing on those Germans then and there. A little 
later we stopped at a point where a train was drawn up filled 
with British soldiers fresh from Palestine, and there was a quick 



208 71sT NEW YORK 

fraternization of both men and officers. At last we reached our 
destination, Noyelles, at the mouth of the Somme River. 

Detraining, we were marched across the tracks into a field. 
Here the barrack bags were brought to the men and they were 
ordered to strip, put on clean underclothing and best uniforms 
and roll their regulation equipment into the pack. All other 
material was repacked in the bags which were piled up to be 
taken away. They were not seen again until the fighting was 
over. It was hard to part with banjos, guitars, books and other 
items that had been brought over to ease the hours of expected 
camp life, but it had to be done. Lieutenant Carlin was ordered 
by the Major to get rations and bring them to our next camp ; the 
location of the ration dump and our destination both being un- 
known. Little we realized then that such problems were to be 
frequently put up to various individual men or officers — not once 
did any one fail. We marched off to a British camp nearby 
where we were given a hot meal of stew^ with crackers, jam and 
cheese, by the British Army Service Corps. Then out along our 
first road in the rear areas down which a host of British had 
marched before us. As the Tommies lined up to see us go the 
men of L sang ' ' Tipperary, ' ' followed by some of our own songs. 
Then silent trudging. Suddenly, as the dust began to choke, up 
from the lines of L Company rose this song to the tune of 
'' Blighty '^ 

''Take me back to dear old New York, 
New York is the place I want to be. 
Take me over there, drop me anywhere, 
Anywhere from Harlem to a Jersey City pier. 
Take me back to dear old New York 
That's the only place on earth for me. 
Let the English have their Blighty, 
The French their nighty nightie. 
But New York is the place for me!" 



New York, however, was many a long mile away. 

Three miles or so of hiking brought us to a little village — Port 
Le Grand. Here we were billeted, which billets we found con- 
sisted of barns and similar places for the men, while the officers 



IN THE WORLD WAR 209 

were quartered in peasant homes. It may have seemed a little 
rough just then, but we all look back to Port Le Grand as the 
most pleasant of our many stopping places. During the after- 
noon we received our rolling kitchens and Lieutenant Carlin 
arrived with the rations. We found that we were indeed with the 
British for their ration was issued to us. It was difficult at first 
to make it satisfying, but in a few days our efficient mess-ser- 
geant and cooks had mastered it, so that we learned to do very 
well. The second day we had our first issue of Australian rabbit, 
which was quite a change from the everlasting beef of the Ameri- 
can ration. Here is a copy of the British ration allowance as 
handed us to study : 

Fresh meat (or frozen) — 

Sub. Preserved Meat — 

Bread, soft — 

Bread, hard — 

Rice — 

Oatmeal (3 weekly) — 

Bacon — 

Butter (3 weekly) — 

Cheese — 

Fresh vegetables] — 

or ^ — 

Dried vegetables J — 

Jam — 

Coffee — 

Sugar — 

Substitute when condensed milk is sweetened 2V 

Condensed milk — 

Salt — 

Pepper — 1 oz. 

Mustard — 1 oz. 

Pickles (3 weekly) — 1 oz. 



lb 


OZ. 


9 


oz. 


16 


oz. 


10 


oz. 


1 


oz. 


2 


oz. 


4 


oz. 


2 


oz. 


2 


oz. 


8 


oz. 


2 


oz. 


3 


oz. 


1 


oz. 


3 


oz. 


!y2 


oz. 


1 


oz. 


1/4 


oz. 



Tobacco and cigarettes (Smokers only) 2 oz. 

Matches (2 weekly) 1 box 

Toilet paper 

Coffee was substituted for tea after a week or two when our 
Division complained that they did not like the tea, and soon 



210 71sT NEW YORK 

many a Tommy came to our kitchen to get some of our coffee 
which they rapidly learned to like. Also we soon found that the 
substitute for fresh meat often consisted of Maconichie — that 
tinned stew. Lieutenant S. S. Curtis joined the battalion a few 
days later and took over the duties of supply officer, thus reliev- 
ing Lieutenant Carlin. Our water carts were delivered to us and 
placed in charge of Corporal Richard Reid (71) whose service 
in getting water up to the company, often under fire, never 
failed. I Company was quartered in the same village with us, 
M and K being in another village about two miles off, with bat- 
talion headquarters located in a chateau midway. We marched 
on our second day to a field near these headquarters where we 
were met by a training cadre from the British who gave us daily, 
by lecture, demonstration and practice, up-to-the-minute instruc- 
tion in trench warfare. 

While here we received our Lewis guns. That same night First 
Sergeant Jesse Cavanaugh, Sergeants D. S. Scott (71), C. N. 
Nagle (71) and several others sat up all night in the orderly 
room with the sergeant instructor from the British and mastered 
the handling of that weapon. This was simply typical of the 
spirit that every man in L Company showed at every oppor- 
tunity to fit himself for the actual work down front. We 
marched to a nearby town and received British steel helmets and 
gas masks ; we turned in our American rifles and received British 
in return. At the end of one of our days of drill, the battalion 
was grouped on the field while Colonel Campbell of the training 
cadre gave a demonstration of bayonet work using as his "pal" 
a British sergeant whom we recognized as the pugilist "Bom- 
badier" Wells. The idea that we were getting toward the front 
had a wonderful effect upon the company as a whole. They were 
eager to do everything that would advance our progress to the 
firing line. Officers no longer gave orders in the usual sense of 
that word — they merely indicated what was to be done. The 
non-coms, noted that the British sergeants were housed together 
as a separate unit, so they located a house that might be so used 
for themselves, obtained permission from the company com- 
mander, and occupied the quarters selected. But they did more 
— they observed the manner in which the British non-coms, actu- 
ally took over the handling of the company and undertook to do 



IN THE WORLD WAR 211 

the same in L Company. From that time on the company was 
run by the non-coms. ; and well it was that they did so, for the 
time soon came when corporals found themselves in command 
of platoons under fire — and they commanded them. Three or 
four days after our arrival we were ordered to send a non-com. 
to the front for observation and experience; the choice fell to 
Sergeant Holmes Smith (71), one of our 0. T. C. graduates, who 
was thus the first L man to go under fire. On June 15th Lieu- 
tenant Scott was also sent to the front lines before Albert for 
the same purpose. Lieutenants Smith and Cipperly both were 
sent to British schools, leaving Lieutenant Carlin alone in com- 
mand of the company. It was while at Port Le Grand that Lieu- 
tenant Cipperly discovered his wonderful liking for British jam, 
the liking that led to his famous order at the jump off for the 
attack on the Hindenburg Line — on being asked by Sergeant 
Scott (71) for orders, he replied, ''I am going to sleep. Wake 
me up when the battle starts and don't let any one touch my 
jam." 

The first evening we were in Port Le Grand we noticed the vil- 
lagers, old and young, making their way at dusk with bundles 
of bed clothing in their arms out of the village, leaving every 
house empty, and learned they were going to caves built into 
banks in the fields round about. Of course, we knew it meant 
there must be danger from air raids, but we could not understand 
it, as we knew we must be at least fifty miles from the front. In 
a few days some had been to Abbeville, not far away, and saw 
there the effects of bombs that had been dropped. Also on our 
way to the drill field we were pointed out a spot that had been 
used as a corral and bombed, killing a number of horses. On 
June 16th we had our first experience. The Boche came over 
dropping bombs about; the archies (anti-aircraft guns) opened 
up and there was general excitement. So far as L men were 
concerned, it simply meant a chance to see something ; the general 
orders to stay under cover were forgotten and every one was out 
to see the show. But at least we realized there was indeed danger 
even for these people so far from the front. 

June 17th came a move. A framework had been built up over 
the ration wagon to enable more luggage to be carried, the men 
were getting used to the steel helmets and gas masks and our 



212 71sT NEW YORK 

progress under the instructions of the training cadre was satis- 
factory. We hiked about twelve kilos across the Somme and into 
Franleau where we were billeted. Accommodations were not as 
good as at Port Le Grand, but we continued our training and had 
a little rifle practice on a nearby range. Lieutenants Cipperly 
and Smith came back from school, Lieutenant Scott came back 
from the front and Lieutenant Carlin went away to school in his 
turn. It was here we saw our first evidence of German atrocity. 
The company was lined up in a large courtyard when out from a 
door in a far corner came a chair pushed by a woman who then 
dragged herself along by it and alternately pushing and drag- 
ging she came out into the yard where she looked long and ear- 
nestly at us and made unintelligible sounds — she was a refugee 
who had suffered unspeakable tortures at the hands of the enemy. 
Here, too, we met our first Australians, two big fine looking chaps 
who bespoke our hospitality which we gladly gave. On June 
22nd we started on a three-day hike, the first day taking us about 
twelve miles once more across the Somme, through Abbeville and 
on to the village of Oneux. Near Abbeville we passed a detach- 
ment of German prisoners, about one hundred in number, march- 
ing in columns of squads and in charge of only two or three 
British guards; much to our surprise, as they approached they 
broke into the goose-step and the one German officer in the lead 
saluted. 

At Oneux we sprawled along the village street for quite a while 
waiting to be billeted; we were hot and tired. A commotion 
arose beside a house across the way where a woman tried to stop 
some soldiers from using her pump and well. This woman ac- 
cused the men of threatening her ; an investigation showed no L 
man had been present. Down the street was a crude arrange- 
ment for a shower bath, consisting of a wooden tank with pipes 
running out, into which small holes had been punched. It was 
necessary to fill the tank by a bucket brigade, passing the pails of 
water up ladders to the tank. Most of the men of L Company 
worked on this job and many of them had baths. Crude, but 
pleasant. While much more primitive it reminded many of the 
shower bath at Sterling's Ranch in Texas during our experience 
on the Border in 1916. Next day, the 23rd, we hiked about 
twenty miles to Heuzecourt. No baths, poor billets, and gener- 



IN THE WORLD WAR 213 

ally unsatisfactory conditions. This day we were passed by 
the 108th riding forward in trucks, which did not add to 
our joy in hiking. However, we were learning the details of 
march discipline as conducted in France; the slow rate (about 
two miles actually covered per hour) the distance between com- 
panies, the necessity for keeping off the fields which were culti- 
vated down to the very roadside, the value of our canteens of 
water, even though it was chlorinated, the sense of omitting every 
last ounce from the pack that could be done without, and the 
necessity of foot inspection and care of the feet, for these rough, 
pebbly roads of France were making many footsore. We had 
been taught all these things at Spartanburg, but we learned their 
true value in France. On the twenty-fourth we hiked another 
twelve miles into Doullens. The company was at the head of the 
battalion and entered the town singing; their appearance and 
spirits made an excellent impression on the British officers 
gathered to watch our entrance, some of whom rushed forward 
to congratulate the company commander upon such a splendid 
body of men. 

Doullens we found to be quite a good sized city that had been 
for some time the British General Headquarters, but not since 
the German offensive of the previous March. The entire bat- 
talion was billeted in several good size buildings on three sides 
of a small court. The fourth side opened out on a stream which 
was soon filled with the men taking a much needed bath. L 
Company was located in an old rickety building that had evi- 
dently been used in the wine business ; the building next door still 
contained some of the machinery and some of us took pleasure in 
trying to start it up. The stairs in our billet were narrow and 
shaky ; one could not help but wonder how the men on the top 
floor would ever get out in case of an emergency; in fact, on mak- 
ing a practice evacuation of the building, we found it took well 
over ten minutes for all to descend — and this was in daylight. 
Also this building was very dirty. On the whole it was the worst 
billet the company had been placed in thus far. This was the 
first town of any size where the men had been permitted to wan- 
der about. Naturally, they tried to take it apart to see how it 
was made. Vin rouge, champagne, and cognac were easily ob- 
tained, and we took our fill of it on this our first real opportunity 



214 71sT NEW YORK 

— it would have been better if the entire Regiment had been 
allowed to blow off steam back in Brest. 

Dl-ills started at once. Though we were only twenty miles or 
so back from the front, we marched into the fields not very far 
away, and continued training, now, however, without the con- 
stant supervision of our instructors. In fact, within the week the 
training cadre pronounced their work finished and that the Regi- 
ment was ready for front line duty. Our drills commenced to 
develop more into attack movements in the wave formation 
varied by study, in groups, of the various weapons under instruc- 
tion of our own non-coms, who had specialized in them. Here, 
too, we adopted the British method of dividing into groups in 
different parts of our field, doing different things for short 
periods with frequent changes. This made the work more inter- 
esting and resulted in faster progress. More details went away 
to school; Lieutenant Smith, Sergeant Pulver, and Private 
Flaherty (71) to the American Infantry "Weapons school at 
Langres ; Lieutenant Carlin returned to the company. Sergeant 
D. S. Scott (71) went to the front for observation. Many of the 
men went out on their own trying to reach the front for at least 
a look and got as near as they could, turning back only when ab- 
solutely stopped by the British from going further. We could 
hear the guns at times, and by going up a little hill nearby could 
see the flashes at night. All felt that we were about ready to go 
in arid were wild to get there. Meanwhile, various groups were 
being trained in special work and certain men received assign- 
ments to individual duty ; Sergeant Cunningham as company gas 
non-com., Sergeant Ball and Corporal Roy Thomas (71) in 
charge of the Lewis guns, Privates Lanfear, Salisbury, Bartlett 
and Shean (71) as runners. 

While here we evidently constituted part of the reserve force 
of this front. June 29th we were taken out to a line of trenches 
about twelve miles back of the front and garrisoned them for a 
day, placing all units in positions that would be held in case of 
attack. This seemed more like getting into it. Kitchens were 
located in the rear of our lines and food carried up to us by 
details. We could see the shells bursting in air down at the 
front, the observation balloons, and many airplanes. In a town 
about two miles off to our left front was located the headquar- 



IN THE WORLD WAR 215 

ters of the division holding this sector. That night after march- 
ing back to our billets we had an experience which showed us we 
were getting nearly into it. A German plane came humming 
high over our heads, the archies opened up all around, directed 
by the searchlights which flashed their beams about until they 
located the enemy plane and then surrounded him in the glow of 
their lights. But he got over us and dropped three bombs into a 
corner of a field just across the stream from the company billet 
and not more than fifty feet distant. There was a great crash, 
some glass was broken, but no one was hurt. However, this oc- 
currence showed the danger of leaving L Company in such a 
flimsy and hard to empty building; so the next day Major Barry 
located a large building, evidently a former brewery, at the other 
end of the town, and the company changed quarters to this billet ; 
it was a great improvement. Doullens was the first town where 
we had been able to purchase many little things required. Also 
it was the first opportunity to augment the ration by purchase of 
supplies; some 1,250 francs were expended in this manner, ob- 
taining fresh cabbage, carrots, onions, potatoes, beans, macaroni, 
tomatoes, and other foods which made a pleasing variety to our 
diet. Sergeants Donnelly (71) and Leonard (71) who had 
crossed with another unit joined us here. 

While at Doullens the company was reorganized and the men 
assigned to permanent squads in accordance with their duties 
under the wave formation. This gave Headquarters Platoon four 
officers, the first-mess- and supply-sergeants, the company clerk, 
four cooks, two buglers and two men assigned from the sanitary 
detachment ; First Platoon had three sergeants and five squads ; 
Second Platoon, three sergeants and five squads ; Third Platoon, 
three sergeants, the sergeant detailed as company gas non-com., 
and five squads; Fourth Platoon, three sergeants and seven 
squads. The company runners, while not strictly in accordance 
with regulations under this formation, were assigned to places in 
rifle squads, as were also other men detailed for special duties 
not provided for in the peace time administration of the com- 
pany. 

On July 1st we received our first pay since landing in France, 
that for the month of May. Also the same day word was re- 
ceived of the birth of Sergeant Nagle's (71) son, since we left 



216 71sT NEW YORK 

the U. S. A. This good news and the receipt of pay putting 
money into many pockets that had been empty for weeks, caused 
the entire company to commence a celebration that lasted all 
night and into the next day. July 2nd we were inspected by 
General Pershing and for a wonder got by without criticism. 
But certain hints dropped as to the weight of packs and extra 
shoes bore fruit in lightened loads that night when we packed up 
and entrained for a new station. As we waited by the railroad 
tracks for our train we were joined by men from the 39th Cana- 
dian Artillery who informed us they were to ''Fire over us" — 
we did not realize then they meant in action down front. 

After midnight we entrained for our second experience in the 
side door Pullmans. All the rest of that night we slowly traveled 
and well on toward noon of the next day. We detrained at a 
village called Wizernes about three miles southwest of St. Omer. 
Here we marched a short distance to a field for a short rest and 
to cool our feet in a passing stream while waiting for the cooks 
to get ready for mess. But what a disappointment ! The mess- 
sergeant and the company commander had planned to have a 
good meal and so there had been prepared the night before a hash 
of fresh meat and fresh potatoes which had been cooked and left 
in the containers overnight. They had not thought (what any 
housewife could have told them) that this could not safely be 
done, their only idea being that it could be quickly warmed and 
a good hot meal served. But it had turned sour. However, as 
there was nothing else to be had, it was eaten. Soon after noon 
we started out; reaching the outskirts of St. Omer the wrong 
road was taken and we went about two miles southeast before the 
error was discovered when the battalion faced about and upon 
reaching St. Omer again, took a roundabout route, passing 
through Tilques, Serques, to the road along the Canal de L'Aa, 
crossing this at Watten and up a steep hill round the back way 
into Wulverdinghe where we arrived just as it grew dark — about 
eleven o'clock at night. This hike of twenty or more miles be- 
came known throughout the battalion as the ''rubber-map 
march." It did not add to our joy to learn the other battalions 
had made it by the direct route in about four hours. But more 
disastrous to L Company was that sour hash. Many men became 
sick and though they struggled hard, a number found the hill 



IN THE WORLD WAR 217 

just before Wulverdinghe too much for them and literally fell 
by the roadside. It was along the canal road that we saw a num- 
ber of Belgian families and some Belgian soldiers. The girls and 
women hailed us with every evidence of joy in our coming ; one 
went so far as to kneel in the roadside and kiss the shoes of the 
officer in the lead. 

At Wulverdinghe we found waiting us, sitting on a fence be- 
side one of our billets, Private Sheid (71). He was greeted with 
shouts of joy. Here we also found a Chinese labor unit and dur- 
ing our stay there were several amusing incidents of our deal- 
ings with these men; one will not forget McCluskey's (71) sale 
of the watch to one of them and his rage at finding it would not 
go. That first night we were very tired and turned in immedi- 
ately — we had messed on the road during the hike. Next morn- 
ing at rather a late hour the company commander started out to 
have a sort of reveille. Reaching the barn in the second story 
of which the sergeants were quartered, he climbed up the ladder 
and called them to get up, then departed to other billets to start 
things going. On returning to this barn there was no one stir- 
ring in sight, but he watched the ladder being slowly drawn up 
and disappear into the loft. He had a trick for that. Going 
back to the cook wagons about one hundred yards away where 
Bugler Gilprin (71) was about, he caused mess call to be 
sounded. Down came the ladder, out came the sergeants and 
likewise the men from other billets. They were met on the road 
by the company commander and a reveille formation was held 
there before mess was served. This was July 4th — Independence 
Day. 

We interested ourselves in looking over the earthworks thrown 
up about ; this we found was the rear defensive line of the Brit- 
ish trench system. Revetments, barbed wire, and other trench 
work interested us greatly. Our day in the G. H. Q. line in 
front of Doullens had been instructive, but here we had the op- 
portunity to study details. Also these trenches were different. 
They were dug only a foot or two into the ground ; most of the 
protection was above ground in the form of breastworks. Shortly 
after noon we found that Major Barry had been transferred 
quite suddenly and had left. He was made Claims Officer for all 
American troops in the British area, and be it said that in this 



218 71sT NEW YORK 

job he did excellent work, receiving the commendation of the 
higher authorities. Captain Hall of K Company took command 
of the battalion. Also this day we lost two or three men because 
of sickness, and had our first experience of making out their 
papers for transfer to hospital; it certainly seemed strange to 
have them go off we knew not where and to take their names from 
our roster. Here also we heard the continuous rumble of the 
guns at the front ; at night we could even see the flashes and an 
occasional brilliant light of a flare or star shell. 

July 5th we moved again. This time we hiked to some open 
fields west of Tilques where we found a rifle range. Our quarters 
were tents, British bell shaped and camouflaged. This was an 
agreeable change from the stuffy dirty billets. We were glad to 
be free from manure heaps, cows, chickens and pigs. The work 
on the range was interesting: our men quickly adapted them- 
selves to the feel of the British rifle; they kept up the high 
standard of marksmanship which had been so fully developed 
at Spartanburg. While here we were joined by Private Lavec- 
chia. July 7th we were joined by Captain Bulkley (71) and 
Lieutenant Howard who had been at school in the American area 
with the rest of the regimental advance party. It was a joyous 
greeting they received. Every man crowded forward to shake 
hands and express pleasure at the reunion; the kitchen excelled 
itself to provide a specially good meal ; as their baggage had not 
arrived it seemed as though every man in the company wanted to 
give up a blanket to help make them comfortable. And they were 
just as glad to see us. Captain Bulkley took hold with his usual 
thoroughness, making all feel that the company was now com- 
plete. While at this place, flocks of British planes passed over 
us going and coming from their work over the lines ; one known 
as the ^' crazy count" gave us a thrilling exhibition, flying close 
over our heads until we almost ducked, and doing loops, spirals, 
tail spins and other stunts galore. This also was the first time 
the entire regiment had been assembled in one camp since leav- 
ing Brest ; when the last day the machine gun company marched 
in we were really all together; visits between men and officers 
of the various battalions became the order of the day. 

On the morning of July 8th we hiked a few miles to St. Martin 
au Laert. We rested awhile just outside the town, Major Lane's 




>««.-^t^^*t....v^^>- ■ 







Top : The Eest Area — Corbie. 
Bottom : Peronne Cathedral. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 219 

battalion of the 102nd Engineers passing us at that time; they 
looked good and were in fine spirits. On arrival the men were all 
billeted in an abandoned chateau, really not so bad. As for the 
officers, there was room for three in a magnificent chateau and 
for two more in a peasant home further down the road. Captain 
Bulkley put it up to the lieutenants to choose, so Carlin and 
Scott elected the peasant home^ — reason, it looked like ''eats." 
Captain Bulkley, Lieutenants Howard and Cipperly therefore 
shared quarters at the Chateau La Cour Blanche — they certainly 
had luxurious surroundings. Next day Monsieur A. Mortier, 
who was in charge, took us through the buildings and gardens 
which were all well worth seeing. The two lieutenants in the 
peasant home, however, immediately made arrangements for a 
good meal, when just as it was about to be served, along came 
the Captain and the other officers who caught them by looking 
in through the window — that dining room at once became the 
mess for all the company officers and many good meals were en- 
joyed there. While at this place a complete check up of com- 
pany property was made. The equipment of each man at this 
time makes an interesting exhibit. The following is a copy of 
the list as made out : 

ENLISTED MAN'S PRESENT EQUIPMENT 
(St. Martin au Laert) 



1 Service hat 


1 Oil and thong case 


2 O.D. shirts 


1 Bayonet 


1 Blouse 


1 Bayonet scabbard 


1 Breeches 


1 Web-belt 


1 Leggins 


1 Haversack and Pack-car 


2 Pr. hobnail shoes 


rier 


2 Undershirts 


100 Rounds ammtmition 


2 Underdrawers 


1 Ration bag 


3 Pr. socks 


1 Breech cover 


Toilet articles 


1 Blanket 


Razor 


1 Slicker 


Hairbrush 


1 Shelter half and rope 


Comb 


1 Tent pole and five pins 


Toothbrush 


1 Meat can and cover 


Shaving brush 


1 Knife 


1 Waist-belt 


1 Fork 


1 Helmet 


1 Spoon 



220 71sT NEW YOEK 

ENLISTED MAN'S PEESENT EQUIPMENT— (Contiwwed) 
(St. Martin au Laert) 

1 Rifle 1 Canteen 

1 Overcoat 1 Canteen cup 

1 Gas mask 1 Canteen cover 

Extra blanket not with men 1 Steel helmet 

Entrenching tools ; shovel, pick Rifle grenade discharger 

or wire-cutters Very pistol 

Rifle wire-cutters Revolvers 

Bomb bucket Folding saw 

While billeted here we received our signal flash lanterns. Air 
raids occurred both day and night; however, as the Bosche 
seemed to be after St. Omer we were not much bothered. There 
was drilling in the nearby fields. We marched four or five miles 
to the other side of Tilques where we found a range and had 
further rifle and pistol practice together with hand grenade and 
rifle grenade experience using live bombs. Toward the end of 
our stay the battalion commander, Captain Hall, was ordered 
to a tour in the trenches, so Captain Bulkley found himself in 
command of the battalion and Lieutenant Scott once more in 
command of the company. The nearness of St. Omer was a cause 
of pleasure to all of us — visits of both men and officers were made 
during off duty hours; shopping in the quaint stores, purchases 
at the British canteen and visits to the various estaminets proved 
an agreeable relaxation. 

Moving day came around all too soon. July 14th we took the 
train just outside St. Omer — hommes 40, chevaux 8 — for a six- 
hour roundabout ride to Winnezeele. From that point L Com- 
pany marched to billets about one mile north of Oudezeele. The 
company went into pup tents, spread along the edge of one of 
those combination ditch and breastworks trenches which ran 
around the sides of the large fleld where we were camped. Here 
we were ordered for the first time to dig out the earth underneath 
the tents for about eighteen inches, and to pile it up a foot or 
more in thickness, with sod covering, all around the tents ; lying 
in these holes with the wall of earth around gave pretty fair 
protection from flying splinters. It was quite worth while, for 
air raids were of nightly occurrence, though no bombs fell in our 
fleld. Company headquarters was established in Lieutenant 



^i 



IN THE WORLD WAR 221 

Scott's billet a hundred yards down the road. Here the com- 
pany typewriter, carried with us on all our hikes, went into 
action. Corporal Galbraith (the company clerk) and First- 
Sergeant Cavanaugh were exceedingly busy bringing all records 
up to date. So was Supply-Sergeant Grooms with his property 
accounts. Drilling continued, mostly in the wave attack and 
bayonet fighting while wearing the gas mask. Several day and 
night marches in gas masks were undertaken. Also, there were 
more baths at the division bath house near Division Headquarters 
at Oudezeele. Wrap leggings and overseas caps were issued, 
completing the transformation into the garb of the A. E. F. 
After a few days we were all delighted to have Lieutenant How- 
ard 's promotion to first-lieutenant come through; but at the 
same time he was transferred to another battalion and detailed as 
Aide to the Brigade Commander. We felt as though Company 
L had lost one of its best officers. With his usual loyalty to his 
comrades Lieutenant Howard protested that he would prefer to 
stay as a Second and remain with his platoon — but he found 
that in the army ''Orders is orders" and he had to obey. About 
this same time word came that our four O. T. C. graduates w^ere 
commissioned and their papers with assignment orders were on 
the way ; that evening Lieutenants Spony, Thornton, Nolan and 
Smith took their places in front of the center of each platoon and 
retreat was held in that formation. Now we found a vacancy 
for a sergeant. A study of the company corporals by the com- 
pany commander and the first-sergeant narrowed the choice to 
Corporals Thomas (71), Stephens (71) and Tracy Brown It 
was determined to hold a competitive drill of these three to de- 
cide the matter. After retreat the company was held in line at 
ease; these three were brought front and center and the plan 
explained ; the competition was conducted by Lieutenant Scott ; 
it was won without question by Corporal Brown ; the recommen- 
dation was made out and forwarded. Sergeant Leonard (71) 
was hit by a motor truck and both legs broken, thus losing to L 
one of its duty-sergeants. 

Lieutenant Carlin was sent to a British grenade school and 
Lieutenant Cipperly to a British gas school, leaving the company 
commander the only officer with the company. Captain Hall 
who had been ordered down front returned, but upon Captain 



222 71sT NEW YORK 

Hall 's initiative and with the approval of Regimental Headquar- 
ters, Captain Bulkley remained permanently in command of the 
battalion. Came word that we were about to move forward. 
Two trips for reconnaissance were made by company com- 
manders of the battalion ; the first under Captain Hall when the 
Abeele Line system of trenches was located, and the second under 
Captain Bulkley when the East Poperinghe line further forward 
was inspected. This last excursion took us into the empty and 
partially battered town of Poperinghe, and forward into a sec- 
tion of the line held by the 30th Division where we came into 
contact with some of the officers and men who were to be our 
comrades all through the fighting. 

On the twentieth of July we moved definitely forward. We 
went back through Winnezeele, northeast to Watou, crossing a 
wooden bridge into Belgium, southeast to Abeele and again 
northeast on the Poperinghe Road about halfway to that town to 
a point on the Abeele map in section L 22 where the Savoy cot- 
tages were located; a distance of ten or twelve miles. Passing 
through Watou we noticed a grave of a Sergeant Jesse Cava- 
naugh which occasioned remarks to our ''top kicker" that as he 
M^as dead already he would not likely be killed a second time. 
Just before reaching Abeele we halted to make sure all gas masks 
were in good order and fell out two or three men who went back 
with the battalion gas officer to exchange their masks, joining us 
later. The last half of this march was through a pouring rain ; 
we arrived at the Savoy cottages wet to the skin and filed into 
the court yard, the entire battalion lining up along the walls in 
such manner as to screen us from observation from Kemmel Hill. 
The Poperinghe Road was hung with a camouflage screen about 
twenty feet high, partially hiding traffic from the same point. 
In fact, we began almost to feel the eyes from that dread hill 
searching us out; a sensation that continued every hour of our 
stay in the Ypres Salient. While we waited, big pails of coffee 
were made in the cottages where some English soldiers were bil- 
leted, most of the men in the battalion getting some; and they 
needed it, for all were cold as well as wet. 

Captain Bulkley did not like the idea of putting the entire 
battalion in the field about this place which was east of the 
Poperinghe Road and in full view from Kemmel Hill; so with 



IN THE WORLD WAR 223 

his Adjutant, First-Lieutenant Ernest Dreher (71), he sought 
out the British Major in charge of the area to obtain better loca- 
tions. Company L went just across to the west of the road where 
was another field with a barn and a good hedge all round, thus 
getting the benefit of the camouflage on the road. The rolling 
kitchens were parked under the shed to the rear of the barn; 
some of the men found room in the barn, others under the shed ; 
the rest rolled up in their blankets, slickers and shelter halves, 
burrowing into the hedge where they were fairly well protected. 
There seemed no place for company headquarters, but Corporal 
E. J. Brown discovered a new brick addition to the barn which 
was evidently used as living quarters, located the owner in a 
nearby estaminet and induced him to come in person to open his 
home to us. This man was Mr. William Boucquey. He gave us 
his address as Luttertap, Belgium. The house had three rooms, 
two of which were turned over to us. Mr. Boucquey was most 
hospitable, making a fire and opening a bottle of wine, also 
fetching from somewhere a perfectly good mattress which was 
placed on the floor of the smaller room. The first-sergeant, com- 
pany clerk, orderlies and as many more as the place would hold 
were invited in to sleep. 

Next day the main room was made into the company office 
with all that means of the confusion of work, men coming and 
going and general disorder. Perhaps we presumed too much, for 
it seems that First-Lieutenant Clark, commanding Company I 
of the 106th, was billeted with his company in this same field 
after their first trick down front, but was not allowed the use of 
these rooms because "the last Americans who had been there 
made such a mess of the place ! ' ' The men of L Company pitched 
shelter tents in a row close to the hedge, ditched, dug out and 
walled them ; ' ' cutched ' ' them by throwing mud over the canvas 
as a sort of camouflage. Drills were started, but only one platoon 
at a time in order to present as small a body under observation 
as possible. The whine of shells passed overhead at frequent 
intervals, some dropped in the fields about, but none among us. 
There was an observation balloon located in the next field which 
when it went up drew the fire of the German batteries. Bugler 
Eggers (71) was sent away to a British school for instructions as 
a stretcher bearer. 



224 71sT NEW YOEK 

One of our tasks was to undergo a four-hour trick in wearing 
the gas mask. While here the new second-lieutenants received 
their commissions and assignments transferring them to other 
Divisions; they left us with the good wishes of all, to travel to 
their new stations via Paris ! The night of July 21st brought an 
incident that stands out as clearly indicating the spirit of L 
Company. An order was received calling for a detail of about 
half the company to go forward for some special duty not 
named. We did not know how far forward, but it seemed to 
indicate a trip ''down front." The company was assembled, 
the order explained and volunteers asked for the detail. Remem- 
ber, those men were still cold and wet from the rain which had 
fallen for twenty-four hours. Their food had been none too 
good, many were footsore — most still weary from hiking, it was 
nearly time to turn in for the night and this job meant not only 
going into further danger but also the loss of the night's sleep. 
Every last man in the company volunteered! The company 
commander eventually had to order the detail by squads and was 
besieged for half an hour after by all the others seeking a chance 
to get in the detail. He has never forgotten the choke in his 
throat and the swelling of his chest as he gazed upon these men 
who really wanted to fight! They were true volunteers. Un- 
fortunately, the experience was nothing like what was expected, 
though the detail did undergo some shelling and spent an hour 
or more wearing their gas masks; however, without casualties. 
The water wagon trundled back and forth continuously; their 
route took them through Abeele which was constantly shelled, 
but by dodging through between the bursts of fire they escaped 
injury. 

The night of July 22nd we moved forward to occupy the East 
Poperinghe line of trenches. We were advised there were indi- 
cations the Germans were about to make an advance through 
the Ypres Salient and that if not stopped before, it was deter- 
mined to hold the East Pop. line, that it was our duty to garrison 
these defenses prepared to fight, that it meant we were really in 
the reserve for any action that might ensue. We marched up the 
road nearly to Poperinghe, then turned east for about two miles 
to Mandalay Corners and thence filed into our positions, relieving 
Company A (Captain MacArthur) of the First Battalion. We 



IN THE WOKLD WAR 225 

found ourselves in the left sub sector of the battalion front, 
Company M going in on our right. "We found the front line of 
our sector as shown on the Poperinghe Map (28 N. W. 3, scale 
1-10,000) commenced at a point on the Renninghelst road about 
one hundred yards south of Mayo Corner, running about 800 
yards south to G 20 d 10.20 which is approximately 600 yards 
west of Busseboom. 

We occupied the entire system in our sector, one platoon gar- 
risoning the front line in sentry groups ; one platoon likewise the 
support line about two hundred yards to the rear; another the 
strong point which was located in the southwestern part of our 
sector, and stretched from the support line to the reserve line, a 
distance of 600 yards ; the last platoon in the reserve line. The 
kitchen was located beside a house just in rear of the reserve 
line. Company Headquarters were established in Anjou Farm 
on the southern end of the support line. The message '* Relief 
complete 10:05 P. M.," was forwarded by runner to Battalion 
Headquarters at 10 :10 P. M. Shortly after we arrived, the 
shelling began ; it was rather heavy, causing all to take cover in 
the trenches; no one was hurt though several had their first 
narrow escape. Regular stand to and stand down were held. 
Naval guns located a short distance in front of us fired at regular 
intervals, shaking the ground with the thunder of their dis- 
charge. All through the night there were gas alarms, keeping 
the company commander busy visiting the various posts and 
testing for gas. Toward morning we heard there were two cas- 
ualties in M. Company. Soon after daylight the company com- 
mander and his orderly, Private Alfred Dupre^ went over to M 
headquarters to visit. On returning across the fields some large 
shells came over, seeming to follow up these two, the last one land- 
ing within five yards — but it was a dud. Later in the day while 
going over to make connection with the company of the 30th 
Division on our left, the same thing happened. Later a British 
officer explained they were actually sniping at these two with 
5.9 's. It seemed wasteful, but we later learned it was indeed a 
practice with the Boche. All of this shelling, with the knowledge 
that we were really in reserve, gave us the sensation that here 
was almost the real thing at last. We found five guns of the 
104th Machine Gun Battalion in our sector ; we fraternized with 



226 71sT NEW YORK 

their men whom we found to be good fellows. It started raining 
soon after we took over and kept it up all during our trick in 
this position. The trenches were all shallow, affording no biwies 
for the men; but they rustled about, salvaged some sheets of 
corrugated iron which they placed over the trench, camouflaged 
with mud and crouched underneath. Our kitchen did very well, 
serving good hot meals. We were much interested in observing 
the natives who came to the fields round about harvesting their 
crops that they had evidently planted before the Germans pushed 
forward in this section, and apparently unmoved by the possible 
danger. 

But Kemmel Hill stuck up like a sore thumb dominating the 
entire area so that the Germans seemed to be able to see even the 
move of a hand. A visit to a British Headquarters not far be- 
hind our kitchens was very pleasant until the Brigadier, happen- 
ing to glance out the doorway, noticed our men sitting on the 
roof of the house where the kitchen was located, watching the 
guns round about that were shelling Mount Kemmel, waving 
their hats and cheering as the clouds of dust told of hits upon 
the crest of that stronghold. He became quite excited, shouting 
to them to get down off that roof and wanting to know if they 
wished us all killed — then turning to the company commander 
requested him to get those men oft' that housetop at once. His 
idea was correct; the kitchen was moved; within twenty-four 
hours that house was blown to bits. The night of July 24th we 
were relieved by Company K, going back to our quarters at L 22 
where Lieutenant Cipperly joined us, having returned from 
school. 

The next day was exceedingly busy. We knew we were going 
down to the real front. Company commanders were taken down 
to the new sector and given information regarding the positions, 
returning the same day. Our service records were written up to 
date and sent with the field desk back to the Personnel Officer at 
regimental headquarters. About noon First-Sergeant Cavanaugh 
was ordered away to Officers' Training School; he protested 
strongly at leaving the company just as it was about to go to the 
front, but he, too, found that ' ' Orders is Orders. ' ' Supply-Ser- 
geant Grooms in addition to his other duties took over the work 
of the top kicker. Orders came to move at 5 :00 P. M. Trench 



IN THE WORLD WAR 227 

stores, rations and water in petrol tins for one da^^ were placed 
on the limbers. Five men were found with defective masks, Cor- 
poral Johnston and Privates Augustine, Dallas, O'Breiter and 
Talmadge ; these were exchanged for new ones. Mess was served 
at 4:00 P. M. after which the kitchen moved out to join the 
battalion dump. They took with them the mess-sergeant, four 
cooks, four kitchen police and two or three men who while not 
really sick w^ere not ph3'sically fit to go forward. At 5 :00 P. M. 
the company started out with the platoons in numerical order. 
Headquarters consisted of two officers, first-sergeant, company 
clerk, two attached sanitary men, three attached signal men and 
five others — total 14; the first platoon (Sergeant Nagle, 71) had 
three sergeants, five corporals, one mechanic and thirty privates 
— total 39; the second (Sergeant Ball) had two sergeants, six 
corporals, one mechanic and twenty-eight privates — total 37 ; the 
third (Sergeant Donnelly, 7]) had three sergeants, eight cor- 
porals, one mechanic and twenty-seven privates — total 39 ; the 
fourth (Sergeant Scott, 71) had three sergeants, seven corporals, 
one mechanic and twenty-four privates — total 35; grand total 
164. This was our actual strength for this tour at the front; 
schools, sickness, details and those with the kitchen accounted for 
the rest. 

The limbers carrying eight Lewis guns and twenty-four boxes 
of ammunition were at the head of the company. The order of 
march by companies was I, K, L, M ; two hundred yards between 
companies, fifty yards between platoons with the proper con- 
necting files. The men carried filled canteens, one day 's rations, 
toilet articles, one blanket and mess kit, beside one hundred 
rounds of ammunition. All extra clothing, blankets, overcoats 
and other articles had been turned into the battalion dump. We 
marched up the road to "Pop," through that town, along the 
Ypres highway, which was hung with camouflage, to the out- 
skirts of Vlamertinghe where we turned south. All along other 
troops had debouched upon the road ; we saw heavy guns being 
drawn by tractors into forward positions, ''archies" mounted 
upon trucks dashed along, for Boche airplanes were about. As 
w^e proceeded south the road narrowed ; we met a column of mixed 
British and 30th Division men so that each of us broke into 



228 71sT NEW YORK 

columns of twos; we came to a light railway along whicli moved 
a train of small open trucks filled with British going forward. 

Nearer and nearer we moved to the area of bursting shells and 
seemingly into the ring of fireworks going up all about and 
apparently closing in behind us. There were halts and waits, but 
at last we got into the vicinity of Walker Farm where we found 
Captain Bulkley, cool as ever amid all the confusion and danger, 
giving orders for the unloading of the limbers and the despatch 
of the units to their positions. Each platoon took its Lewis 
guns and ammunition by hand and proceeded under a British 
guide to the first British unit to which they were to be attached. 
Company headquarters with the first and second platoons (by 
this time in single file) went to Nepal Farm where they joined 
Company D of the First Buffs; the third and fourth platoon to 
bivvies just back of Indus Farm where was the headquarters of 
the 2nd Yorks and Lanes, to which they were attached. We thus 
found ourselves in the Brigade reserve. At Nepal Farm 
we found Captain Johnson in command of the British company, 
with Lieutenants Lister, who had just received his M. C. decora- 
tion, and Hill. The men were distributed around in the biwies 
about, water brought up in petrol tins by the British was dis- 
tributed, and all settled down for the night. We were warned, 
however, that just before daybreak our artillery was to throw 
a barrage of gas shells; when this occurred we listened to our 
first experience of the continuous whine of shells flying over- 
head into the enemy lines. 

Next day Lieutenant Cipperly went over to stay with the 
third and fourth platoons. The men gradually aroused and 
gazed about ; they found their bivvies were really huts that had 
been built up behind a bank or hedge that gave cover from ob- 
servation and covered with dirt and sod. We all looked about 
curiously, fraternized with the ' ' Tommies ' ' and asked innumera- 
ble questions. Captain Johnson and the company commander went 
off to inspect ground forward where work was to be done. That 
night the platoons went out with the British company as a work- 
ing party. We first went to battalion headquarters of The Buffs 
where we obtained picks, shovels, and rolls of barbed wire ; then 
proceeded to a point near Maplaquet Camp and located a short 
distance in front of the ruins of the village of Dickebusch, 



IN THE WORLD WAR 229 

where we were to continue the work of fortifying the Viverhoek 
Switch. Onr orders were to dig trench posts at points already 
located, to erect wire barriers with a gap every fifty yards of 
diagonal cut, using sign boards to indicate same, to wire the 
Dickebusch road and to concentrate the work upon the trench 
posts and drainage of them; also to salvage duck boards and 
other articles needed from the abandoned Malplaquet Camp. 

Just as we reached the position, a burst of shells came over 
causing the British to break for cover; we were not slow in fol- 
lowing their example. Shortly we reassembled and the work 
began. We worked away for several hours with the shells whin- 
ing overhead and bursting round about, but accomplished a 
great deal under the guidance of our British comrades, gradually 
finding ourselves occupying a section of the field without them. 
About one o'clock the shelling became particularly severe, caus- 
ing all to seek shelter in the trench posts just dug. This con- 
tinued for an hour or more; some of the shells seemed to fall 
exactly where Sergeant Ball and his detail had been working; 
a walk over there showed his trench post all smashed in but no 
sign of the detail. There commenced a search all over the field 
with shouts for ''Sergeant Ball-l-l" — but no answer. Mean- 
while the men were urged to continue their work for our orders 
were to stay out until 3 A. M. and they did so. Finally a ser- 
geant of The Buffs came out looking for us with word that Cap- 
tain Johnson had ordered the entire party back and that Ser- 
geant Ball and his detail had gone with them. That order had 
not reached the rest of us. So we filed back, our job pretty well 
completed according to directions, turned in our implements at 
battalion headquarters and returned to Nepal Farm. Then we 
had our first issue of British rum. My, but it was good ! 

We slept late the next day. On arousing the men found a 
pool of water near some of the bivvies was good to wash up in, 
both persons and clothes. Toward evening Lieutenant Scott went 
over to Indus Farm where he visited the third and fourth pla- 
toons and then with Lieutenant Cipperly reported to Captain 
Bulkley at the headquarters of the 2nd Yorks and Lanes, then 
forward on reconnaissance in preparation for the move next day. 
With a guide showing the way the path led to the bund around 
Dickebusch Lake; shells came over and a stop was made in the 



230 71sT NEW YORK 

little ravine beside the bund. Some one started playing a piano 
in a shelter dug into the bund; the tunes were "Auld Lang 
Syne," ''Home, Sweet Home," and others similar; it seemed 
weird and uncanny at such a time and place with the whine of 
the shells and the crash of their bursts all about. On down to 
the headquarters of the company garrisoning the Viverhoek 
Switch where Lieutenant Cipperly joined Captain Cran of the 
2nd Yorks and Lanes for a visit to Ridgewood while Lieutenant 
Scott inspected the Dickebusch Front Line; then all back again 
to Viverhoek where we met Captain Terry (71) and First Lieu- 
tenant Granat (71) of Company I who were doing their trick 
in this position. Back to our own company. We found the 
third and fourth platoons had been out on a working party near 
us while the first and second platoons had continued their work 
in the same place as the previous night. Next day the men wan- 
dered about considerably, causing the British uneasiness because 
of possible exposure of our position to those eyes on Kemmel 
Hill; they found some potatoes in a nearby field which they 
cooked and added to their ration. 

It was the night of the 28th that we moved into the front lines. 
We said good-bye to our British hosts, hiked over to Indus Farm 
where we were joined by the third and fourth platoons, moving 
on across the light railway through the bullet swept field beyond, 
down to the bund. Here the guides with each platoon took 
charge, leading the four platoons to the various companies of 
the 2nd Yorks and Lanes who were occupying the sector. Com- 
pany Headquarters and the second platoon went to Company D, 
Captain Hankinson, in Viverhoek Switch ; they occupied bivvies 
inside the walls of the old chateau in that position, crossing a 
little wooden bridge over the moat to the accompaniment of a 
number of whiz bangs and a storm of bullets. The first pla- 
toon went to the Dickebusch Front Line occupied by Company 
B, Captain Tennant, taking biwies in the forward part of the 
bund which was at the left of their sector. The fourth platoon 
went to Company C, Lieutenant Frazer, occupying bivvies in the 
trench position Ridgewood. The third platoon went into the 
trench posts to the right of Ridgewood joining Company A, Cap- 
tain Cran. Lieutenant Cipperly was located with Captain Cran 
at his headquarters. Lieutenant Scott joined Captain Hankin- 



IN THE WORLD WAR 231 

son of Company D. These company headquarters were a jolly 
place. Eats, cards and songs, to say nothing of perfectly good 
Haig & Haig, all helped to while away the time not occupied in 
duties. 

Stand to and stand down were serious business for all the 
platoons, especially in the early mornings when they were com- 
pelled to gaze for an extra hour or two through the thick mist 
for signs of the enemy. We learned the real value of our jobs, 
sent up practical intelligence reports, located our battle positions 
and occupied them twice each night. For the two platoons in the 
rear there were ration parties to carry food and water to their 
comrades in the front, also working parties on the defenses of 
their positions. Here we first learned that the war was stopped 
for tea and visits were made between the various company head- 
quarters. Jovial hosts those British were; they always had a 
bottle ; we became impressed with the necessity for this means of 
entertainment so that Company L headquarters took steps to be 
properly provided. Visits were made to the positions of the 
platoons and incidentally to some of the posts of the 105th 
Machine Gun Battalion who were occupying this sector with us. 
Captain Bulkley also visited the entire sector, bringing added 
cheer and confidence by his presence with his old company. The 
night of the 29th Lieutenant Carlin joined company headquar- 
ters having returned from school, taking off his helmet as he 
entered the hut and wiping the sweat from his forehead with 
the words "When, but it's a hot night!" and causing loud ex- 
plosions of laughter from the shivering crowd about; for this 
was the usual effect of walking about among the shelling at 
night no matter how cold or wet it might be. 

The men in their various positions were all doing good work, 
receiving the commendations of the commanders of the companies 
to which they were attached; Sergeant Lee and Sergeant Scott 
(71st) who were both in the '' sacrifice positions" with their 
men being especiallj^ remarked. Private W. S. Rhodes was 
wounded, receiving a bullet crease in the head, thus earning the 
first wound stripe in the company. During the 30th Lieutenants 
Carlin and Scott walked about together; there was a bullet- 
swept path from company headquarters to the chateau where 
the second platoon was quartered which had to be traversed at 



232 71ST NEW YORK 

a run between bursts of machine gun fire; in the rear of com- 
pany headquarters was a very good latrine properly screene4 
with sand bagging, but on observing the numerous bullet holes 
it did not seem so good; toward dusk a proper reconnaissance 
was made of the Dickebusch Front Line in preparation for the 
next move. This day Corporal Yokes was wounded, a bullet 
piercing his lung. That night Private Alonzo D. Allen was 
killed by an explosive bullet which shattered his thigh and abdo- 
men while he was working forward on a ration party ; his com- 
rades loyally bore him through the storm of bullets back to 
battalion headquarters. This was our first death and hit us all 
hard. Back at B. H. Q. Captain Bulkley went out, lifted the 
covering from this man of his own company and gazed long at 
the body ; the Commanding Officer of the Yorks and Lanes tried 
to tell him that he would have to get used to such things but the 
reply was "Those men are too good for that." 

The night of July 31st we moved into the Dickebusch Front 
Line on our own, the British retiring from the sector ; they left 
Lieutenant Morehouse of Company B, 2nd Yorks and Lanes with 
company headquarters as advisor and one non-com. with each 
platoon. The first platoon being already in position stayed 
where it was; the fourth platoon to bivvies just to the rear of 
company headquarters which was on the right of the sector about 
one hundred yards from the Dickebusch road ; the third platoon 
also to bivvies in the bund at the left of the sector; the second 
platoon into bivvies dug into trench posts along the front line 
of the position. Lieutenants Cipperly and Scott went to com- 
pany headquarters, Lieutenant Carlin remaining in the position 
where he was (on account of being near to the bivvies of the 
first and third platoons in the bund) and which now became the 
headquarters of Company M whose guest he became. The head- 
quarters of Company L were in the cellar of a ruined farm 
house ; this was shared with the Machine Gun unit in the sector. 
What with officers, their orderlies and two sets of signalmen it 
was a very crowded place. The first-sergeant, company-clerk 
and runners were in what was left of a ruined barn about twen- 
ty-five yards away; bullets constantly swept the space between 
so that to go from one to the other required good judgment as 
to the time between bursts of fire and a quick sprint. At 1 :45 



IN THE WORLD WAR 233 

A. M. on Au^st 1st a message was sent to battalion headquarters 
*'No rations for officers arrived. Are tliey still on limbers or at 
Bn. Hq. r ' It was the private thought that McMaster of L Com- 
pany who was acting as orderly for Captain Bulkley might have 
''salvaged" the bag containing rations for L officers — for we 
knew he was a mighty good orderly. But there were none for 
us at B. H. Q. though Captain Bulkley sent down some from his 
own supply. At 3 A. M. the message "G x 42 — can take 5 ' ' was 
sent to the C. 0. third battalion, which was the code message for 
relief completed. 

Toward morning the lieutenant of the machine gun unit ar- 
rived, having been delayed because a shell had fallen among one 
of his platoons killing five and wounding nine; for him, too, it 
was his first losses and weighed heavily both on heart and mind. 
Toward daybreak our friends Company D of the 1st Buifs made 
a raid into the German lines in front of Scottish Wood; the 
storm of shells passed over our heads, soon answered by the 
Bosche barrage. This was terrific, lasting several hours, burst- 
ing shells hitting all about us, for we were exactly in their bar- 
rage line. Private Sargent (71) was on duty as gas sentry at 
the doorway of company headquarters where he w^as compelled 
to listen to the zzh-zzh-zzh of machine gun bullets passing close 
by and watch the shells burst seemingly everywhere at once — 
enough to make any man jumpy. This was the time when Lieu- 
tenant Cipperly established his record as a sleeper; he had 
started a snooze just before the fracas began, slept all through 
it and never woke up until after it was all over. Evidently the 
Buffs took some prisoners for we received an order to be on the 
lookout for escaped German prisoners, but at noon on Aug. 2nd 
were compelled to send back the message ''German prisoners 
not seen." While in this position we had our chance to exam- 
ine the S. 0. S. rocket and other fireworks, to study the defense 
orders with the hair raising sentence "This position will not be 
abandoned for any cause," to plan our own details of battle 
positions, to handle our own ration and water details and to 
gather the data for the situation, intelligence, ration, ammuni- 
tion, casualty and numerous other reports which were due back 
at B. H. Q. by 5 A. M. each day. We observed several airplane 
fights and saw one come down in flames over Scottish Wood, the 



234 



71sT NEW YORK 



Germans immediately shelling the spot presumably to make sure 
of its destruction. 

On August 1st we received our orders for relief the next night 
as follows: 



I 



No. 2 
SECRET 



OPERATION ORDERS 

by 

Capt. Stanley Bulkley, Commanding 
3rd Batt'n., 105th Inf., USA. 

1 Aug. 18. 

1. Relief. On the night of 2-3 August the 3rd Battalion, 

105th Inf., U.S.A. will be relieved by the 9th 
Norfolk Regiment in the right sub-sector of the 
Brigade front. 

2. Details 105th Inf. 9th Norfolk 

K Co. will be relieved by C Co. right subsector front 
I Co. '' " '' " A Co. left '' " line 

L Co. " " " *' B Co. DICKEBUSCH front line 
M Co. " " " '' D Co. VIVERHOEK SWITCH. 

3. Guides Each company will furnish one guide from 

each platoon, of which one will act as guide for 
Company Headquarters, they will report at 
HECLA FARM (H.25.b.90.00) at 10:00 P.M. 

4. Stores All defense schemes, photographs, stores and 

petrol tins, etc., will be handed over. Particular 
care must be taken in checking and handling 
over all stores in the Battalion, and receipts 
taken in duplicate will be forwarded to Battalion 
Headquarters by 10 :00 P.M., 2 Aug. 18. 

5. Advance Party, 9th Norfolk. The 9th Norfolk Regiment 

are sending up to-night an advance party con- 
sisting of one Officer per Company and one NCO 
per Platoon, who will acquaint themselves with 
the line, and take over all stores. All informa- 
tion will be afforded them,. 

6. Advance Party, 105th Inf. Lt. Hobbs, Co. I, and 1 NCO 

from each company will report to Battalion 



IN THE WORLD WAR 235 

Headquarters at 10:00 P.M. to-night and will 
proceed as billeting party to area TRAPPIST 
FARM (K.17.b.2.3.) and arrange for accommo- 
dations for Battalion upon arrival there. 

7. Rations. Rations to-morrow night will be dumped in 

new area under direction of Lt. Hobbs. 

8. Limbers All Lewis Guns will be brought to Battalion 

Headquarters immediately upon relief and 
placed on limbers. Numbers 1 and 2 of each 
section will march down with limbers to new 
area. Officers' mess kits and baggage will be 
dumped for removal to new area at Battalion 
Headquarters before midnight. Transport Offi- 
cer will arrange to have necessary transporta- 
tion at Battalion Headquarters by 12:00 P.M. 
m^idnight, for removal of same. 

9. Dispositions on relief. The following will be the disposi- 

tions of the Battalion upon relief. The Battalion 
will proceed to TRAPPIST FARM (K.17.b.2.3.) 
by companies. 

10. Completion of relief. Completion of relief will be reported 

to Battalion Headquarters by wiring ''G-36-to 
hand." 

11. Route Upon reporting completion of relief all com- 

panies will proceed to INDUS FARM and re- 
turn to designated area via YALE SIDING — 
YPRES-POPERINGHE ROAD— MAND ALA Y 
CORNERS— ABEELE, marching in security 
formation, distance of 200 yards between pla- 
toons. 

12. Arrival at new area. Arrival at new area will be reported 

to Battalion Headquarters by runner. 

ACKNOWLEDGE. 

Copies to : By order of S. BULKLEY, Capt. 

1— 9th Norfolk Regt. Comdg. 3rd Bn., 105th Inf. 

1— 105th Inf., USA 

1— CO. Co. I Ernest C. Dreher 

1— CO. Co. K 1st Lieut. & Adjutant. 

1— CO. Co. L 



236 71sT NEW YORK 

l_C.O. Co. M. 

1— Brigade Hq. 16th BEF 

l_3rd Bn. Hq. 105th Inf. 

1 — Transportation Officer 

1 — Supply Officer 

2 — War Diary 

1— Staff Captain, 16 BEF Brig. 

1 — Signal Officer. 

That night the officers and platoon commanders were assem- 
bled at company headquarters for instructions. The following 
was read and explained in full. 

OPERATION ORDERS 

The Company will be relieved by ''B" Company of the 9th 
NORFOLK REGT tomorrow night (2d-3d August) 



One guide will be furnished from each platoon. These guides 
will conduct the incomjing platoons to the positions their re- 
spective platoons occupv. The GUIDE FROM NO 3 PLA- 
TOON WILL GUIDE THE COMPANY HEADQUARTERS 
TO THIS COMPANY HEADQUARTERS. 

Guides will bring in platoons as follows: — 

No. 2 will bring in No. 6 Platoon of the NORFOLKS 

No. 4 *' '' " No. 7 '' '' " 

No. 1 " '' " No. 5 " " " 

No. 3 Platoon's guide bringing in Company Headquarters 



LEWIS GUNS will be dumped at Battalion H.Q. (INDUS 
FARM) on the way out. Numbers 1 and 2 on the guns will load 
up the guns on the limbers and will march with the limbers. 



There will be one N.C.O. of the NORFOLKS come to each pla- 
toon tonight. These N.C.O.s will be shown the battle positions 
and as much information as possible will be given them. 
TRENCH STORES will be handed over to these N.C.O.s and 
receipts obtained. The N.C.O. in charge of No. 1 Platoon (Sgt. 
NAGLE) will hand over (in addition to the stores of his own 
platoon) the stores of No. 3 Platoon (Sgt. DONNELLY) to the 
incoming N.C.O. to No. 1 Platoon and obtain receipts. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 237 

Immediately on being relieved the PLATOON SGTS. will send 
a runner to inform me at Company Headquarters and await 
orders. 



RATIONS tomorrow night will be dumped in new battalion area. 



ORDER of MARCH.— No. 4 PLATOON, No. 2, No. 1 and 
No. 3 distance between platoons — 200 Yds. 2 connecting files be- 
tween platoons. 

******* 

The young captain of the Norfolks had visited us earlier in 
the evening, making possible the detailed company arrangements. 
An officer and three non-coms, arrived later who took over from 
the company, signing the receipts which were forwarded to bat- 
talion headquarters. At 12:50 A. M. on August 3rd the com- 
pletion of relief message ' ' G-36-to hand ' ' was sent to B. H. Q. 
by buzzer and the evacuation began. Our way lay along the 
entire front of the company sector, the platoons following in 
order as planned, to the bund where the last of the platoons 
joined the column, and then turned to the rear. As we started 
out machine gun bullets flew about, causing us to duck quite fre- 
quently. Before we reached the bund a storm of shells came 
over landing within a few yards of us with a ' ' plop ' ' instead of 
a burst. At first we thought they were duds. Five or six landed 
at one time about the head of the column; a stream of flaming 
liquid flew up and we smelt the sweet, sickly, pineapple odor of 
di-phosgene gas! Orders were issued to put on gas masks, but 
it was impossible. It was raining, as black as your hat, the mud 
was almost knee deep, we were tottering along the edge of shell 
holes and even without the masks one needed a stick to feel his 
way. 

Half way baek to Indus Farm we discovered a man was miss- 
ing; Lieutenant Carlin seized a stretcher and with one or two 
men went back to the front to get this man whom when found 
seemed to be gassed, and so was carried back to battalion head- 
quarters where it was decided to be an error. After reporting 
at B. H. Q. we continued on ; about a mile back we were met by 
a lone ambulance driver who was sticking to his post amid all 



238 71sT NEW YORK 

the shelling notwithstanding the presence of a smashed up car 
nearby; his quiet query for ^'Any sick or wounded" was cer- 
tainly an exhibition of nerve and courage. On to the Ypres- 
Poperinghe road where we checked up and completed our for- 
mation and into "Pop," turning into a field where our kitchen 
was waiting with a hot meal. Then we looked at each other and 
just grinned. Then we ate — it sure did taste good! Then on 
to Trappists Farm just south of Watou where we found we 
were at regimental headquarters, pitched pup tents and flopped 
for a sleep. 

That afternoon the band gave us a concert ; the lively airs put 
new pep into us; when they finished with the "Star Spangled 
Banner ' ' we stood at salute the while we realized a new and deep- 
er meaning to that music than we had ever known before. "Wliile 
here shells occasionally passed over head into Watou. We had 
BATHS ! Airplanes flew about. There were occasional shots. One 
night shortly after this occurred word was brought that Private 
Sargent (71) had been wounded; Lieutenants Carlin and Scott 
hurried over to the Aid Station nearby but he had been removed 
to a hospital before they arrived ; later he died from his wound. 
Under Captain Bulkley 's direction salvage parties went forward 
obtaining material from which covers were built for the kitchens. 
Lieutenant Smith and Sergeant Pulver returned from school; 
Sergeant Pulver was made first-sergeant. Lieutenant Scott went 
away on a two days' pass which he spent at the Hotel de Sav- 
vage in Cassel. 

King George drove down the Watou- Abeele road ; the Boche 
seemed to know about it for they shelled the road, but about an 
hour too late. Once more we could reach an estaminet and drink 
vin rouge. Our field desk came back but the service records re- 
mained permanently with the Personnel Officer. A working 
party went to bury cable near Mandalay Corners. This was in 
charge of Lieutenant Smith, giving him his first experience of 
shell fire. The first night of our stay here Lieutenant-Colonel 
Liebman who was commanding the regiment went down to visit 
the Second Battalion at the front and was killed ; his loss shocked 
the entire personnel. 

August 10th we moved still farther back to Hardifort, south 
of Oudezeele, where we found fairly comfortable billets once 



IN THE WORLD AVAR 239 

more instead of tents. We were out of shell range but still heard 
the hum of Boehe planes at night. Cassel was not far away and 
was the goal of many expeditions. Also there were more baths. 
While here came the shock of Lieutenant Howard's death. He 
had gone down to the front with Colonel Andrews and Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Wainwright; near Mic Mac Farm he was wounded 
and died in the Canadian hospital at Esquelbecq on Sunday, 
August 11th. Next day Captain Bulkley, Lieutenants Smith, 
Carlin, Scott and Lieutenant Whipple of M Company went to 
pay their last respects at his funeral. This was a blow that 
staggered the company for days. But the work had to go on. 
There was a miniature rifle range near Winnezeele where some 
practice was had. The company was put through an experience 
in wearing the gas mask through a smoke cloud. There was 
some drilling and company maneuvers by day and night. On the 
15th came the pay for June ; there was no small change so Lieu- 
tenant Carlin went to Cassel to secure some, spending the night 
there. On his return next day he found himself in command of 
the company for Lieutenant Scott had been ordered back to the 
States for assignment to a new division. There were farewell 
parties at company headquarters^ a farewell speech to the com- 
pany at retreat that evening. 

Next morning, the 17th, there were gifts from the company 
to their departing commander and also special souvenirs given 
him by individual men, all of which form highly valued treasures 
among his souvenirs de guerre. While the battalion mess cart 
waited at the door the company lined up for a final handshake. 
Lieutenant Scott went off on his way to Esquelbecq and back 
home, where he was promoted to Captain as of July 30th and 
assigned to the 96th Division. 

The Company went on to death and glory! 



ACTIVITIES OF A CORPORAL 

By Corporal Harry Adams 
Co. D, 105th Infantry 

IN A TIGHT PINCH 

Some time in August, 1918, we were in Belgium and were 
going over the top for the second time, getting it pretty hot from 
Jerry. We had reached an open field which had just been swept 
by machine-gun fire coming so hard that we were compelled to 
drop on our stomachs and dig-in for our lives. We always hated 
to carry a shovel, but, believe me, after that event we always 
carried one. Jerry had wounded several of our men and one, 
James Fitzsimmons (71st), fell next to me with a machine-gun 
bullet through his right shoulder — an ugly wound in the back. 
I had to dig a hole large enough to cover both him and myself 
from the machine-gun and shell fire. He had on his overcoat, 
blouse, sweater and shirt and couldn't stand up to remove them, 
as the bullets were whistling through the grass, and it fell to me 
to cut them off with a razor he carried. It was a mighty tedious 
job, that of getting his clothes off and bandaging him up, while 
we were lying low in a fox-hole. When finished both of us were- 
so exhausted that we fell asleep and slept for several hours until 
awakened by Lieutenant Baumert and told to go to the rear 
where there was a trench that afforded protection. I went back 
on my hands and knees and two other men came up and got 
Fitzsimmons on a stretcher. While returning to the dressing 
station the shells began to fall thick and fast and Fitzsimmons 
jumped off the stretcher and ran saying that he was wounded 
but that he'd be darned if he was going to get killed. 

# # # 

240 



71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 241 



MIXED TRAGEDY AND HUMOR 

While resting a little way behind the lines in Belgium one 
day at sundown an excited British sergeant came into our bivvy 
and asked for a couple of volunteers with stretchers. Four of 
us walked about a kilo toward the line and found that Jerry had 
made a direct hit on a camouflaged machine-gun post. One man 
had been killed, one mortally wounded and died in our arms as 
we gave him first aid and a third man was seriously wounded. 
Three of us^ assisted by the British N. C. 0., had to bury the two 
Tommies. We dug for about two hours, feeling that we might 
be digging our own graves as the shells were dropping all about 
us. Spurred on by the danger, our picks acquired magic power. 
We gave the dead a good burial, put sod on the graves and 
crosses, duly wrapping the dead in their blankets for their last 
sleep. It was hard work but we felt satisfied with a duty well 
done when we were astonished to hear the British N. C. 0. re- 
mark: "Well, Yanks, that will do for to-night; we will re-bury 
them in our regimental cemetery to-morrow." 



WHAT ONE TIN HAT DID FOR A SOLDIER 

On the morning of October 17th while lining up to go over 
the top at St. Souplet and cross LeSalle River, Jerry opened up 
his barrage just a moment before ours was to start and laid it 
down right on the sunken road where we were in the mud and 
rain. The British rum issue had just been passed along and 
had put life into our shivering frames. It had rained all night 
and was very foggy in the morning. Five of us were grouped 
together when a shell burst among us mortally wounding a ser- 
geant and seriously wounding three others. What happened to 
my tin hat is so remarkable that I refer to Corporal Martin of 
the 105th Infantry Post, a 100 per cent disability man, for a 
verification of the facts. A piece of shrapnel about the size of 
a grenade lodged in my helmet, almost cutting it in half. I was 
so busy at the time giving first aid to my comrades that I didn 't 
notice that I had been struck. Sergeant Greenberg, one of the 
five, died in the hospital and Corporal Martin and Private Zen- 



242 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 

ker were fixed up and started toward the dressing station carried 
by German prisoners. 



LITE IN A BILLET 

D Company had its headquarters and was billeted in a small 
town called Volnay. We were there after the Armistice and 
until we entrained for Brest and home. Sergeant Galvin was 
company clerk and Corporal Rode and Corporal Adams (my- 
self) were detailed there. The building we were in was the 
Community School and the owner, Madam Bezan, treated us like 
sons. Our C. 0. had a large room in the front. One of our 
amusements was dancing on the stone school floor with all of the 
madamoiselles in town — both of them. The music was furnished 
by an old phonograph and one record which I carried around 
from one house to another wherever a party was to be held. We 
spent Christmas in this town and one of my duties was to go 
after the mail, mainly Christmas presents, the post-office being 
five kilos away. 




^^^^^^ 


' m 




^^^ 


^W" 




iTy 


' X,. 


^ 


1 - $ 


L 


1 


i iH 




^ 




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tfdo 



i^#;* 

J 



Top : Scene at St. Souplet. 
Bottom : The Schoolhouse at Yolnay. 



THE STORY OF B COMPANY, 105TH INFANTRY, FROM 
WADSWORTH TO THE TRENCHES 

By Captain Ernest W. Strong 

In a review of the company 's history, its experiences and con- 
duct in the fighting zone of the Western Front must inevitably 
dwarf in importance or interest the months of preparation for 
that work making it seem hardly worth a word in passing. As 
it was during this training period, however, that the individual 
soldier was being developed (almost without his knowledge) into 
a highly trained unit of the new forces pouring overseas, a 
record of this transformation is not without value. B Company, 
in common with all companies of the 105th, was a combination 
of two different products of the National Guard. All were 
trained soldiers compared to the average citizen that answered 
the draft. Excepting a few recruits the company was ready 
for advanced instruction the day it was first formed. Service 
on the Mexican Border, months of duty guarding railroads in 
New York State, and years of armory, rifle range, and camp 
duty satisfied many of us that there was really very little we 
could be taught. Sometimes it proved as hard to cure this idea 
as it did to implant a new one. "When I was down on the 
Border" went slowly but surely out of fashion. 

The company was, roughly, one-half New York City men of 
the 71st and one-half Cohoes men of the 2nd, All were con- 
vinced that if any training was needed it was confined to the 
other half. This feeling quickly gave way to one of comrade- 
ship but the fact that we came from different outfits, different 
parts of the state, one wdth a sense of company spirit, the other 
a regimental spirit, proved a constant source of much good- 
natured kidding to lighten hours of hardship and danger through 
all its service. 

After weeks of rumor and many heartaches, B of the 71st New 

243 



244 71sT NEW YORK 

York Infantry moved over to join B of the 2nd New York In- 
fantry at Spartanburg, S. C. In accordance with the policy of 
Colonel Andrews, Commanding Officer of the new organization, 
each company officer was assigned to a company of a different 
letter than in his old regiment — as a sequel there resulted a rapid 
shift of some N. C. 0. 's at the eleventh hour in nearly all com- 
panies. It was a measure that at least proved the importance 
of tried N. C. 0. 's to their company commanders. B. Company 
therefore included most of the old 71st B and some N. C. O.'s 
from G of the 71st, the latter replacing a like number who fol- 
lowed their captain (later, Lieutenant-Colonel), Bulkley, to Com- 
pany L of the 105th. The succeeding week might be called 
Special Order week, the despair of company commanders and 
first-sergeants, for it was necessary to transfer many members to 
the newly organized headquarters, machine gun and supply com- 
panies. 

The officers assigned to B Company included Captain E. W. 
Strong, First-Lieutenant F. K. Lovell and Second-Lieutenant 
Joseph Barren from the old 71st, all having joined the National 
Guard as privates and served on the Mexican Border. First- 
Lieutenant Bramwell of the 12th N. Y., First-Lieutenant Plum- 
ley and Second-Lieutenant Stevens of the 2nd N. Y. completed 
the roster. During the remaining weeks of good weather much 
was done toward building up a finished company organization. 
Additional N. C. O.'s were appointed, squad and platoon divi- 
sions effected, canvas and clothing issued, physical defectives 
weeded out, school details made up, etc. In spare hours the 
company street was graded so that the platoon on the left could 
form for Evening Parade without falling down hill. 

Like other companies, B did its full share of digging in the 
elaborate divisional trench system, were inoculated at various 
times against various diseases, decided trips to Spartanburg were 
hardly worth the walk or trouble of running the guard after 
Taps, so settled down to plain soldiering. Inspections followed 
one another as regularly as meals — more frequently on some 
days. If any strange officer was seen studying the incinerator, 
the garbage can, peering in the ice box or under the mess hall, 
he must be from Brigade, Division or Army Headquarters; in 
between times the Colonel, Major and Captain would inspect and 



IN THE WORLD WAR 245 

worry. It was quite a task to outguess them all. Our first hike 
to the range was completed with but two nights' bivouac on the 
road. Later we made the trip in one day but at the time felt 
the first performance something to be well satisfied with. 

Winter was looked forward to with no misgivings. Were we 
not down south? How much our first warm winter would be 
enjoyed — if only for its novelty. Then winter came — came with 
a most disgustingly familiar appearance, came to stay. It caused 
terrible suffering for the men housed in canvas tents with small 
Sibley stoves that would have been insufficient even with a plen- 
tiful supply of wood. As it was there were many days with no 
wood except for cooking. The company street would be deep 
with snow, the tents covered with ice a week at a time. A little 
sun at midday often made matters worse by turning the ground 
into a bog of red clay and water. Naturally feet could seldom 
be dry; if a fresh pair of shoes were to be had they were no 
longer fresh after the second step from the door of one's tent. 

Every adversity has its compensation. In this instance it was 
fewer drills, more lectures in the mess hall where one could sit 
down, smoke, and, too often, doze. The evenings held few amuse- 
ments in quarters, often none at all out of them, for even the 
road to the Y building might be impassable. Many an hour had 
to be spent devising new and appropriate opinions relative to 
the sunny south and the justice of putting the National Guard 
under canvas while the National Army had steam heated bar- 
racks. Christmas Day was observed by means of an excellent 
dinner, gifts and special decorations. 

Leaves of absence were by roster and anxiously waited for, so 
that the opportunity of a single trip home would not be missed. 
Some grew too anxious and dispensed with any such little for- 
mality as permission. They usually got home and back without 
an M. P. escort (no War Department can cope with a soldier's 
ingenuity), and paid the penalties cheerfully after their return. 
It required some weird intra-company financing to raise carfares 
in many instances but comradeship always worked the miracle. 
By spring we felt our time for departure was at hand. We had 
exhausted all methods of getting lost in the trench system, re- 
duced the distance from the range to camp to a single day, 
been lectured and lectured to. Then came a new model rifle that 



246 71sT NEW YORK 

had to be hastily dug out of its bath of grease, and a more hasty 
farewell tour at the range to learn all over to land on the target. 
Everyone was satisfied the new gun was too long, too heavy 
and probably issued solely for our discomfort. 

The order for overseas was heralded by cheers spreading from 
one street to the next with the speed of the wind. New clothing 
was issued, tents stripped, winter-long arguments forgotten and 
minor punishments cancelled as if by magic. Faces long familiar 
at the guard house appeared in the streets. In a few days we 
were aboard the troop trains, looking our last at Spartanburg. 
Having no idea where we were headed, there was endless debate 
on the subject. As the trains moved south into the dusk com- 
passes were studied and the possible destination ranged from 
New Orleans to Panama, the Philippines and Eussia. Next 
morning we discovered the train once more headed north, and 
when we found ourselves at Camp Stuart, Newport News, Ya., 
in real barracks, with transports waiting up the river, all past 
delays and disappointments were forgotten. 

Our stay at Camp Stuart was an endless round of inspecting, 
checking, issuing of clothes, making up passenger lists, trying 
without much success to get a pass to town. Only relatives enter 
the camp but a surprising number of the company had relatives 
in that vicinity, all anxious to visit or run errands to town. At 
last, with each man staggering under blankets and clothing for 
three, and one fortunate member of the outfit staggering on 
general principles, we hiked to the docks. Down the long shed, 
up the gangplank, down the companionway, and into our bunk 
(the last by order so as to clear the way for more) so orderly 
and systematic that after the automatic inquiry ''When do we 
eat?" we began to wonder how it all happened. We were two 
hundred and fifty, but only part of nine thousand who marched 
aboard that afternoon. The next morning found us far from 
land and exploring the old President Gr^nt. We learned to 
find our own deck, our station at Abandon Ship drill, the hour 
and way to file twice daily through our particular cook galley. 
After all a trip on a crowded transport is not equally as pleas- 
ant as the more popular method of going abroad and one day 
was much like the next. Even the possibility of being torpedoed 
couldn ^t afford a thrill all the time, so all fell back on watchful- 



IN THE WORLD WAR 247 

waiting for a sign of seasickness in our neighbor and to join 
in the encouraging chorus of ' ' Hold it ! Hold it ! " to cheer him 
in the struggle. Another diversion was to follow with envious 
eyes the carefree sailor and wonder why we had been so stupid 
as to enlist in the army when we might have chosen the navy. 

Our one real submarine attack sent everyone's spirits up 
again and shortly after the hills of France filled our vision and 
aroused deeper emotions than we cared to admit. The ten-day 
sentence to a life preserver was over. It was the greatest Memor- 
ial Day of our lives when the anchors let go in the landlocked 
harbor of Brest and a day later we were marching through its 
streets to camp near Pontanezon Barracks. There were plenty of 
novelties to fill our first days in the old world ; hikes to the docks 
to unload supplies, amazing appearances of officers in the new 
overseas caps, introduction to vin rouge, vin blanc and warm 
bottled beer, bouts with the French language, daylight at 10 
P. M., back into practice in the art of running the guard. 

We all welcomed the order to move as the camp was really 
nothing but a pasture filled like all for miles around with newly 
landed Yanks. There had been no time to prepare for the in- 
coming thousands — nearly everything necessary for a camp was 
lacking except dust and a poor water supply. A hike back to 
Brest and we were aboard the train — our destination, as always, 
a mystery to all ranks. The cars were third class, so one could 
see the scenery, at least ; also the side doors proved most conveni- 
ent for jumping out both sides at every stop, in quest of food, 
drink, adventure or change of position. Being strictly forbidden 
by orders to leave except on the note of some bugle forty cars 
ahead, it proved a new game to leave between bugles, jumping 
aboard again before some harassed officer could run back- -and 
then when the same officer was midway between his own car 
and the opposite end of the train, it would usually start. Know- 
ing he couldn't walk through the train added to the fun. 

This was all on the first day, for we had seen enough and 
been through enough new experiences in twelve months to quickly 
tire of train jumping — later we got out for exercise under pro- 
test, and no officer worried about losing any one of us — he 
couldn't. Our train kept steadily on through the night, and 
until noon of the next day — much to our surprise — without com- 



248 71sT NEW YORK 

ing in sight of Paris or the trenches. France must be larger 
than it looked on the map. The station where we detrained was 
marked Noyelles-sur-Mer. which meant nothing to us. Gradually 
we learned that we were far north on the coast and near the 
mouth of the historic Somme. The next operation was to form 
up in a vacant field and pile about two-thirds of our extra cloth- 
ing and supplies into growing hills of socks, blankets and clothes 
of all kinds. Feeling much lightened and getting mess at a 
British rest camp, the battalion headed toward the east, march- 
ing until dark. That night in another British camp we were 
assigned to conical tents and slept but not until we all had gazed 
at a flickering light far off in the east. The light rose and fell 
noiselessly but it marked the goal of our three thousand mile 
journey, months of training — the goal doubtless where some of 
us would remain. 

The next day 's march brought us to Neuilly 1 'Hopital, a little 
north of the famous old city of Abbeville. With the rest of the 
first battalion, guides escorted us to quarters. As we stood at 
last in a barnyard and saw the barn itself, it became necessary 
to rearrange our mental pictures of living in billets, sleeping on 
feather beds and helping to prepare the family meal. First, we 
cleaned out the floor of the barn, finding in the refuse French, 
English and Portuguese coins that identified our predecessors, as 
well as their disregard of renovating straw for sleeping pur- 
poses. We carefully cleaned out the straw and swept the barn 
yard, a blow that nearly deprived the owners of speech. ''What 
would the hens have to eat?" Next the rolling kitchen was set 
up, viewed very skeptically by the cooks. Home was complete. 

That night, and every night that the moon shone, old Abbe- 
ville was bombed, the German fliers passing directly over us to 
and from the city. The crashing of bombs, pounding of anti- 
aircraft guns, and sweep of searchlights gave us our first close- 
up of the grandeur of war. The fact that we were but spectators 
didn't strike home and when next morning it was found that 
pieces of the anti-aircraft shells had fallen in the village our 
satisfaction was complete. We had been under fire! In the 
east at night the lights were brighter now and accompanied by a 
very sullen imitation of thunder. The days slipped by as we 
drilled, hiked and drilled. We have learned since that, being 



IN THE WORLD WAR 249 

assigned to the British sector, drastic methods of feeding, arming 
and clothing were imperative. Our beautifully kept new rifles 
were stacked up and used English rifles passed out ; ammunition, 
grenade throwers, LcAvis guns, tin hats, gas masks followed on 
one day or another. The rations were new, the shoes new (and 
awful) rumors were at a discount for once and little could sur- 
prise us now. 

It was too good to last — a day^s march shifted the division. 
Our battalion moved through Abbeville, across the Somme, which 
we pictured from its prominence in dispatches to rival the Hud- 
son but appeared a small canal, and then on to Chepy-Malines. 
The shift did not please us greatly nor appear worth the long 
hot march from Neuilly I'Hopital. Nobody asked our opinion, 
however, nor explained the reason why so we just grumbled 
from force of habit and forgot it. Instead of school days being 
over as we proudly announced on leaving the States it appeared 
to begin in earnest and at the primary class. Officers, N. C. O.'s, 
cooks, signallers, musicians, there was a school for everyone. As 
every school seemed to be reached via Paris, some wonderful 
tales were told to the first-sergeant who couldn't find time to go 
anywhere. Some of the company were sent into the trenches for 
instruction and what they couldn't tell about the strategy and 
horrors of the ffont line after one day and night of it was very 
unimportant. Another divisional move and we were back north 
of the Somme at tlie town of Beauval. 

A long-lost, despaired-of paymaster found us with three 
months' pay for empty pockets. It was in French money, our 
dollars seemed multiplied by five, our song about the payroll out 
of date and a dream had come true. Such an event was one to 
celebrate — we celebrated with the aid of nearly every family 
in town who seemed to know in advance what was to happen and 
how best to meet the emergency. A family without a case of 
champagne to sell lived somewhere beside our section of the 
towm. Perhaps the loss of sleep, owing to the noise made by 
other companies, caused the cooks to oversleep, anyway break- 
fast was late, and we had an engagement in Doullens at noon to 
be inspected by the Commanding General of the army. No one 
seemed keen on going. The engagement was kept by means of 
very brilliant team work, so the company was duly inspected, 



250 71 ST NEW YORK 

together with the rest of the regiment. The others had also been 
paid off the day before. 

Inspections are never very joyous events — this one certainly 
no exception — so when it was completed the company filed to its 
allotted cars in a yard full of trains, glad to have it past. Our 
direction this time was north. We had first sight of towns in 
ruins, refugees jamming the stations, miles of trenches — war 
was beginning to appear less picturesque, more ugly. At 2 A. M. 
we detrained in Egyptian darkness and the inevitable rain, no 
lights permitted, and everyone tired, sleepy and cramped from 
the ride. The battalion formed, we began to march, traversed 
the silent cobblestone streets of ancient St. Omer, crossed canals, 
climbed hills, and continued to march. About ten in the morn- 
ing our particular village and bam was reached — so the guide 
said. By the time equipment was off and breakfast scornfully 
vetoed for the sake of sleep, the Assembly blew. "Wrong vil- 
lage, next stop ! ' ' Not important now as we look back but how 
we swore. It was quite appropriate as the country was Flanders 
and literature often tells that they swore like the troops in 
Flanders. 

This next and real stop was Wulverdinghe where we passed 
July 4th. The country was France but the people, language, 
houses, customs, were all Flemish. Canals were everywhere and 
great windmills reminded one of the blue painted china at home 
in the kitchen. By this time we fully expected to move from a 
village as soon as comfortably settled and were seldom disap- 
pointed. We soon marched to a canvas camp north of St. Omer 
and close to a range, fired the Lewis guns, threw real grenades, 
learned to hit with our newly adopted rifles and then marched 
to Tilques. Just so we would have to police it, so at least the 
company pessimist proclaimed. A few days later and again we 
marched down to St. Omer, crowded into box cars on a narrow 
gauge railway, and rode north to Winnezeele, detraining there 
to find some of the 27th Division had been in the line and our 
turn was scheduled. 

Events moved rapidly from then on but mention might be 
made at this point of some changes in the roster of the com- 
pany since its original formation. Lieutenant Bramwell had 
been sent to the hospital with illness at Chepy-Malines, Lieuten- 



IN THE WORLD WAR 251 

ant Plumley was undergoing treatment in England after a pain- 
ful illness of many months, Lieutenant Stevens resigned while 
at Spartanburg to enter the navy, Lieutenant Lovell who pre- 
ceded the division to France had rejoined the company, and 
Lieutenant Gregory had been assigned from the O. T. C. There 
had also been many changes in the enlisted personnel, promotions 
and transfers, but as this sketch is written without written 
records of any kind, they cannot be given due credit. Sergeants 
Graham and Forgett were now graduated as officers and as- 
signed elsewhere in the division. E. T. Ruane had been first- 
sergeant since shortly after the formation of the company. 
Faithful, efficient and quiet, he was an ideal "Top" and met 
his death bravely. Supply-Sergeant Gerow, killed also, was 
always efficient and the perfect soldier. Mess-Sergeant Towles 
handled the enormous task of preparing and serving of six and 
seven hundred meals a day with never a slip and never a request 
for help from the company officers. One day under shell fire, the 
next in a field of mud, the next in a barnyard — the meals always 
came, and no one could kick, for no company fared better and 
few as well. We would like to mention by name other sergeants, 
corporals, musicians, cooks, down to the last K. P. but space 
forbids. 

After three days' bivouac in a field near Winnezeele, watching 
flocks of airplanes and the line of observation balloons which we 
were to know later marked the outline of the Ypres Salient, we 
left for a long march across the Franco-Belgian line, through 
Watou and put up shelter tents close to Trappist Farm, well in- 
side the zone of German shells. Shelter tents were sunk about 
one foot in the ground for protection. A Bosche plane made 
several visits during the night firing his machine gun but did 
little damage except to our rest. The next day company com- 
manders of the battalion went forward to reconnoiter the 
trenches east of Poperinghe, and at sundown B moved forward 
about six miles to relieve C Company which had gone up the 
night before. As we passed at sunset through the silent streets 
of deserted, half ruined Poperinghe and the great howitzers and 
naval guns of the British H. A. began their night-long strafing, 
we seemed to be moving into a new world — terrible and grand 
beyond all description. 



252 71sT NEW YORK 

By dark the landscape for miles around was dotted with stab- 
bing flames of big gun discharges, each followed by an air-shat- 
tering report and the diminishing roar of the shells. They 
flamed and bellowed hour after hour until it seemed there must 
be a limit and when one paused to consider how this human made 
tornado had hurled tons of steel each hour of each night for 
month after month the mind just failed to grasp it. We quickly 
learned to distinguish such sounds from those of German shells 
arriving with the rising wail of a steam siren, each ending 
abruptly with the crash of its explosion as though a ton of coal 
had fallen on a tin roof. The human impulse of self-preserva- 
tion whispered it was time to turn around and go back, military 
training the pride said ''Keep right along" and soon the com- 
pany was arguing heatedly over each shell — whether it was going 
or coming. Critics discovered themselves in every squad who 
could name the size, nature and destination of each passing pro- 
jectile by its sound. No one believed them but no one could 
prove them wrong. Before midnight we were in our trenches 
at Anjou Farm, quite at home, fed up with the noisy guns and 
wondering if the cooks would have breakfast on time. They 
did — the rolling kitchen being placed in a farmyard a half mile 
away. 

The time passed with little to do but watch shells burst among 
the houses in Poperinghe just at our rear. They passed over our 
heads but no one could put much confidence in past perform- 
ances. One 9.2 took half our barn and dug a twenty-foot crater, 
one edge of which was not ten yards from our trenches. It 
looked too much like a reminder from the Germans that they 
would get us whenever ready. We were to move back from that 
position on the second night and were all packed up waiting 
hopefully for D Company when the time for relief arrived. It 
brought D Company and also orders transmitted by its Com- 
manding Officer, Captain Maslin, from headquarters to remain 
another 24 hours. Not a welcome order but just as final and 
positive for all that. The next night, feeling veterans indeed, 
we marched back to Trappist Farm, glad to get back to a quiet 
spot and sleep. Our next move was with the battalion straight to 
the front line trenches and we left late one afternoon with the 



IN THE WORLD WAR 253 

band playing, and under the eyes of Lieutenant-Colonel Liebman 
— the last time many of us saw him alive. 

Through Poperinghe again as the sun went down behind us, 
past Anjou Farm that seemed now to be safely placed in the 
rear, and on for miles through a perfect inferno of big guns 
busy at their night-long chorus. We dropped into double file 
with gas masks at the alert each following the man ahead and 
toward the dazzling display of rockets and star shells to our 
front. Stunned by the reports of howitzer batteries and roar 
of passing shells Busseboom and Ouderdom were traversed, the 
ruined houses hardly noticed when disclosed by white flashes of 
guns dug into the hedges around us. Reaching a cross road 
about 11 P. M., B Company which with A was to move to the 
extreme front line was met by guides from the York and Lanes 
Battalion holding the position. We formed into single file with 
ten yards separating each man and started forward again for a 
last mile with no cover from German machine gun fire but dark- 
ness. These machine guns were stabbing the bank of black night 
before us as we moved down through Hallebast Corners, "Hell- 
blast Corners" as the Tommies had re-christened it. It was a 
spot shelled repeatedly at short intervals every night. The ma- 
chine gun bullets flew by with venomous snap and at each burst 
of fire our guide threw himself flat and we followed suit — we 
never drilled so much in unison before. This stretch of road 
was traversed at last. Turning into a cut in the bank and pass- 
ing through the wreck of a sand-bagged cellar, the house a heap 
of brick, we found ourselves in the remains of a trench system 
on Vierstraat Ridge. 

The position was directly under observation from German 
0. P.'s on Mt. Kemmel, our forward trench varying from 15 to 
50 yards from his. Daylight disclosed the fact that in our rear 
lay an impassable swamp pitted with shell craters full to the 
brim of water. Our owti trenches had been shelled and mined 
until nothing was left but disconnected ditches. Observation in 
the daytime was impossible, no digging nor draining of trenches 
was permitted, available trench maps were hopelessly out of 
date. A perfect maze of deserted, smashed-in trenches ran in 
every direction and no one knew where to or whether Bosche 
or friend was 10 yards around the next corner. At every turning 



254 71sT NEW YORK 

they were impassable with mud or ended in a mined crater. 
Some sections were literally paved with dead bodies, others were 
identified for platoons by arms and legs sticking from the walls 
at various points. Rations parties had to go back at night for 
the rations in burlap bags and tins of drinking water. A bad job, 
seldom done without someone being wounded. 

The ruins of Ypres were in sight on our left; all else was 
mud, water-filled craters and desolation. It was the front be- 
yond doubt. On the first night we alternated squads with the 
British company and on the second alternated platoons. In a 
remarkably short time every one settled do^vn, got acquainted 
with Tommy, learned the places, threw and dodged a few gre- 
nades along the trench that the Germans played into with their 
machine guns and showed generally that if we didn 't admire the 
place, it was about Avhat we expected when volunteering for war. 
The English soldiers found it more difficult to express their emo- 
tions than we Yanks. To say they were "jolly well fed up with 
the bloomin' old war" was about their limit. Many had served 
in the salient for a year and often two, their friends were 
buried there and it was easy to understand their viewpoint when 
on the scene. 

Being Flanders, it most always rained. During the night 
every one was on the alert, patrolling on all fours through the 
mud or taking shots at anything looking like a German patrol. 
During the day we dozed on shelves cut in the bank and tried to 
forget the overpowering stench that defies description and the 
swarms of flies and rats and thirst. Aside from these shortcom- 
ings the daytime was quite comfortable. A last German drive 
was anticipated by higher authorities for the Channel ports. Our 
rather cheerful orders were that in case of a general attack we 
would not be supported but were to defend the position to the 
last. After a night standing in the mud, pelted with rain and 
under the strain of awaiting the barrage that would doubtless 
blow away the whole ridge, the slate-colored dawn back of the 
German lines was always a welcome sight. At this hour, with 
vitality at the lowest, the British soldier would get his three 
swallows of rum and never fail to share it with the Yank beside 
him. The act itself under the circumstances was something we 
will not likely forget. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 255 

All things must end, — on the third night we were visited by 
Captain Maslin, the Regimental Chaplain, Lieutenant Donovan, 
our surgeon, and some of D Company's N. C. O.'s. They were 
welcome indeed for we had grown to feel alone on that ridge, our 
world far away. The next night D Company moved up from 
support to take our place and we filed out, back across the road, 
through ''Hellblast Corners" as rapidly as our dignity and packs 
permitted and dug into the hedges of a farm about two miles to 
the rear. Some growled because our destination was not back 
out of shell fire but they were silenced when they found British 
companies there who had not moved out of the zone since the 
preceding Christmas. Little wonder the salient was the 
hated spot of the Western Front. During the day at this spot 
everyone lay in ruined barns and under hedges to avoid the hos- 
tile eyes of Mt. Kemmel. At night we marched off in working 
parties to dig trenches and string wire. Searching barrages 
would sweep the fields at different hours of the night and stray 
shells land from three directions. There was no such thing as 
shelter, one could only trust to luck and the size of the target. 

It came our turn again to move up to Vierstraat Ridge, the 
same old spot, but this time the British Battalion moved back and 
we were proud to realize that the safety of that few hundred 
yards of trench was entirely entrusted to our keeping. S. O. S. 
signals to send up in case of a big attack were passed out to 
the sergeants, the Tommies said "Good-bye and Good Luck." 
and we settled down as much as rain and mud would permit. 
The big attack didn't come but the nights were filled with 
alarms, patrolling, and trying to locate the Bosche machine gun 
positions. Drinking water and food came up in dribbles, not fit 
for consumption by the time it arrived, and passed through many 
hands. The last morning at 7 :20 a terrific barrage was put 
directly over our heads to cover a raid by the British through 
the lines on our left. For twenty minutes we were under what 
seemed a solid layer of every conceivable shriek, whine, and roar 
of passing steel, the ground shaking with the continuous burst 
of explosives directly in our front and for miles either side. 

The raid over, a blanket of silence descended under a glaring 
sun broken only by the notes of a bird; then the demoralized 
German fire began in retaliation. Some enormous shells burst 



256 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 

just behind us but so long as they were behind we breathed 
easier and felt sorry for the support and reserve who caught the 
brunt of this fire. On the following night a company of the 
106th began filing in, our relief. It was daylight before we were 
all out and the last group — Headquarters, First-Sergeant Ruane, 
the messengers, orderlies and signalmen — ^had the pleasure of a 
mile march in daylight along the road feeling the eyes of the 
whole German army were watching their progress. On reaching 
the famous ''Comers'^ they were entertained by a barrage ''in 
their midst." It didn't last over a minute but was something 
to be remembered. 

It was during this relief that Private Ruhl "went West," the 
first of the company to be killed outright. The section of trench 
between his post and the road was over waist-deep in mud, so he 
started over the top, a route we all took in the dark, but at this 
hour the darkness was breaking. A bullet found the mark. He 
was buried later at Vimy Siding attended by his comrades. 

The battalion moved back to the outskirts of Poperinghe, ate, 
slept, bathed and were freed of vermin and mud at last. A 
shell took off the roof of the bath house while our battalion were 
going through by platoons and ended a much needed operation. 
Working parties were sent forward to plant artillery wires and 
we reconnoitered a new trench system that would be occupied 
in case the front lines were broken. While here Colonel Liebman 
was killed by a shell at our old Support line and Captain Maslin 
took command of the battalion. Our next move was back to the 
old farm between Winnezeele and Oudezeele for a week's rest. 
Rests were short at such times and after a few days of company 
drill and well cooked meals the battalion moved back into Bel- 
gium to take a new position near Ridge Wood. At this time Cap- 
tain Strong was ordered to the rear through illness and after a 
week in a British Base hospital in Calais was transferred to an 
American hospital in England. Captain Kevney O'Connor of 
the 71st Regiment assumed command of the company. 




Top: Men of 105th Infantry Receiving Eations at the Front, Mazingheim, 

October, 1918. 
Bottom: French, American, English and Australian Soldiers and a German 

Prisoner of War Reading President Wilson 's Message to the Kaiser, 

Corbie, October, 1918. 



RECOLLECTIONS 

ODDS AND ENDS SWAPPED AT EASY CHAIR 
GATHERINGS BACK HOME 

At Camp Wadsworth two men on gnard, one 18 years of age 
and one who later proved to be but 17, went to sleep while on 
post. They knew little of the punishment sleeping on guard 
called for or the seriousness of guard duty. Their captain in- 
stead of having them court-martialed and sentenced to a year 
in prison ordered them to write to their mothers what poor 
soldiers they were and to hand the letters to him addressed but 
unsealed. In each letter, unknown to the youth, he wrote the 
mother not to worry about her son ; that he was in good health 
and was not going to be punished. The Captain never had an- 
other man asleep on post. When the Captain returned wounded 
to the United States, he received a letter from one of these boys 
signed * ' Guilf oyle, ' ' which read: *'Dear Captain: I am sorry 
you are wounded. I am one of the boys who you should have 
given a year's imprisonment for being asleep on post. My 
mother got me out of the army because I was only seventeen 
years of age. If anybody ever says a word against you, I'll 

knock his block off." 

* * * 

Shortly before Christmas ten per cent, of the men were al- 
lowed furloughs. All naturally wanted to go home to see their 
folks. In one company suggestions were asked of the men as to 
a fair method of settling the problem and when no suggestions 
were received all names were put in a hat and the men were fur- 
loughed as dra^Ti. This company did not have a single A. W. 
0. L. but another company reported 33 men absent. The fur- 
lough forms were typewritten and the men made copies enough 
for all, filling in the names of the commanding officers and their 
own. 



257 



258 71sT NEW YORK 

At Beauval, General O'Ryan paid a great compliment to the 
71st by selecting Company D to put on a show for General 
Pershing who was shortly expected. General O'Ryan had seen 
old Company G give an exhibition drill at a review in the Armory 
at 34th St. and Park Avenue and at Madison Square Garden, 
and had remembered the excellent showing made. Without con- 
sulting the superior regimental officer, he selected the Captain 
of old Company G suggesting that they put on the British 
Athletic exercises. The exhibition did not take place, however, 
as the company was ordered to entrain. When the drill was 
given in New York, Captains Hart, Strong, Firth, Robertson 
and Orsenigo were in the ranks of Company G as privates and 

corporals. 

* * * 

One day as Company D was on the range all company com- 
manders were ordered to report at the Major's tent. One of the 
captains returning said he had been asked what supplies his com- 
pany needed and when he replied he could not tell until he con- 
sulted his supply-sergeant he got *' bawled out." The tip was 
sufficient for the resourceful commander of Company D and 
when his turn came for the question, he said "200 pairs of 
socks, 100 undershirts, 150 pairs of drawers and 50 pairs of 
shoes." He was commended and the other captains informed 
that they should have been as able to answer. As a matter of 

fact. Captain : — had bluffed the whole thing and gotten 

away with it. 

* * * 

Stand-to was perhaps the most trying on the nerves. Stand- 
ing in the trenches all night with every sense on edge for any 
indications of approaching danger is not an amusement. Things 
sometimes were distorted and you saw things you didn't see. 
The results were often ludicrous as was this particular case. It 's 
on me so it can be told without fear of offending. During 
Stand-to one night Corporal Moore of Company C and myself 
were lying upon the parapet intently watching and listening for 
signs of the enemy. Snipers on the other side of No-man 's Land 
were busy. They kept mowing the weeds in front or ringing up 
bull's-eyes on a bit of ''elephant iron" over on the corporal's 
left, or whizzing a few through the wire tangle in front of us, 



IN THE WORLD WAR 259 

or sending them over our heads. We heard them snap when 
they were up high, we heard them hiss close to us and we 
hugged mother earth closer than ever we did our best girls in 
the States. 

A sound on the corporal's left attracted attention. A quick 
glance and the blood nearly froze in his veins. There were six 
Bodies standing upon the parapet calmly looking us over. Each 
seemed six feet high. Thoughts flew like lightning. A quick 
whisper to the corporal to take a look ; then followed instructions 
for him to stay put while I slipped down to open fire. The 
corporal was then to slip up top and do likewise. We slipped 
down, and received a second surprise; somebody was moving 
along our trench. We waited developments as somebody came 
nearer and nearer. We were ready to fire when they came round 
the turn in the trench. Just then came our signal, followed by 
the words ' ' One Five Sullivan, ' ' meaning ' ' 105, Sergeant Sulli- 
van. ' ' Our breath came easier and we looked up for the Bosches 
and saw instead half a dozen tall reeds slowly waving in the air. 

Moore said ''Well, you saw them first." 

* * * 

A company was billeted in the Dickebusch sector and Com- 
pany headquarters was situated in one of shell torn, dilapidated, 
farmhouses, so numerous in that vicinity. The house was also 
used as a British artillery observation post. One evening about 

six o 'clock Captain was eating supper, in one of the two 

remaining rooms of the house that once was when a Bosche shell, 
accompanied by its usual pleasant sounds, just cleared the house 
and nestled in the road not fifteen yards away. 

The British officer who was in the house at the time called 
out, "You had better get under cover, Captain; we believe they 
have the house." By cover they meant a sandbag fortification 
they had constructed in the next room. The Captain said nary a 
word. A few seconds elapsed and a second shell whizzed by 
closer than the first, if such a thing were possible. Again from 
the next room, "Captain, for God's sake get under cover, they 
have the house, ' ' and the response was only the occasional smack 
of the Captain's lips, as he now and then hit a fish bone in the 
"corned willie" he was eating. A few more seconds and bang, 
a shell caught the remains of the roof and knocked some of the 



260 71sT NEW YORK 

tile down into the room where the Captain was enjoying his 
repast. Again from the depths of the dugout came a voice, 
imploring the Captain to take shelter, but the skipper 's Irish had 
been aroused. ' ' Cahir, ' ' said he, calling the orderly, ' ' bring me 

my steel hat so I can finish this meal ' ' — and he did. 

* # * , 

Life in the trenches was just one thing after the other. Stand- 
to from sun down to daybreak, repelling raids by Fritzie, dodg- 
ing and avoiding his greetings, raising the wind for him by a 
concerted fire and shower of all we had in the line of novelties 
and in the meantime and in between times we sure got some fun. 
''Seam inspection" it was called in polite lingo. "Cootie catch- 
ing" was the plain English of it. Sometimes the hunt was not 
successful because of the elusiveness of the varmint. More fre- 
quently though the "game" were so plentiful that it became 
monotonous. Two of our boys were deeply engrossed in this 
pastime, when suddenly one let out a shout of "Billie, Billie! 
Hey, Billie ! " "Ah, what 's biting you ? " " That 's just it ; this 
is the devil that 's doing it. He must be a captain for he 's got two 

stripes." 

* « « 

When not engaged in refusing Jerry's inclination to pay us a 
visit or giving him to understand that distance lent enchantment 
we occasionally had a feeling that it was growing near time for 
EATS. Watches were not needed to tell this but rations fre- 
quently failed to come up. We didn't take an extra hitch in our 
belts but we did cuss the ration train and everybody connected 
with it. Something had happened somewhere to hold it up; 
what or where, we neither knew nor cared. It wasn 't here ; that 
was enough and our injured feelings found vent in expletives. 

"Armies travel on their stomachs," said Napoleon. Howinell 
were we going to travel on an empty one? We did, however, 
and in this hike had a picture flashed upon us that indelibly 
impressed upon our minds the fact that all the dangers and 
risks and the glories of war are not confined to the front line 
trenches. It was near Tincoubt, on our way to the jump off 
for the Hindenburg Line. Along the side of the road lay our 
ration train. Food, horses and wagons a perfect shambles. The 
first wagon had been blown to bits, its two horses having been 



IN THE WORLD WAR 261 

killed. A big gaping hole showed where the shell struck but not 
a vestige of food or wagon could be seen. Fifty yards farther 
on were the front wheels of the second wagon, a team of disem- 
bowelled horses and a mess of flesh, blood and bones mixed up 
with food that had been on the wagon. The third wagon had not 
been hit but its team and driver were gone. What was left of 
one horse, just a hind leg and a bit of harness, was smashed into 
and hanging from a stump of a tree. Of the driver nothing was 
to be seen except one foot which had become wedged under the 
footboard. Never another cuss went out against the men oper- 
ating the supply trains. We realized as never before that there 
were brave, fearless, loyal men behind us. Men who gambled 

with their lives that we might be fed. 

* * # 

Near Albert, Captain who was about to start back to 

rejoin his company after an assignment with the 7th London 
regiment in the front line trenches, began to shave outside a hole 
in the support trench that served as Company Headquarters. 
The shells would drop in the valley in the rear and the men be- 
gan to sit down in the trench in which the Captain was shaving. 
The Captain was head and shoulders above the trench with the 
shells falling fast, striking within 50 yards. A British soldier 
who lay nearby stated that a trench morter ammunition-dump 
was near there and the Germans were trying to blow it up. The 
Captain did not shave very closely but he and his striker were 
the only Americans present and he felt it necessary to make a 
show of American nonchalance under fire, although he stated 
afterwards that he would have been mighty glad to have been 
lying down under cover. 

* * # 

At Yierstraat Ridge nothing but a series of shell holes and the 
mounds about the shell craters marked where the trenches had 
been. In and behind these our boys took such shelter as condi- 
tions afforded. It wasn't much better than none at all; half a 
dozen boys in one hole, three or four in another, and the rest 
behind the mounds or right out in the open ; every mother 's son 
keenly on the alert for any move by Jerry. Tours of inspection 
along our line were hurdle racing with a vengeance; strenuous 
and dangerous but necessary. At the extreme right of our line 



262 71sT NEW YORK 

near the Vierstraat Cross Roads was a shell crater, the last of 
our line. In it were four men, one on guard, the others lying 
down for a much needed rest. We stopped to pass a word of 
greeting — there were no ceremonies in the trenches — our warning 
''Take it easy, no unnecessary exposure, watch your sky line" 
had been given and we went on to inspect the old power mill at 
the Cross Roads Junction for any ' ' booby traps ' ' or other pleas- 
antries the Bosche may have left behind for our benefit. We 
had not gone twenty yards when there was a roar like an express 
train going through a tunnel, a terrific explosion and four men 
went hurling through space. It seemed as if all the earth had 
taken a sudden notion to move elsewhere. We rushed back to 
the spot and found Private Hamm of Company C buried up to 
his elbows in dirt but sitting upright with his rifle still firmly 
grasped in his hand. He was dead. A long jagged gash on the 
left side of his head showed where a piece of the shell had hit 
him. Tenderly his buddies laid a good soldier to rest where he 
made the supreme sacrifice and marked his grave with a piece 

of board. 

* * * 

When we reached the trenches at Dickebusch about eleven 
o'clock at night (twenty- three o'clock it was called over there) 
it was dark as pitch with mud everywhere, for it had been rain- 
ing steadily for a day or two. In some places it was ankle deep, 
others up to the waist line. Into and through it we slipped and 
sloshed. It made no difference if your station was a bit oozier 
than buddy 's ; it was your spot and there you stayed put. Dis- 
positions were made and then came the necessity of personal 
reeonnaisance to make sure that everything was in readiness for 
Jerry's raid about which we had been warned by our predeces- 
sors. Keeping up personal contact with the men was strenuous 
work but entailed no greater risks than the boys were facing. 
We had a secret signal whereby we made ourselves known while 
moving about. It didn't waste any breath and made very little 
noise but it did avoid the unpleasant sensation of being tickled 
in the ribs with a bayonet. At one point in our lines we were 
very nearly thrown full length by an obstruction sticking out 
from the trench wall. It was too dark to see what it was and 
it was ordered removed at daybreak. Daybreak came but the 



IN THE WORLD WAR 263 

obstruction was not removed. Instead we got some pieces of 

duck-board, built a box about it and carefully covered it over 

with earth. Everybody reverently stepped over it thereafter. 

It was the foot and ankle of a French soldier who had been 

buried there by a shell a long while before. No French troops 

had been there for over a year. "C ^est la Gruerre." 
# * * 



WHAT A WOUNDED SOLDIER THINKS DURING 27 HOURS ALONE IN A 

SHELL-HOLE 

A year or so after the war a number of overseas pals were 
comfortably seated in the Officers' Mess in the armory, for the 
thousandth time swapping stories of Flanders and the battle- 
fields. They were stories of humor, of vivid military action, 
of heroism and wounds and death. Finally it became Captain 
Maslin's turn, and dwelling most of the time upon the never 
ending courage of his men he told the story of his own desperate 
wound and that of his 27 hours in a shell-hole hovering between 
life and death. 

It was on September 29th, 1918, when the 105th had been 
ordered to capture two villages at Guillemont Farm. The bat- 
talion had been placed in shell-holes about 100 yards in advance 
of the trenches occupied by the Third Battalion. A wounded 
German had been noticed near the Third Battalion trenches and 
the Captain decided to go personally to him and see what could 
be done. The German proved to be an officer and seemed to be 
suffering great pain. The Captain eased his suffering by giving 
him water from his canteen and then walked along the front of 
the Third Battalion trenches to confer with Captain Bulkley, 
speaking to the men in the trenches with whom he was ac- 
quainted. As he neared the left center of the line of trenches 
someone shouted, "Hurry up, or you'll be hit; get in the 
trench." 

The Captain frankly confessed that his inclination was to 
jump headlong into the trench, but fear of making an exhibition 
of himself before the men caused him to continue along the top, 
and as he reached the left of the line he passed Sergeant Cuneo, 
a former 71st man, who made some remark. There were more 



264 71sT NEW YORK 

shouts of "Run, for God's sake!" and Sergeant Cuneo stated 
that Lieutenant Warschauer, formerly of the 71st, had been 
killed. When he was about to step into headquarters shell-hole 
machine-fire opened and the Captain received a shot from a 
sniper and fell. He describes the feeling when hit as if he had 
been struck by an iron bar across the back. To liken it to being 
struck by a wooden club, the Captain stated, was inadequate; 
that the hit was accompanied by an "iron" sensation, followed 
at once by excruciating pains and paralysis of both legs. Then 
came chills and vomiting, but with no loss of consciousness. 

He felt at first that his time was short and a desire flashed 
across his mind to leave his accounts in good shape. He had 
several hundred dollars belonging to Company D in his money- 
belt, and directed his Adjutant to send it to Mrs. Maslin, who 
would know what to do with it. Then his thoughts went to his 
wife and his four-year-old daughter Nancy, a great favorite with 
the men of Company D, and who had said, ' ' Mother, I 'm going to 
send my daddy away with a smile, but I'm going to cry when 
he 's not looking. ' ' 

A feeling of great loneliness followed, with a desire for the 
companionship of his old company, which had become separated 
from him in a smoke screen. He remembered a morning in the 
Dickebusch sector when they had sung to him, "Pack up your 
troubles in your old kit bag," and now in the midst of pain he 
tried to sing it back to them. He suffered intensely below the 
wound line although his body was free from pain above and his 
brain worked clearly and normally. He realized that the officers 
with him believed that it was all up with him ; in fact, an Aus- 
tralian officer present did inform some of the inquiring men that 
the Captain had been shot through the spine and could not live. 
He, however, was far from the point of giving up, his brain and 
body fighting against the helplessness of his legs, with his body 
in the shell-hole, at an angle, with his head just below the edge. 
Machine-gun firing was incessant and the bullets whistled above 
him. One sniper continued to break the dirt above and at the 
back of his head. 

The Captain had had thirty years of military training, and 
he could see no reason why he should be lying there under fire, 
and requested that he be moved over to the side of the shell-hole 



IN THE WOELD WAR 265 

and given a rifle. He was informed that he could not be moved. 
He cites this to show the everlasting effect of military training. 

His runner suggested that he would go for a surgeon, but 
before leaving had placed his blouse over the Captain and had 
afforded some relief by changing the position of his legs. In a 
couple of hours the leg pains were not so acute and the sniper 
had ceased firing, but machine-gun fire was incessant although it 
sounded more distant. The young runner crept out in his shirt 
sleeves, unarmed, and was not again seen by the Captain until 
the Division returned from France. 

As the hours went by the machine-gun fire gradually died out 
and it grew dusk, with a lonely silence. The Captain intently 
listened for the surgeon and the runner, hoping they would reach 
him before dark. At last he heard voices and called out, ' * Over 
this way," and two Germans came into view. The first was a 
tall, dark, fine looking fellow, unarmed and wearing a steel hel- 
met; the second was quite small, wore a forage cap and had his 
rifle slung across his back. The Captain had a feeling that that 
rifle would be his finish and figured that he would be hit in the 
chest because he had twisted his body around to meet them. He 
called on the Germans to surrender, but the big fellow growled 
back in English, "What you do here?" Then he noticed blood 
on the Captain's uniform and with a voice full of sympathy he 
said " Oh ! You wounded ! ' ' The Captain asked if they wanted 
to take him in and they said, "No," and asked where his com- 
rades were. They paused a few moments to speak a few words 
and then left him. Shortly after he heard more voices but did 
not try to communicate. By raising on his elbow he saw the 
heads and shoulders of eight or ten Germans in file about twenty 
paces to the rear, who passed without seeing him. He figured 
that these were machine-gunners who were hurrying away and 
who were momentarily lost and afraid of being captured. 

Eain began to fall and continued during the night and he was 
thankful for the runner's blouse. He twisted his body over to 
the right, placed his steel helmet over the left side of his face, 
folded his arms under the blouse and was fairly comfortable. 
He felt as if his legs had turned to iron as they were not sensi- 
tive to the rain or cold. The patter of the rain upon the steel 
helmet soothed him and he fell asleep. At one time during the 



266 71sT NEW YORK 

night he was awakened by something striking him on the body. 
The ground was being shelled and falling dirt had spattered. 
He feared getting a second wound that would add to his suffer- 
ing and the thought persisted in his brain that by daybreak 
power would again come to his legs and he would get back to his 
battalion. He prayed that a shell might hit him direct and put 
an end to his suffering. Death had no terror to the Captain lying 
in the rain and mud and with the agony of a possible additional 
wound in his mind. He smelted gas, and lacking the strength to 
put on his gas-mask made use of the mouth-piece. He would 
"sniff" for gas after each shell explosion and use the mouth- 
piece when it seemed necessary. Once a stone struck him on the 
left elbow and he believed he had been hit again. 

The Captain then became delirious, his mind filled with the 
idea that he should make an attempt to get up. As day broke 
he found himself turned over, with his elbows on the ground and 
endeavoring to get up on his right knee, some slight power to 
move having returned to that leg. Then he fell back and became 
possessed of the idea that he could see a German's head in front 
of him ; he had developed a cough during the night and tried to 
smother it so that it would not be heard by the German of his 
delirium. The rain had stopped and he saw that his feet were 
in water that covered the heels and uppers of his shoes to close to 
a point near the toes, but there was no feeling whatever in the 
feet. Then he noted that it appeared to be blood instead of 
water, and figured that the rain had washed the blood from his 
uniform, tinting the water, and that when he had been turned 
over he had displaced his first-aid bandage. 

As the day broke the Captain noted that his runner had left a 
pack behind him. Through a great effort he reached it and used 
it to get his legs and feet out of the water. A rifle with fixed 
bayonet had been left in front of the shell-hole and another near 
the back of the hole. It seemed to him that any one seeing the 
rifles would probably throw a hand grenade before approaching. 
Then he found a sack of rations and made a breakfast of bread 
and water from his canteen. He could draw up his right leg a 
few inches and the pain was less. 

The Captain's thoughts, as he lay in the shell-hole, never ex- 
pecting to leave it alive, are interesting. He acknowledged that 



IN THE WORLD WAR 267 

they were of this world rather than of the next. His memory 
went back to the pleasant time he had when on a ten days' leave 
in New York, prior to sailing for France; he dreamed of the 
dinners tended to him and the friends who had entertained him. 
He remembered a meeting of the Officers of the new 71st when 
a suggestion was made that the names of officers killed in France 
be placed on brass plates in the Officers' Mess and he pictured 
his name there. He thought of the annual dinner given by the 
Evening Telegram, with which he had been associated in 
business, and could see his name encircled in a black border in 
the program for the occasion. He wondered what his brother 
officers and the men in the service would say of him and whether 
they would agree that he had worthily "played the game." He 
remembered a happy dinner with the officers of his battalion at 
an English Officers' mess on the preceding Sunday. He felt 
keen pleasure to know that he had earned a wound stripe and 
regretted that he was not to live to wear it. Then a thought 
came to his mind of the Red Cross train for wounded that he had 
passed on his trip to the front, and he remembers talking to him- 
self and saying, "It isn't right that I should be lying here; I 
should be on the Red Cross train. ' ' 

There was not much firing after daylight on September 30th 
and some time during the morning the Captain heard the whirr 
of an airplane in the distance flying quite low over where he was 
lying. He tried to "flash" with his canteen and shouted to 
the plane, but it passed and an intense feeling of loneliness pre- 
vailed. The hours sped and it grew colder and more dismal and 
it seemed as if rain again would add to his discomfort. His mind 
began to calculate how long he might expect to live under the ex- 
posure and settled upon a figure of about four days. He had 
rations sufficient for a week and with wet weather would have 
water. He felt that the wound would not kill him, but that three 
days more of the racking cough and exposure would bring about 
the end. Awful stillness prevailed hour after hour, and then 
after what seemed days a figure appeared upon the scene wear- 
ing a British raincoat and a steel hat. The figure turned and 
shouted, "Here's the Captain," and jumped into the shell-hole. 
It proved to be Dr. Donovan, the Battalion Surgeon, with two 
men. After Captain Maslin had received surgical attention he 



268 71sT NEW YORK 

remembers saying to the surgeon that he was glad they had 
arrived as he felt that he could not have stood it more than four 
days. He was amazed to learn that he had not been in the shell- 
hole three days as he had supposed, but that only 27 hours had 
elapsed. 



THE NATIONAL GUARD BOYS 

Didn't know much, but knew something, 
Learned while other men played. 
Didn't wait for commissions. 
Went while other men stayed. 

Took no degrees up at Plattsburg, 
Needed too soon for the game, 
Ready at hand to be asked for. 
Orders said, Come, and they came. 

Didn^t get bars on their shoulders. 
Or three months to see if they should, 
Didn't get classed with the Regulars 
Or told they were equally good. 

Just got a job and got busy. 
Awkward they were but intent. 
Filing no claim for exemption, 
Orders said Go ! — And they went. 

Didn't get farewell processions, 
Didn't get newspaper praise, 
Didn't escape the injunction 
To mend, in extenso, their ways. 

Workbench and counter and roll-top 

Dug in, and waited their chance. 

Orders said, First Line Trenches. 

They're Holding them — somewhere in France. 

— R. P. Andrews, in Life. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 269 



BY THE NUMBERS 

I joined to become a soldier 
In war 's great game to mix ; 
Instead I 'm only number 2,000,856. 

I want the thrill of danger 
For thrills are all too few. 
But thrills and danger dodge, from bunk 382. 

Oh, for a chance to bayonet 
And bomb the beastly Hun 
In shell torn trench where the numbers are One to One. 

On the passenger list I 'm 70 ; 

In mess I 'm 84 ; 

I'm tagged and numbered and counted 

And then I'm numbered some more. 

I joined to become a soldier. 

An actor in life's great scene, 

But they've made me a series of numbers, 

A regular adding machine. 



ARMISTICE ORDER TO A. E. F. 

11th November, 1918. 

A message from Itasca 1 to Ireland 1 transmitted to Inject 1 
for compliance: — Hostilities will cease on the whole front at 
eleven o'clock to-day, French time. Until that hour the opera- 
tion previously ordered will be pressed with vigor. At eleven 
hours our line will halt in place and no unit will move backward 
or forward. All men will cease firing and will dig in. In case 
the enemy does not likewise suspend fire, fire will be resumed, 
but no further advance be permitted. No fraternization will be 
allowed. 

Brigade and other commanders concerned are charged with 
the important duty of transmitting these orders to the troops and 
securing their strict enforcement. Rocket or other signals may 
be used to notify the front line of the arrival of eleven hours. 



COMMENDATIONS 



G. H. Q. 
AMERICAN EXPEDITIONARY FORCES 

France, February 28, 1919. 
General Orders 
No. 38-A 

MY FELLOW SOLDIERS: 

Now that your service with the American Expeditionary 
Forces is about to terminate, I cannot let you go without a 
personal word. At the call to arms, the patriotic young man- 
hood of America eagerly responded and became the formidable 
army whose decisive victories testified to its efficiency and its 
valor. With the support of the nation firmly united to defend 
the cause of liberty, our army has executed the will of the 
people with resolute purpose. Our democracy has been tested, 
and the forces of autocracy have been defeated. To the glory 
of the citizen-soldier, our troops have faithfully fulfilled their 
trust, and in a succession of brilliant offensives have overcome 
the menace to our civilization. 

As an individual, your part in the world war has been an 
important one in the sum total of our achievements. Whether 
keeping lonely vigil in the trenches, or gallantly storming the 
enemy 's stronghold ; whether enduring monotonous drudgery in 
the rear, or sustaining the fighting line at the front, each has 
bravely and efficiently played his part. By willing sacrifice 
of personal rights ; by cheerful endurance of hardship and priva- 
tion ; by vigor, strength and indom;itable will, made effective by 
thorough organization and cordial co-operation, you inspired the 
war-worn Allies with new life and turned the tide of threatened 
defeat to overwhelming victory. 

With a consecrated devotion to duty and a will to conquer, 
you have loyally served your country. By your exemplary 
conduct a standard has been established and maintained never 
before attained by any army. With mind and body as clean 

270 



71 ST NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 271 

and strong as the decisive blows you delivered against the foe, 
you are soon to return to the pursuits of peace. In leaving 
the scenes of your victory, may I ask that you carry home your 
high ideals and continue to live as you have served — an honor 
to the principles for which you fought and to the fallen com- 
rades you leave behind. 

It is with pride in our success that I extend to you my sin- 
cere thanks for your splendid service to the army and to the 
nation. 

Faithfully, 

John J. Pershing, 
Commander-in-Chief. 



OFFICIAL TELEGRAM FROM GENERAL PERSHING 

(Dated October 19, 1918) 

Commanding General, 27th Division : 

The following repeated for your information quote number 
160603. The commander-in-chief desires you to convey to the 
officers and soldiers of your corps his appreciation of the mag- 
nificent qualities which have enabled them, against powerful 
resistance, to advance more than ten miles and to take more than 
six thousand prisoners since September twenty-seventh. 



OFFICIAL TELEGRAM FROM SIR DOUGLAS HAIG, K.T., 
G.C.B., G.C.Y.O., K.C.I.E. 

FIELD MARSHAL, COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF, 
BRITISH EXPEDITIONARY FORCES 

(Dated October 20, 1918) 

"General Read, II American Corps. I wish to express to 
you personally and to all the officers and men serving under you 
my warm appreciation of the very valuable and gallant services 
rendered by you, throughout the recent operations with the 4th 
British Army. Called upon to attack positions of great strength 
held by a determined enemy all ranks of the 27th and 30th 
American Divisions, under your command, displayed an energy, 
courage and determ^ination in attack which proved irresistible. 
It do€s not need me to tell you that in the heavy fighting of the 



272 71sT NEW YORK 

past three weeks you have earned the lasting esteem and ad- 
miration of your British Comrades in arms whose success you 
have so nobly shared.'* 

D. Haig. 



OFFICIAL TELEGRAM FROM GENERAL H. L. RAWLIN- 
SON, COMMANDER OF THE FOURTH BRITISH ARMY 



II AMERICAN CORPS: 

Now that the American Corps has come out of the line for 
a well-earned period of rest and training, I desire to place on 
record my appreciation of the great gaUantry and the fine 
soldierly spirit they have displayed throughout the recent hard 
fighting. 

The breaking of the great Hindenburg system of defense, 
coupled with the captures of Grandcourt, Busigny and St. 
Souplet, and finally the forcing the passages of the LeSelle, 
constitute a series of victories of which each officer, N. C. 0. and 
man have every reason to feel proud. 

The Corps has been very well supported by the Artillery of 
the Australian Corps, to whom I desire to offer my best thanks 
for their skill and endurance during the long months they 
have now been in action. 

The efficiency with which the staff work of the Corps has 
been carried out on this their first experience as a fighting 
Corps in the line of battle has filled me with admiration, and 
I attribute it largely to the zeal and unity of purpose which 
has throughout anim,:ated the whole Corps. 

The outstanding feature of their recent victories has been 
the surprising gallantry and self-sacrifice of the regimental offi- 
cers and men. I congratulate them on their prowess and offer 
them one and all my warmest thanks for the leading part they 
have taken in the recent operations. 

It is possible now to give the Corps a period of rest, during 
which special attention should be paid to the training of the 
smaller units in minor tactics, such as the attack of strong 
points and machine gun nests. The experience they have had 
of actual combat will assist them to improve their fighting effi- 
ciency in this respect. 

In thanking the Corps as a whole for the great services they 




Our Brothers in Arms — The Australians. 
Top : Artillery. Bottom : Infantry 



IN THE WORLD WAR 273 

have rendered to the Allied cause, I desire to wish all ranks 
the best of good fortune in the future. 

H. S. Rawlestson, 
General, Commanding Fourth Army. 



LETTER FROM THE COMMANDING GENERAL, 
3RD AUSTRALIAN DIVISION 



France, 14 October, 1918. 
Major General J. F. O'Ryan, 27th Div. : 

General : 

On behalf of all ranks of the 3rd Australian Division, I de- 
sire to express our sincere appreciation of the fighting qualities 
displayed by the 27th Division U.S. on the 27th and 29th Sep- 
tember last. The gallant manner in which your troops faced 
an extrem,ely difficult task, the determination of their attack 
on a strongly entrenched position, and the undaunted spirit 
with which they met their losses made us hope that we shall 
again have the honour of fighting alongside the Division under 
your command. The confidence of the men in their officers ap- 
pealed to us as a particularly happy omen for the future suc- 
cesses of the 27th. 

Very respectfully, 

I. Gellibrand, 
Major General, Comg. 3rd Australian Division. 



HEADQUARTERS II CORPS AMERICAN 
EXPEDITIONARY FORCES 

France, Oct. 4, 1918. 
From: Adjutant General. 

To: Commanding General, 27th Division, American E.F. 

Subject: Operation against Hindenburg Line of September 
29th, 1918. 

1. Following is letter received from the Commanding General, 
Australian Corps: 



274 71st new YORK 

AUSTRALIAN CORPS. 

Corps Headquarters, 2nd Oct., 1918. 
My dear General, 

As the Second American Corps has now been withdrawn from 
the line, and my official association with you and your troops 
has been for the time being suspended, I desire to express to 
you the great pleasure that it has been to me and to the troops 
of the Australian Army Corps to have been so closely allied to 
you in the recent very important battle operations which have 
resulted in the breaking through of the main Hindenburg Line 
on the front of the Fourth British Army. 

Now that fuller details of the work done by the 27th and 30th 
American Divisions have become available, the splendid gallantry 
and devotion of the troops in these operations have won the 
admiration of their Australian comrades. The tasks set were 
formidable, but the American troops overcame all obstacles and 
contributed in a very high degree to the ultimate capture of 
the whole tunnel system. 

I shall be glad if you will convey to your Division Com- 
manders m^^ appreciation and thanks for the work done and 
to accept my best wishes for every possible success in the future. 
Yours very sincerely, 

(Signed) John Monash. 



Major-General G. W. Read, N. A., 

Commanding II American Corps. 

2. In communicating to you this expression of the sentiments 
of the Commander of the Australian Corps, the Corps Com- 
mander desires to make known to you his appreciation of the 
splendid fighting qualities of your divisions, and of the results 
they accomplished in their part in breaking this formidable por- 
tion of the Hindenburg Line. It is undoubtedly due to the 
troops of this Corps that the line was broken and the operations 
now going on made possible. 

The unflinching determination of those micn, their gallantry 
in battle and the results accomplished, are an example for the 
future. They will have their place in history and must always 
be a source of pride to our people. 

(Signed) Stephen C. Clark, 

Adjutant General. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 275 

OFFICIAL BRITISH REPORT 



(Saturday night, Oct. 20, 1918) 

In the course of the last three weeks the Twenty-seventh and 
tJie Thirtieth Envisions of the II American Corps, operating with 
the Fourth British Army, have taken part with great gallantry 
and success in three major offensive operations, besides being 
engaged in a number of lesser attacks. In the course of this 
fighting they have displayed soldierly qualities of a high order 
and have materially assisted in the success of our attacks. 

Having fought with the utmost dash and bravery in the great 
attack of September 29th, in which the Hindenburg Line was 
broken, and having on that occasion captured the villages of 
Bellicourt and Mauroy, with a large number of prisoners, on 
October 8th the troops of the II American Corps again attacked 
in the neighborhood of Montbrehain. In three days of successful 
fighting they completed an advance of ten miles from Maton to 
St. Souplet, overcoming determ^ined resistance and capturing sev- 
eral strongly defended villages and woods. 

Throughout the past three days the II American Corps has 
again attacked daily and on each occasion with complete suc- 
cess, though the enemy's resistance has been most obstinate. 
Fighting their way forward from St. Souplet to the high ground 
west of the Sambre Canal, they have broken the enemy's re- 
sistance at all points, beating off many counter-attacks and 
realizing a further advance of nearly five miles. 

Over five thousand prisoners and many guns have been taken 
by the II American Corps. 



HEADQUARTERS II CORPS AMERICAN 
EXPEDITIONARY FORCES, FRANCE 

November 18, 1918. 
GENERAL ORDER, No. 44. 

1. The following letter from the Commander-in-Chief of the 
British armies to the Comjnanding General, II Corps, is pub- 
lished for the information of the officers and men of this com- 
mand: 

Now that the American II Corps is leaving the British Zone, 
I wish once more to thank you and all officers, non-commis- 



276 71sT NEW YORK 

sioned officers and men under your command, on behalf both 
of myself and all ranks of the British Armies in France and 
Flanders, for the very gallant and efficient service you have 
rendered during the period of your operations with the 4th 
British Army. 

On the 29th of September you took part with great distinc- 
tion in the great and critical attack which shattered the enemy's 
resistance in the Hindenburg Line and opened the road to final 
victory. The deeds of the 27th and 30th American Divisions 
who on that day took Bellicourt and Nauroy and so gallantly 
sustained the desperate struggle for Bony, will rank with the 
highest achievements of the war. They will always be remem- 
bered by the British regiments that fought beside you. 

Since that date, through three weeks of almost continuous 
fighting, you advanced from one success to another, overcoming 
all resistance, beating off numerous counter-attacks, and cap- 
turing several thousand prisoners and many guns. The names 
of Brancourt, Fremont, Vaux-Andigny, St. Souplet and Mazing- 
hien, testify to the dash and energy of your attacks. 

I rejoice at the success which has attended your efforts and 
I am proud to have had you under my command. 

(Signed) D. Haig, 

Field Marshal. 



September 30, 1918. 
TO THE COMMANDING GENERAL, 27th Division : 

In making a personal reconnaissance of the battle-field east and 
northeast of Duncan Post on the morning of September 30, it 
was evident from the onset the troops of the 27th Division had 
met with very heavy opposition and machine gun fire which 
was enfilading. There were a very large number of dead, all of 
which were lying with their faces toward the front, obviously 
being killed as they were advancing. Not in any one case was 
there a man moving backward when killed. Owing to the na- 
ture of the country the Germans were able to get enfilading 
machine gun fire which proved disastrous. Although the 27th 
Division may not have taken all objectives in all parts, it is very 
evident that by their gallant fighting on the left flank chey 
enabled the 30th Division on their right to do what they had 
set out to do, viz., to break the Hindenburg Line. Without 



IN THE WORLD WAR 277 

the gallant fighting of the 27th Division, against great odds, it 
would have been impossible for the 30th Division to advance. 

I am convinced that the officers and men of the 27th Division 
have done all that was humanly possible for brave m,en to do, and 
their gallantry in this action must stand out through all time in 
American history. 

(Signed) H. Murray, 
Lieutenant-Colonel V.C.D.S.O. Bar., D.C.M. 
Commanding 4th Australian Machine-gun Bat- 
talion. 



HEADQUARTERS, 27TH DIVISION, U. S. A. 
AMERICAN E. F., FRANCE 



October 21, 1918. 
Bulletin No. 103. 

Since the 25th of September — a period of nearly a month — 
the Division has been engaged almost continuously in fighting 
and marching. Some of this fighting involved a leading role in 
one of the fiercest battles of the war — the breaking of the great 
Hindenburg defense line. We have suffered the loss of some 
of our best officers and men, but unfortunately such losses are 
incidental to battles of such magnitude. Only divisions highly 
trained and disciplined, possessing the greatest confidence and 
morale and at the very top notch of their strength could have 
accomplished what the Division and our comrades of the 30th 
Division accomplished in that great battle. Only such di- 
visions could have met the sacrifices demanded, and with morale 
unimpaired have renewed the advance in the manner character- 
istic of the operations of the past two weeks. 

This is not the occasion to describe the Hindenburg defenses 
or the details of the battle for breaking them. That will doubt- 
less be done after the war. The same comment applies to the 
details of the operations since that engagement. Nevertheless, 
the Division Commander cannot withhold this expression of his 
admiration and respect for the valor and discipline as well as 
the endurance and spirit manifested by officers and men through- 
out this long period of fighting. These sentiments are stimu- 
lated by the events of the past week. When reduced in num- 



278 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 

bers, the Division attacked the enemy, took the town of St. 
Souplet, forced the crossing of the Le Selle River, and against 
strong opposition successfully assaulted the heights on the other 
side. Since that date the Division has attacked daily, taking 
by force the town of Arbre Guernon and a number of strongly 
fortified farms and forcing a withdrawal of the enemy to the 
Canal de la Sambre. 

In this latter advance the Division captured more than 1,400 
German officers and enlisted men, and a vast amount of mili- 
tary property, including field guns, a great number of machine 
guns, both light and heavy, anti-tank guns, trench mortars, 
dumps of ammunition and railroad rolling stock. In all this 
fighting the character of the enemy's resistance and the extent 
of his losses are indicated by the large numiber of enemy dead 
on the field. 

The efforts of the past month constitute a record to be proud 
of, and their value is indicated in the commendatory letter from 
the Commander-in-Chief of the British Expeditionary Forces 
which has been published for the information of the Division. 
Officers and men have justified estimates made of the Division 
when after its arrival in France it was selected to hold the Mont 
Kemmel sector against the expected great effort of the enemy 
to drive through to the sea. They have justified the opinions 
of their fighting qualities formed when this crisis, with the 
evacuation of Mont Kemmel had passed, and the Division 
promptly attacked and took Vierstraat Ridge, being, with the 
30th Division on our left, the first American troops to fight on 
Belgian territory. 

John F. O'Ryan, Major General. 









0r MfBHiiKi 

J 



The 54:tli Pioneer Infantry, Coblenz-Neuendorf, Germany. 

Top : Some 71st-54th Non-coms. 

Centre: Burial of Corporal Eddie O 'Shea (71). 

Bottom: Regimental Review. Ehrenbreitstein Fortress in Background. 



THE 54TH PIONEER INFANTRY 

This regiment was organized at Camp Wadsworth, S. C, in 
January, 1918, by redesignating the skeleton of the old 71st 
N. Y. Infantry. In it were about nineteen officers and 183 en- 
listed men of the old 71st, but later, through transfers, but six 
of the original 71st officers were left in the Pioneer regiment. 
Many of the 71st enlisted men who were transferred became non- 
commissioned staff officers and non-commissioned officers in the 
new organization. 

The duties of a Pioneer regiment at the time of the organiza- 
tion of the 54th were practically unknown and never during the 
war were they definitely fixed. Pioneer regiments in France 
were called upon to do whatever had to be done at the moment 
and for which no other troops were available. The organization 
of the 54th was the same as an infantry regiment with the ex- 
ception that there was no machine gun company, the head- 
quarters company consisted of only 184 men and the liaison and 
signal detachments were omitted. 

During the spring of 1918 the work of the 54th was theoretical 
for the officers and some practical drill. In August the regiment 
was filled with drafted men, about 83 per cent, of whom were 
from Minnesota and the balance from Pennsylvania and North 
and South Carolina. This draft, with what was left of the 71st, 
completed the regiment's quota of 3,549 enlisted men. On Au- 
gust 20th the regiment left Camp Wadsworth, destination un- 
known. It reached Camp Stuart on August 21st. 

On August 29th the regiment embarked for overseas, arriving 
at Brest September 12th. The following itinerary of the 54th 
shows its moves from the date of its organization to the date of 
its demobilization. During its entire existence it was com- 
manded by Colonel William G. Bates. Other 71st regiment offi- 
cers who served with the 54th were Major A. E. Wells, Captain 
Harvard A. Kehlbeck, Chaplain William T. Crocker, Captains E. 

279 



280 



71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 



A. Robertson and Joseph H. McDermott and Lieutenants W. J. 
R. Ginn, Joseph H. Mode, Clayton T. Morgan and Matthew A. 
Liotta. The 54th was under fire while in France. Colonel Bates 
reported that it was a most excellent organization in every way, 
performing all of its varied assignments in a creditable way, and 
that it was a regiment that he was proud to command. 

54th pioneer infantry 



January 3rd, 


1918 


The 54th Pioneer Infantry was created by 
G.O. No. 1, Headquarters Provisional 
Depot for Corps and Army Troops, Camp 
Wadsworth, S. C. The 71st Infantry, 
N.G.N.Y., being the nucleus, consisting 
of 19 officers and 183 men. 


August 20th, 


1918 


En route hy rail. 


21st, 


i I 


Camp Stuart, Newport News, Va. 


29th, 


i I 


Italian Transport ''Duca d'Aosta." 


September 12th, 


'■'' 


Pontanezen Barracks, Brest, France. 


17th, 


n 


En route by rail. 


20th, 


i ( 


Port d 'Atelier, Amance, France. 


22nd, 


(I 


En route by rail. 


23rd, 


i i 


Fleury sur Aire. 


26th, 


i i 


Woods near Clermont. 


29th, 


i i 


Field at Boureilles. 


October 12th, 


( i 


Aubreville. 


November 16th, 


i c 


Dun-sur-Meuse. 


December 3rd, 


i ( 


Longuyon. 


16th, 


(C 


Longwy. 


22nd, 


< ( 


Dreis, Germany. 


29th, 


( i 


En route by rail. 


30th, 


i( 


Neuendorf, Germany. 


May 24th-27th, 


1919 


En route by rail. 


27th, 


i i 


Asnieres — Sable, France. 


June 6th, 


i ( 


En route by rail. 


7th, 


i i 


Camp No. 1, St. Nazaire. 


13th, 


( ( 


U. S. Transport Artemis. 


26th, 


C i 


Camp Stuart, Va. 


29th, 


i i 


En route by rail. 


July 1st, 


i i 


Camp Grant, 111. 


August 16th, 


i I 


Colonel and Regimental Adjutant cleared 
and 54th Pioneer Infantry fully demo- 
bilized. 



THE 106TH FIELD ARTILLERY 
By Sergeant Herbert H. Foster 

Others have written well of the 71st in the field, through the 
balmy days of up-State guard duty, the pleasant period at Van 
Cortlandt Park, the farewell parades, the training at Spartan- 
burg and have carried it on to the Hindenburg Line, the mud 
of Flanders and the many engagements in which its men played 
prominent and heroic parts. This contribution will take up the 
scattered strand of the men transferred to the 106th Field Ar- 
tillery and follow them through the dismal Argonne, the muddy 
hill country before St. Mihiel, through the gun pits on and near 
La Cote de la Mort Homme (Dead Man's Hill) before the forts 
of Verdun, and along the war torn banks of the Meuse. 

Like other organizations the 106th Field Artillery had its 
trials and tribulations, its joys and adventures. Many humorous 
tales could be told of its individuals and many not so humorous. 

Rumor had it, and army rumors are sometimes well founded, 
that the War Department had the 71st slated for disintegration. 
This was hard to believe. In fact, it seemed so unfounded that 
very few discussed it. The men of the regiment reasoned that 
such action would not be taken because of its efficiency and 
strength. Had not the regiment been rated by all who had 
occasion to judge it, as one of the best, if not the best, guard 
regiment in the country? Then, too, the past performances in 
wars and emergencies should count for something. 

The memorable morning of the breaking up of the 71st was 
well described as ''Execution Day." The order and a regiment 
were being "executed." Men were to be amputated from its 
personnel until the execution was complete. The transfer of 168 
involuntary volunteers to the 106th Field Artillery was the first 
step at Camp Wadsworth, We were formed at the heads of our 
company streets awaiting the last commands of our Captains that 

281 



282 71sT NEW YORK 

would take us to our new organization. Our friends lined up 
and although, the music was a rollicking army march, one of those 
that had carried us on many miles of hiking, to us who were leav- 
ing it was a dirge. 

As we neared the new camp we smiled a bit and thought of 
the life of an artilleryman. We were to have horses in this new 
command. No more long hikes. No more heavy packs. From 
now on the horses would do all the leg work and we would do 
the riding — just like Generals. 

A short march over the Wadsworth cotton fields brought us to 
the new camp. Cooks seemed to be busy about their duties. The 
usual congregation of ^ ' greaseballs " was busy on the pots. 
About the company streets men moved but there was no one to 
greet us. The band was not there. The regiment was not lined 
up. There was nothing glorious about our arrival. Perhaps they 
did not know we were from the Seventy-first ! They really could 
not realize our importance if this was to be our reception ! And 
so we wondered as we came to a halt close to the mess shacks 
to be looked over critically by the most typical bunch of ' ' kitchen 
mechanics" that could be gathered in a row of mess-shacks. 

We awaited our reception and got it. Our reception com- 
mittee approached in the person of Captain . He was 

then a Captain, later a Major and Lieutenant-Colonel, but 
always anything but encouraging. He looked us over critically 
as he approached, as one might look over a line of green horses, 
or perhaps as a slave dealer in the old days would look over a 
bunch of "blackbirds" on the slave block. "We are glad you 
are here, ' ' he stated abruptly. 

Down the line someone smiled an acknowledgment. "You, 
down there," he snapped. (We learned he was once an army 
sergeant; in fact he served as a non-com. for twenty years.) 
"Wipe that smile off your face. Do they teach you to grin at 
officers in the Seventy-first ? No wonder you 're here. The next 
time you grin will be the last time during your military service. 
As I said before, we are glad you are here. We are going to 
make soldiers of you. Forget that you ever served with the 
Seventy-first. Forget your society brand. Start soldiering 
quick so that you may live here in good health. As I said before, 
we are glad you are here. ' ' A nd then he turned about and left 



IN THE WORLD WAR 283 

us dazed, to await the arrival of the battery commanders who 
were to take us to our respective batteries. 

All outfits have their hardboiled champs, all have the different 
types that make a regiment. We found the battery commanders 
in most cases good to look at and to listen to. Before the close 
of day we had been assigned to our new quarters, had taken our 
bearings and learned much about this new organization. We 
learned that we were now members of Buffalo's famed '^Tree 
Field Boofalo" which translated from the Polish was the ''Third 
Field Artillery of Buffalo." We learned that the regiment was 
recruited largely from the Polish quarter of Buffalo and that it 
boasted of twenty-two languages spoken within its ranks. With 
few exceptions its men were small men of great strength. Men 
who worked hard, lived hard, and fought hard at the slightest 
provocation, and often without provocation. But they made us 
feel at home. They were generous and later on we found that 
they were game to the core. Several had first shouldered a gun 
in the service of the German Emperor. 

The following day we were given horses. Many of the men of 
the 106th turned their horses over to us so that we of the dough- 
boys had three and even four horses each. 

The following morning we made our first formal call at the 
picket line where the 1,400 horses of the regiment were tied up. 
We noticed that Reveille was one hour earlier than in the in- 
fantry and that it was followed by a strange call before the early 
mess that sent everyone scurrying to the picket line with pails, 
feed bags and curry combs. We followed the crowd. We edged 
in between the horses and were instructed in the art of manicur- 
ing four horses each, the four that had been so generously turned 
over to us. Three times each day the horses had to be watered, 
fed and groomed. Before we had been there long a stream of 
former doughboys were walking, crawling and being carried to 
the hospital tent. Others were more fortunate and were still 
dodging flying hoofs disentangling themselves from rolling green 
stock or wondering why the pesky brutes sought so hard to bite 
off the hand that fed them. 

We lived and learned. Some of us during these ordeals on the 
picket line wished that we had died young. Others wondered 
how it would be possible to dodge those hoofs forever. Then the 



284 71sT NEW YORK 

work became routine. We even learned to ride, after nursing 
the blisters acquired in the school of equitation. The next few 
weeks familiarized us with the new drill regulations. We learned 

how to handle the guns. Captain almost forgot that we 

were from the Seventy-first. Some of the erstwhile doughboys 
earned non-com. stripes. Before three months had passed 75 
per cent, of the men transferred had been warranted non-coms, 
while two had been made First-sergeants. 

Then came the hike to the mountains at Campobello where the 
regiment was to do some firing of the howitzers. Our camp was 
at a location called Dark Hollow, named not only for its gloomy 
aspect but for the dark deeds that were reputed to have hap- 
pened there. Revenue men had steered clear of it or entered 
the mountains with a flag of truce. So we were told. 

During the next two weeks the big guns boomed steadily. 
The Division staff watched with interest and praised the work of 
the gun crews. All day these Poles of superhuman strength, 
stamina and courage demonstrated their efficiency with the 
howitzers. Despite their occasional melees we began to realize 
that we were soldiering with a regiment that would make its 
effectiveness known in the big game that was soon to come. 

The return to camp came soon. Then the entrainment for 
Newport News. We embarked on the transport one spring night 
and after a ten-day trip of little excitement, except that pro- 
vided by several submarine scares, we awoke to learn our first 
French, reading the signs on wharf building through port holes 
at St. Nazaire. We marched through the city to a rest camp 
several miles inland, having left our guns and horses behind, and 
without them we felt as carefree as doughboys. Most of us hoped 
we would never see a horse again. 

Those of us whose curiosity did not take us beyond the camp 
limit — there were no passes — were put to ''rest" on a sledge 
hammer with instructions to lay several miles of roadbed on a 
nearby railroad. Others unloaded the ships at the piers. Those 
who did get into town past the M. P.'s never got back. The 
closest they got to their company streets was the rock pile of the 
Provost Marshal, where they stayed and worked until the regi- 
ment left for a town south of Bordeaux where we were to be 
billeted until there was room for the regiment in a training camp 



IN THE WORLD WAR 285 

near the Spanish border where we were to be oufitted with guns, 
horses and other equipment needed on the line. 

While waiting in the little town of Souge le Bruant we had 
our first freedom in France. Ten or twelve men were billeted 
together in houses scattered in the village ajad its outskirts, the 
regiment being so scattered that it could not be assembled for 
drill. No passes were needed to leave the billets. The town was 
wide open. Every evening the tables on the sidewalks in front 
of the cafes were lined with men behind cold bottles which could 
be had at one franc per. Gradually we learned to converse with 
the barmaids and the townspeople, and every evening the regi- 
mental band played a concert in the village where groups of the 
troops and townspeople mingled and made friends. 

Three pleasant weeks of freedom were spent at La Souge, in 
which we learned much French, much of French mannerism and 
much of the war from the French troops on furlough and the 
disabled Americans that were already filling the hospitals at 
Bordeaux. We left many friends behind in the town and began 
intensive training with the French 155 millimeter howitzers on 
a sandy plain close to the Spanish border. The big howitzers 
were soon capably handled by our gun-crews who fired every day. 
Then came gas schools, schools of line communications, schools 
for specialists and for the many technical troops that make up an 
artillery regiment's headquarters. 

At the end of three weeks we had absorbed all that the French 
could teach and piled 80 to a car plainly marked with a capacity 
of "40 hommes" we began our journey for the line. We had 
been v/arned that we would be packed into the toy French freight 
cars like sardines. We found our comfort very unlike the sar- 
dine's. In a can they could at least lay flat. In the toy cars it 
was only possible to stand up — and this for three days and 
nights. Our destination was reached at night, a town a dark 
blur on the landscape, ghostly in aspect, and we were cautioned 
by our officers to speak in whispers. We wondered where the 
enemy was and when he would begin firing upon us. After a 
three-day hike we arrived at a point that w^as within range of 
the extreme long range guns. In the distance we could hear 
their steady boom. We were told that in this town. Bar le Due. 
an occasional shell would drop. 



286 71sT NEW YORK 

We parked our outfit at Bar le Due and the following evening 
headed for the line. We moved at night and slept or worked 
under the camouflage over our guns and horses before sunrise 
each day. For three days we hiked and then reached the ruins 
of a small hamlet near the forts of Verdun which showed the 
marks of very heavy fighting. The town was well equipped with 
dug-outs and shell-proofs and several well filled French military 
cemeteries. 

During the day several enemy planes scouted over the woods 
that hid us. Allied planes skirmished with them occasionally, 
but not until bombs had been dropped into our wooded patch 
and in the vicinity of a nearby railhead. Without lights or 
knowledge of the road or our destination, we moved forward for 
our position in the line. Our trail led across miles of shell-torn 
fields, through ruined hamlets, closer to the distant booming that 
continued incessantly. Our guns were often mired as the great 
French horses would not pull in their harness. Through knee- 
deep mud we helped to pull the howitzers forward, often sinking 
deep in the mire of shell holes. 

A desultory fire was continued on our important points all 
night. The crackle of rifles could be heard or the rat-tat-tat-tat 
of a machine gun volley, turned loose on a raiding or scouting 
party. Now and then an enemy plane showered us with a volley 
of machine gun bullets and in turn was greeted by our anti- 
aircraft batteries in the hills. All night it rained. In fact, from 
then on it always rained. Before dawn our guns were sunk into 
pits at the base of a low hill, with other hills surrounding us, and 
the position was well camouflaged. 

During the next few days the guns were manned occasionally 
for a random shot, then an enemy position was located and our 
battery called on to open fire. At the end of six rounds, the 
enemy's position was no more. Later in the day the Bosche gun- 
ners sought vengeance and we were shelled for an hour in the 
afternoon and again in the evening, but there were only a few 
minor casualties and we moved to a new position, further for- 
ward, the following evening. All day long little groups of Ger- 
man prisoners were marched along the roads. We learned that 
these were either voluntary prisoners or those picked up by 
American raiding parties the night before. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 287 

And then came the big" day. The long lines of troops ceased 
to pass in the night. Artillery units moved forward under cover 
of darkness and the morning found us well to the front with not 
one battery visible in our vicinity. On the morning of Septem- 
ber 26, 1918, from Verdun to the sea the great American drive 
was opened. Before four o'clock the guns had started to boom 
in the dark hills around us. In front of our positions there was 
the steady snap and whirr of the 75 mm. batteries. On our 
flanks the howitzers pounded in chorus. From our rear the big 
guns, the 6-inch rifles and large American and French naval 
railroad guns, sent their tons of steel hurtling noisily over our 
heads. 

The moving troops at night during the past two weeks had 
been unnoticed. The dead sector had awakened and only later in 
the morning did the enemy batteries recover from their surprise 
and start a counter action. As reports came in our guns were 
resighted on different objectives. Now on. a battery going into 
position and ready to open fire; again on the retreating Ger- 
mans. Several times we destroyed important roads to prevent 
retreat and once we were called upon to stop a train of munitions 
seven miles away. The gun crews worked stripped to the waist. 
Automatically shells v^ere passed from the ammunition dumps to 
the gunners who sent their death warrants along. Perspiration 
mixed with dust and smoke, striped their naked backs. 

The last of the German batteries, left behind to cover a hasty 
retreat, were shot out of action later in the day. The Germans 
were gathering their forces in one of the towns behind their linqs 
and machine guns were giving the infantry ahead trouble. A 
box barrage was ordered for the town. The guns of the entire 
regiment were sighted for their respective positions in the box 
and on four sides of the town a steady rain of shells began falling 
at close intervals and the four sides were gradually moved to- 
ward the centre. In the interim the 75 mm. ^uns pounded the 
centre of the box. We later learned that several regiments had 
been almost destroyed. There were few casualties. Several men 
of the brigade had died during the battle, others had been 
wounded and our brigade, separated from our own infantry, w^as 
moved about the line to support various infantry divisions. 
Now we were on the Meuse. Now in the hills before Verdun. 



288 71sT NEW YORK 

Again in the Argonne or perhaps before St. Mihiel. It was 
firing all day and moving all night. 

Now and then we lost a man or two. Several times the enemy 
located us at night and sent our men to the hospitals, but few 
were killed. Enemy aviators took delight in strafing the roads 
and gun positions with machine-gun barrages. Many times we 
witnessed their courage as they swept low over our lines until 
destroyed. During the day they came over to put out our eyes 
(destroy the observation balloons that guided our fire). The 
aviators who were brought down within our lines were mere 
youths but with the ethics of the soldier. 

Armistice Day found our regiment on the banks of the Meuse, 
wet, tired and sick but still firing as fast as the lanyards could 
be pulled. Crepion was our objective that morning. Crepion 
and its innumerable machine gun nests of concrete and steel that 
sent many of the doughboys ahead of us on their way to a better 
world. That day all was quiet but a new war was opened on the 
cootie. We had been busy and had given him little attention, but 
the eleventh was no Armistice Day for the ''seam squirrel." 
On that day his casualties were great. 

That night the whole country flared with Very lights. Rockets 
and powder were burned by the ton and now and then one of 
our own ' ' wild men ' ' added to the festivities with a machine gun 
volley. It was a strange sight to see automobiles with lights 
moving along the roads. The great stillness that came after the 
months of heavy firing was ghostly. 

For several days after our trail led us forward into the little 
town of Crepion and beyond the German defense system. The 
War Lord had taken good care of his men. Food may have been 
scarce but their quarters were as comfortable as many homes. 
In one dugout several bags of mail were found. In these there 
were little parcels of potatoes. Others had two or three onions, 
while a half a dozen jugs of beer were located. Half out of a 
trench we found a young boy, perhaps not over sixteen years of 
age, killed on the morning of the Armistice. In his hand he 
clasped a letter in German, addressed from Umlaut and written 
by his mother. Translated it read, ' ' I have dreamed bad dreams 
of you. I am afraid that something has happened. Come home 
on a furlough if you can, etc. " Her vision had been true. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 289 

News then started to sift to tlie line regarding homeward 
movements. Our division would probably be home by Christ- 
mas. Rumor ran wild, but our position on the line was held for 
several months. The ''Tree Field Boofalos" spent most of their 
time exploding German duds and chasing stray jack rabbits 
through the barb wire with enemy hand grenades. Then came 
the correct report that took us to the military barracks near 
Verdun. We slept there in a cold, windowless, stone-floored 
building and drilled and drilled for three weeks. We entrained 
for Laval where we were to await our turn to enter the camp at 
Brest from where we would embark for home after passing final 
inspections, ridding ourselves for evermore of the cootie by 
scientific methods, etc. 

Laval was a quaint little cit}^ that afforded such things as 
eggs, fresh beef, good things to drink, and amusement galore. 
We liked Laval and stayed there for four weeks. At Brest three 
days of hurried inspections found us on the good ship America, 
which pulled anchor as the last man stepped from the lighter. 

Then a great home public welcome and many greater private 
welcomes. An issue of discharges and then back to the old job^ — 
when it was available. If not, back on the job hunters' staff. 
Few will deny the value of their experience. Few will deny that 
they still contrast the mud and wet and dirt of living conditions 
on the line with those of the present. In the war a million 
optimists were born, a million men who on the line planned 
great things ' ' if they lived. ' ' No one wants another war except 
perhaps the fellows who made the raincoats that were only good 
to throw away, or perhaps the fellow who canned all that gold- 
fish or corned willie. Still, another emergency would not find 
us wanting; it would find the veterans of the Guard kicking 
about the last war but ready for the next. 

THE 106th field artillery 

Arrival in France, June 18th, 1918. 

Artillery Training Period at Camp de Souge, France, July 
17th to August 30th, 1918. 

Minor Operation Occupation of front line sector in support 
of the 33rd Division, in the 17th French Corps, First Ameri- 
can Army, September 9th, 1918. 



290 71sT NEW YORK 

Battle St. Mihiel Offensive, September 12th, 1918. 

Battle Meuse-Argonne Offensive (on west bank of the Meuse, 
between Bethincourt, Forges, Gercourt and Dannevoux), Sep- 
tember 26th, 1918. 

Minor Action Meuse-Argonne Offensive. Forges, Consenvoye, 
Dannevoux, Meuse River Sector, September 27th-October 2nd, 
1918. 

Engagement Meuse-Argonne Offensive. Attack on Brieulles, 
October 3rd-7th, 1918. 

Battle Meuse-Argonne Offensive. Attack on Bois de Chaume, 
Bois Plat-Chene and Consenvoye, October 8th-13th, 1918. 

Battle Meuse-Argonne Offensive. Attack on Heights of the 
Grande Montague, France, October 14th, 1916. 

Minor Operation Meuse-Argonne Offensive. Vilosnes, Sivry, 
Bois de Chaume Line, October 15th-21st, 1918. 

Relief. On October 21st the 33rd Division was relieved by 
the 15th French Colonial Division and the 52nd Field Artil- 
lery Brigade was relieved by the Divisional artillery of this 
Division. The Brigade then proceeded to rest areas as foUows: 
106th Field Artillery— Bois la Ville. 

Minor Action Meuse-Argonne Offensive. Grande Montague, 
Belleu Bois, and Bois d'Ormont Sector, October 29th-November 
1st and 2nd, 1918. 

Battle Meuse-Argonne Offensive. Dun-sur-Meuse, France, No- 
vember lst-2nd-3rd, 1918. 

Battle Meuse-Argonne Offensive. Attack on Haraumont 
Ridge and Borne du Cornouiller, France, November 4th-7th, 
1918. 

Battle Meuse-Argonne Offensive. Operations resulting in the 
capture of Reville, Etraye and Crepion, November 8th, 1918. 

Battle Meuse-Argonne Offensive. Operations against Cote du 
Romagne, Cote du Morimont, and Cote du Chateau, November 
9th-llth, 1918. 




Overseas Types. 

By Captain E. C. Dreher. 

291 



BATTLES OF THE 27th DIVISION 

ACKNOWLEDGMENT 

The following descriptions of battles of the 27th Division are 
extracted from "The Story of the 27th Division/' by Major 
General John F. 'Ryan, and with the consent and through the 
courtesy of General O'Ryan. The writer also acknowledges his 
indebtedness to Captain James A. Walsh, General 'Ryan's 
Secretary, who has been exceedingly courteous and helpful. 

BATTLE OP VIERSTRAAT RIDGE 

On the 30th of August information was received that south 
of us the enemy were giving up the Lys salient and that British 
patrols had been enabled to advance for a considerable distance 
and had captured Bailleul. Accordingly the 27th Division was 
directed to push out patrols on the following day to determine 
evidences of retirement on our own front. About the same time 
the 41st British Division on our right discovered that the enemy 
had given up Mt. Kemmel, and accordingly this important posi- 
tion was occupied by their advance elements. Field Orders No. 
36, of the 27th Division, were issued on August 31st, directing 
the advance of the 53d Infantry Brigade on Vierstraat Ridge. 
This advance was begun at 11:30 A. M. on the same day by 
patrols of the 2d Battalion, 105th Infantry, advancing through 
the 3d Battalion of that regiment commanded by Captain Stan- 
ley Bulkley. Thus began the engagement known as the battle of 
Vierstraat Ridge. In this attack the 53d Infantry Brigade ad- 
vanced with the 106th Infantry on the right and the 105th on 
the left. 

At the commencement of this action the front line occupied by 
the 27th Division faced in a southeasterly direction. It was the 
object of the Army Commander in making the advance to swing 

292 









Top: General O 'Eyan, Major Kineaid and Captain Eddy. 
Bottom: Peronne, September, 1918. 



71 ST NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 293 

the line so that it would face almost due east. The 30th Ameri- 
can Division on our left was called upon to make a short advance 
for the purpose of taking the village of Vormezeele. This 
division in a sense therefore acted as a pivot while the 27th 
Division moved forward. Correspondingly the advance of the 
105th Infantry was to extend from this pivot and conform to 
the greater advance to be made by the 106th Infantry on its 
right. The boundary between the two regimental sectors was the 
road running from Hallebast southeasterly through Vierstraat 
to Wytschaete. On the afternoon of August 31st the 105th In- 
fantry advanced successfully, taking Captain's Post and Major's 
Post, and consolidated their position in the trenches running 
along the easterly side of the York Road, advancing its left 
beyond Middle Farm. In similar manner south of the highway 
above referred, to, the 106th Infantry advanced in their sector 
across the Cheapside Road and crossing the York Road and con- 
solidated, occupied the enemy trenches known as Vierstraat 
Switch, running along the easterly side of York Road. The 
attack of the 106th Infantry covered a greater depth than that 
of the 105th, the southern boundary line of their advance extend- 
ing from the Milky Way to the V. C. Road east of Rossignol 
Camp. By 5 :00 P. M. both regiments were engaged in consoli- 
dating the new line, which included what was left of the village 
of Vierstraat. Both regiments had taken a number of prisoners 
and had captured considerable booty in the way of machine gans, 
anti-tank rifles, grenades, ammunition and other supplies. 

The following day the 105th Infantry were to hold their posi- 
tion, while the 106th Infantry, with their left as a pivot, connect- 
ing with the 105th at the village of Vierstraat, were to advance 
on the right from Ft. Halifax until their line ran due north and 
south. This movement was successfully made by the 106th In- 
fantry, which had completed its task by 11 :30 on the morning of 
September 1st. The enemy's defense from this time on was 
considerably strengthened. The 105th Infantry, having ex- 
tended its left beyond Middle Farm, now attacked Redoubt 
Farm and the trenches in Carre Farm, and later the railway and 
that part of the Chinese Trench within its sector. At the same 
time the 106th, with its front extending north and south, at- 
tacked and took Chinese Trench on both sides of the Vierstraat- 



294 



71sT NEW YORK 






-/V"^=<r -^$ 










IN THE WORLD WAR 



295 




296 71sT NEW YORK 

Wytschaete Road, within its sector. Company M of the I06th 
Infantry, with other detachments from the same regiment, got 
into the Chinese Trench but were subjected to a severe enemy 
artillery bombardment^ preliminary to a counter-attack. The 
casualties were such that Captain Sullivan withdrew the troops 
under his immediate command for a short distance and the 
enemy counter-attacking troops regained Chinese Trench. Or- 
ders having been issued for the retaking of Chinese Trench, an 
attack was made after artillery preparation and the trench was 
regained and held by parts of the 106th Infantry. By hard 
fighting the 106th Infantry on the same day advanced to the line 
of the railway near the foot of Wytschaete Ridge. 

On the following day, the divisional line was advanced to 
Northern Brickstack on the south and thence due north along the 
ridge from Northern Brickstack to Middle Farm. This line was 
secured late in the afternoon of September 2d. 

Company H of the 105th Infantry was detailed to the 3rd Bat- 
talion of the 106th Infantry, under command of Major Harry S. 
Hildreth, for this operation. 

It may be stated in relation to this first major operation of the 
division that the attitude of officers and men was one of confi- 
dence and eagerness, perhaps too much so. Orders from the 
XIX Corps prohibited the use of a barrage and directed that the 
advance be made with the front covered by patrols pushed well 
out. 

Pursuant to these directions, when the patrols advanced 
across the Cheapside Road on the afternoon of August 31st, 
they did not go far before they came under the fire of snipers 
and light machine gunners who had been left in position for the 
purpose of inflicting casualties. 

The terrain lying between Cheapside Road and the top of 
Wytschaete Ridge is an open stretch of valley which afforded 
excellent observation to the enemy from their position on the 
forward slopes of Wytschaete Ridge, and accordingly it was in 
most cases impossible for the attacking groups to conceal them- 
selves from observation. It is true that the ground was pitted 
with shell holes and scarred by numerous trenches, which, when 
occupied during the advance, temporarily screened the attacking 
groups from the immediate observation of any enemy groups in 



IN THE WORLD WAR 297 

the valley, but left them subject to the fire of enemy guns eon- 
trolled by the artillery observers on Wytschaete Ridge, when- 
ever such fire could with safety to enemy groups be turned upon 
our men. The effect of this hostile fire was to a considerable 
extent minimized so far as our leading elements were concerned, 
because of their aggressiveness in pushing hard upon the outly- 
ing groups of the enemy forces. 

The 105th Infantry was eager to come to grips with the enemy 
on their front. The patrols of the regiment from the 2d Bat- 
talion were there ready for their advance through the 3d Bat- 
talion, commanded by Captain Stanley BuMey. Captain Bulk- 
ley's instructions to his men given in the presence of the Division 
Commander were confident and to the point. The first prisoners 
taken and the first machine guns captured in this battle were 
secured by a patrol from Company I of the 105th Infantry two 
days before. Throughout the three days of fighting the bat- 
talions of the 105th Infantry were at all times well in hand and 
their successive missions were skilfully and satisfactorily exe- 
cuted. 

The division was relieved on the night of September 2d-3d by 
the 41st British Division. In this first major operation, the 
division had acquitted itself most satisfactorily. They had been 
aggressive and resourceful in the fight and had profited much by 
their experience. 

The casualties in the 53d Brigade in this battle were : 

Killed and died of wounds 40 

Shell wounds 126 

Gunshot wounds 150 

Gassed 33 

Total 349 

Forty-seven German soldiers were taken prisoner in this battle. 
During the battle of Vierstraat Ridge the following material 

was captured : 63 Machine Guns, 11 Minenwerf ers, 1 Field piece 

(artillery). 
Much more material than enumerated above was captured but 

the division upon conclusion of the battle immediately left the 

sector for the Beauquesne area before all captured property 

could be collected, tagged and reported. 



298 71sT NEW YORK 

BATTLE FOR THE OUTWORKS OF THE HINDENBURG LINE 

The Hindenburg Line was originally organized for defense 
toward the end of the year 1916, and work was continuous in its 
preparation for a long time thereafter. It will be remembered 
that in March, 1917, following the British offensive on the 
Somme, the Germans made what they called a strategic retire- 
ment in order to shorten their line. This retirement was to the 
Hindenburg Line. In March, 1918, occurred the German of- 
fensive, which took the Germans out of their defensive system in 
their drive through the British Fifth Army, already referred to. 
The power of the defensive was well understood by the German 
High Command. They expected to win the war by offensive 
action, but failing in that it was their plan to fall back behind 
the impregnable defenses of the Hindenburg Line, and as a 
result of unsuccessful attacks against it to make peace upon 
terms satisfactory under the conditions, though not, of course, 
as satisfactory as could be made following a completely success- 
ful offensive. 

In the battle of August 8, 1918, the British captured from a 
German Corps Headquarters an undated document, describing 
in detail many of the features constituting the Hindenburg Line 
defenses. The document showed the trenches and wire, the posi- 
tions and calibers of batteries, the approach lines and observation 
posts. There were also indicated the location of artillery and 
infantry headquarters and all battle stations, as well as concrete 
dugouts and machine-gun emplacements. 

The following is an extract from this document. The Sieg- 
fried Line referred to was part of the Hindenburg Line in the 
tunnel sector: 

"The Siegfried Line makes full use, along extended stretches, 
of the front line of defenses afforded by the Bellicourt-St. Quen- 
tin Canal. . . . The strength of these defenses, increased as it is 
by inundated areas, the very extensive possibilities of mutual 
flanking support by the different sectors, and the generally con- 
sidered good artillery observ'ation render the line very strong. 
Added to this is the advantage that the Siegfried Line, having 
been reconnoitered without interference from the enemy, and 
plans having been drawn up for its occupation by troops of all 



IN THE WORLD WAR 299 

arnis, a systematic withdrawal from the outpost can be effected. 

' ' The Siegfried Line is considered to afford the most favorable 
conditions for a stubborn defense by a minimum garrison. It is 
therefore adapted to the requirements of obstinate close combat. 

''Its position behind the natural defenses offered by the Belli- 
court-St. Quentin Canal affords the enemy free use of many 
favorable points of observation close in front of it. 

"The use of these points by the enemy must be hindered as 
long as possible. For this reason outposts will be established 
before the Siegfried Line, with the object of maintaining contact 
with the enemy and obstructing his reconnaissance. These will 
retire on the Siegfried Line before an enemy attack. It is the 
duty of the command to prevent any decisive action being fought 
further forward than the first line of defense of the Siegfried 
Line, which is prepared for a stubborn defensive. It must be 
clearly understood by units of all arms that the battle will be 
fought from the first line trenches of the Siegfried Line. ' ' 

Since the captured plan was made, German methods had been 
materially modified as a result of experience. The original idea 
of strong defense on the extreme front line, supplemented by 
close support, had been modified in favor of the theory of dis- 
positions of defensive troops in depth, which has already been 
explained in the account of the service of the division in the East 
Poperinghe Line. 

The St. Quentin Canal in the area of the Fourth British Army 
ran generally in a north and south direction, with the flow of 
water from north to south. It constituted a formidable obstacle. 
The best feature of its defensive quality was that tanks would 
not cross it. A short distance south of the town of Bellicourt 
the canal, meeting the high ground of that region in its race 
toward the north, enters a tunnel, from which it does not emerge 
until it has traversed a distance of 6,000 yards. The point of 
exit is situated about 1,000 yards west of the village of Le Cate- 
let. Shortly after leaving this northern exit the canal turns in a 
northwesterly direction and passes through the town of Vend- 
huile, after having cleared which it again turns to the north. 
As a result of this turn at Vendhuile the canal as it proceeds 
north from that town follows a trace approximately 2,000 yards 
further Avest than the trace of the canal through the tunnel. By 



300 71sT NEW YORK 

holding the line of the canal at Vendhuile the Germans, in the 
event of an advance against the tunnel south of that point, would 
hold an important flank position against an enemy making an 
advance against the tunnel sector. 

The average width of the canal at the surface of the water is 
39 feet, the average width at the bottom 32 feet 10 inches, and 
the depth of water 6 feet 6 inches. A tow-path exists on either 
side of the canal, which for a considerable distance both south 
and north of the tunnel exits runs through deep cuts, which con- 
sequently provide very high embankments adapted for defensive 
purposes. The canal was constructed in the early part of the 
nineteenth century and was one of Napoleon's projects. 

During the war, with the preparation and occupation of the 
Hindenburg Line, the canal was not in use. 

South of Bellicourt and near Bellenglise the canal had been 
dammed in order to keep a sufficient depth of water in the canal 
north of that place, which included the area between Vendhuile 
and Bellicourt. The normal flow of the water in the canal was, 
as has been stated, from north to south. 

The main defenses of the Hindenburg Line in the tunnel sector 
were a short distance west of the tunnel. These defenses con- 
sisted generally of three strong lines of trenches, protected by an 
extraordinary mass of wire. The roof of the tunnel was on an 
average of fifty to sixty feet below the surface of the ground. In 
the construction of the tunnel shafts had been sunk through the 
ground to the roof of the tunnel for the purpose of providing 
air. These air shafts were about 100 yards apart. Early in 
1918 there were twenty-five barges in the main tunnel and these 
were used by the Germans as billets for reserve troops. There 
were a number of chambers connected with the tow-path within 
the tunnel, which were used in the operation and maintenance 
of the canal. Some of these were for storage and others for 
electric power production. These chambers were supplemented 
by others built by the German troops when the defenses were 
under construction. Along the easterly side of the tunnel there 
had been sunk through the ground above a number of approaches 
to the tunnel tow-path. These approaches resembled dugout 
stairs. They enabled troops to have ready access to and from 
the tunnel and the defiladed ground immediately to the east of it. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 301 

In similar manner passageways had been excavated from the 
westerly side of the canal within the tunnel to the main line of 
resistance constructed in the ground above and a short distance 
westerly of the line of the tunnel. No bombardment, no matter 
how severe, could affect reserve troops stationed or billeted 
within the tunnel. The entrances to the tunnel were blocked by 
heavily reinforced concrete walls, defended by machine guns. 

No German map was available showing the details of gal- 
leries leading to the tunnel between Bellicourt and Vendhuile. 
Among the prisoners taken by the British prior to the operations 
against the Hindenburg Line was one who had served as an 
electrician in the engine room of one of the chambers which had 
been cut into the east wall of the tunnel near Bellicourt. From 
him some information had been secured concerning the details of 
the tunnel. From other prisoners it was learned that there were 
at least fifteen underground galleries leading from the Gouy- 
Bellicourt Road into the tunnel which would enable troops to 
enter or leave the tunnel unobserved. These entrances later 
inspected did not show in early photographs, as they were camou. 
flaged with brushwood. From other prisoners it was learned 
that there were nine galleries leading from the tunnel toward 
Bellicourt and Bony. With the tunnel a safe haven for reserve 
troops it became possible to maintain such reserves in perfect 
security during the height of the battle close to the point where 
they would be needed for reinforcement or to counter-attack, 
until required for such purposes, when they could be fed through 
covered ways into the trenches on their immediate front. The 
block walls at the exits of the tunnel were built of thick ferro- 
concrete, containing an upper chamber with a platform. The 
blocks were provided with slits for machine guns to command 
the entrance and were each equipped with a ventilating shaft 
containing an electric fan. 

On the easterly side of the tunnel and directly in rear of the 
strong point at Bony there was a quarry which had been or- 
ganized for the accommodation of at least a battalion of troops. 
This accommodation included a large gallery with three en- 
trance shafts and three large rooms. Several dugouts had been 
constructed in the westerly face capable of holding a consider- 
able number of men. 



302 71sT NEW YORK 

Bony was about midway between the northern and southern 
portals of the tunnel, but nearer the northern exit. With its 
stone buildings and its commanding position it was ideal for 
organization as a field fortification to stiffen the line. Its fire 
conmianded a wide front, including Dirk Valley, Claymore Val- 
ley and part of Macquincourt Valley, with the ridges between, 
while at the same time it aft'orded observation of the forward 
strong point at The Knoll, Guillemont Farm and Quennemont 
Farm. It will also be seen that the main defensive system was 
connected with the outer system by numerous communicating 
trenches which took full advantage of the ground in the trace 
followed by them. 

General Monash has the following to say in relation to the 
strength of the Hindenburg Line defenses in the tunnel sector 
between Bellicourt and Vendhuile : 

' ' The great Hindenburg system, by which name it has come to 
be known to English readers, or the 'Siegfried Line,' as it is 
called by the Germans, was brought into existence during the 
winter of 1916 and early spring of 1917 in order to fulfil a very 
definite strategic purpose. Thus was put into effect, on a stu- 
pendous scale, a very elementary principle of minor tactics, 
namely, that field works are constructed for the purpose of 
reducing the number of men required to defend a given front 
or locality. 

' ' In themselves, field fortifications have, of course, no offensive 
value whatever, but their use permits a reduced number of men 
to defend one place in order that a greater number of men 
may be available to attack another place. 

"The German High Command proceeded to make use of this 
principle on a scale previously unknown in history. The whole 
of the Western Front, in Belgium and France, was to be held 
defensively throughout 1917. The military resources required 
to defend that front were to be reduced to a minimum by the 
provision of a line of defenses protected by powerful field works, 
believed to be impregnable. This would liberate the greatest 
possible resources for the Eastern Front, where an end could 
be made of the Russians and Roumanians there. As soon as 
these were disposed of, those troops, guns and airplanes could 
again be transferred to the West, in order, similarly, to dispose 
of the remainder of our Alliance. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 303 

' ' This great strategic plan was carried out in its entirety until 
the middle of 1918. It was the great Hindenburg Line which 
had been the kernel of the whole conception, and until the days 
which we are now approaching it had remained practically over 
its whole length an impregnable barrier against the assaults of 
the French and British. 

"It is to be remembered that the very basis which justified 
the expenditure of such enormous labor on the erection of these 
defenses was the saving in man-power. It is an accepted prin- 
ciple of tactics that in any given battle the advantage always 
rests heavily on the side of the defense. Where numbers, re- 
sources and morale are equal no attack can hope to succeed. 

' ' If, in the teachings before the war, it was correct to say that 
a Commander should hesitate to attack unless he had a pre- 
ponderance of men and guns of at least two to one, such, a dictum 
assuredly did not take into account field defenses of the perma- 
nent and elaborate character of the Hindenburg Line. I should 
hardly venture to fix a ratio of relative strength appropriate 
in such circumstances. 

''But this much is clear. The Germans had once already relied 
successfully upon the impregnability of this great work. They 
had every justification for believing that it would once again 
serve them to keep us at bay for just a few weeks longer. Winter 
was very near and the Entente peoples might not have been able 
to hold together to face another year of war. 

"We, on our part, had as much justification for the resolve 
that every sacrifice must be made to overthrow these defenses 
before the end of 1918 and for believing that it would require 
a great, concerted and intensive effort to succeed in this. 

"It is quite necessary, for a due appreciation of the magni- 
tude of the effort which was actually made, and of the won- 
derful success with which it was rewarded, that the nature of 
the defenses of the Hindenburg Line should be clearly under- 
stood. This can best be done, I think, by making an endeavor 
to realize the sense of security which the possession of such a 
line of defense must have afforded to the enemy. We are here 
interested only in that portion of the line which extends from 
St. Quentin northward toward Cambrai. 

"Between these two cities the country is higher than that 
adjoining it on the north and the south. It forms, therefore, 
a watershed, dividing the basin of the Somme from that of the 
Scheldt. Early in the nineteenth century Napoleon realized the 
ambitious project of connecting these two river systems by a 



304 71sT NEW YORK 

great canal scheme, cutting right through this high country from 
south to north. 

"The canal is called, in its southern reaches, Canal de St. 
Quentin. Before Cambrai is reached it merges into the Canal de 
1 'Escaut. Throughout the whole of that portion which concerns 
us it runs in a deep cutting, reaching for great stretches a depth 
of fifty to sixty feet. In certain places where the ground rises 
still higher the canal passes through in great tunnels. The south- 
ernmost, or Le Tronquoy Tunnel, near St. Quentin, is but short ; 
the northern boasts of the imposing length of 6,000 yards and 
extends from Bellicourt, at its southern portal, to Le Catelet, 
at its northern one. From that point northward the canal flows 
in 'open cut,' which gradually becomes shallower as Cambrai 
is approached. 

* ' The canal excavation — except where the tunnels occur — itself 
affords an excellent military obstacle, the passage of which could 
be stoutly contested by resolute troops well dug in on its eastern 
banks, for the descent and ascent of the slopes could be ob- 
structed by wire entanglements and swept with fire. The water 
along, which is too deep to be waded, would seriously impede 
infantry, while the passage of tanks, guns and vehicles would 
be impossible, once the few high level bridges over the canal 
had been destroyed. 

"Such an obstacle would not, however, of itself fulfil the re- 
quirements of modern war, with its searching and destructive 
artillery fire. It was to be regarded as the foundation upon 
which a complete system of defenses could be built, and as a 
last line of resistance a Voutrance. 

"The canal has been, naturally, located by its engineers in 
the lowest ground available, so that its course closely follows 
the lines of the minor valleys and depressions of the ground. 
On both sides, therefore, the canal is flanked by somewhat higher 
ground, from which its immediate banks can be overlooked. On 
the western side particularly there is a regular line of such 
higher plateaus on which the villages of Yilleret, Hargicourt and 
Ronssoy once stood. 

"It was clearly desirable both to deprive a besieger of such 
vantage ground, and also to provide the canal defenses with a 
stout outpost defense. For these reasons the Germans had con- 
structed an elaborate system of trenches on a line generally 
parallel to and on the average a full mile west of the canal. 
These trenches had been perfected with dugouts, concrete ma- 
chine-gun and mortar emplacements and underground shelters. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 305 

They were protected by belt after belt of barbed wire entangle- 
ments, in a fashion which no one understood better or achieved 
more thoroughly than the Germans. 

"But much more remained. Deep communication trenches 
led back to the canal banks, in the sides of which tier upon tier 
of comfortable living quarters for the troops had been tunneled 
out. Here support and reserve troops could live in safety and 
defy our heaviest bombardments. They could be secretly hur- 
ried to the front trenches whenever danger threatened. 

' ' There was, indeed, a perfect tangle of underground shelters 
and passages. Roomy dugouts were provided with tunneled 
ways which led to cunningly hidden machine-gun posts, and 
the best of care was taken to provide numerous exits, so that 
the occupants should not be imprisoned by the blocking of 
one or other of them by our bombardment. But it was the 
barbed wire which formed the groundwork of the defense. It 
was everywhere, and raa in all directions, cleverly disposed so 
as to herd the attackers into the very jaws of the machine guns. 

"The Germans had collected large numbers of canal barges 
and had towed them into the interior of the tunnel, mooring them 
end to end. They served as living quarters and as depots for 
stores and munitions. It was no great business to provide elec- 
tric lighting for the tunnel. Indeed, the leads for this purpose 
had been in existence before the war. Here again underground 
shafts and ways were cut to enable the troops rapidly to man 
the trenches and machine guns, and as rapidly to seek a safe 
asylum from the heaviest shell fire. 

"The whole scheme produced the fact, a veritable fortress — 
not one, in the popular acceptation of the term, consisting of 
massive walls and battlements, which as was proved in the 
early days of the war at Liege and Namur can speedily be blown 
to pieces by modern heavy artillery, but one defying destruc- 
tion by any powers of gunnery and presenting the most for- 
midable difficulties to the bravest of infantry." 

On September 27th, 1918, the 1st Battalion of the 106th In- 
fantry, under command of Major Ransom H. Gillet, covered the 
right third of the divisional sector, with three companies in line 
and one in support ; the 2d Battalion, under command of Major 
J. Leslie Kincaid, with two companies in line and two in sup- 
port, held the center of the regimental line; while the 3d Bat- 
talion, commanded by Captain William E. Blaisdell, with three 



306 71sT NEW YORK 

companies in line and one in support, faced The Knoll on the 
left. The regimental machine-gun company was commanded by 
Captain George E. Bryant, who was killed in the afternoon of 
September 27th; the Stokes mortar platoon by First Lieutenant 
Franklin J, Jackson, also killed on the 27th ; the 37 m.m. platoon 
by First Lieutenant Ermann Brandt, wounded on September 
29th. The regimental operations officer assisting Colonel Wil- 
liam A. Taylor was Captain Arthur V. McDermott; the Acting 
Adjutant, Captain Murray Taylor, and the intelligence officer. 
First Lieutenant William A. Hunter, Jr. 

The 105th Infantry had furnished Companies K and M to 
cover the left of the advance of the 106th Infantry, the remain- 
ing companies of the 3d Battalion, which was commanded by 
Captain Stanley Bulkley, being held in support, with the re- 
mainder of the regiment constituting the brigade reserve. 

The attack was to be supported by the 105th Machine Gun 
Battalion, and the 106th Machine Gun Battalion. Twelve tanks 
of the 4th Tank Battalion were to advance with the lealing in- 
fantry waves, while a detachment of one officer and seventy-one 
men from Company D, 102d Engineers, under First Lieutenant 
Edgar M. Whitlock, and a detachment of Company E, of the 
same regiment, were to aid the infantry in consolidating and in 
the clearing and preparation of dugouts for battalion posts of 
command. A detachment of the 102d Field Signal Battalion 
was assigned for the maintenance of communication, repair of 
wires, etc. 

For the benefit of the reader who has not the time nor the in- 
clination to study the orders covering the attack and the fol- 
lowing summary is given of the features of the attack : 

1. The start line for the attack, the objective line and the 
sector boundaries are shown on barrage map. Zero hour was 
fixed at 5 :30 a. m., September 27th. 

2. The artillery barrage fired by nine brigades of field ar- 
tillery, to advance at the rate of 100 yards in three minutes, 
was to consist of 50 per cent, shrapnel, 35 per cent, high ex- 
plosive shells and 15 per cent, smoke. 

3. The artillery barrage was to be supplemented by a machine- 
gun barrage fired by two machine-gun battalions of ninety-six 
guns. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 307 

4. Upon the attainment of the objective, the artillery was to 
provide a protective barrage lasting for thirty-nine minutes to 
allows for consolidation of the position. 

5. Each battalion commander was required personally to see 
that his start line was marked by tape pegged to the ground. 
This was done under the supervision of the regimental operations 
officer, the workers being protected by strong patrols along the 
regimental front. These patrols were to remain out until fifteen 
minutes before the zero hour, when they were to be withdrawn. 

6. Mopping-up parties were detailed from the battalions to 
deal with machine-gun nests, strong points and dugouts passed 
over by the advancing troops. 

7. The 37 m.m. guns and Stokes mortars were directed to ad- 
vance with the battalions, so that the fullest use might be made 
of these auxiliary arms. 

8. The supporting machine-gun battalions were to advance 
their barrage in 200-yard lifts. Four guns from the Machine- 
Gun Company, 106th Infantry, were to accompany each of the 
battalions in the advance. 

9. Twelve tanks were to move, three with the leading elements 
of each battalion, and one in close support. 

10. Battalion commanders were to select advanced posts of 
command close to the then present front line, which would be 
suitable as posts of command after the attainment of the ob- 
jective. 

11. A regimental message center was established in the area 
of the center battalion. 

12. A contact airplane was provided to fly over the objective 
line one and one-half hours after the zero hour, to report posi- 
tion of the leading troops, who were directed to indicate the same 
by red ground flares, flashing of tin disks and groups of three 
or four rifles laid parallel across the trench and about one foot 
apart. 

13. Ground taken was to be occupied and organized in depth. 

14. Picks and shovels were to be carried in every squad for 
purposes of consolidation. 

15. All extra property, such as overcoats, blankets, shelter 
halves, extra shoes, etc., were left at company headquarters. 
Each individual man carried the following : 200 rounds of small 
arms ammunition, 6 grenades in pockets, 4 sandbags, 1 pick or 
shovel, 1 extra water bottle filled. 

In addition to the foregoing, each company carried a supply 
of flares, rifle grenades and S. 0. S. rockets. 



308 71sT NEW YORK 

16. Wagons were detailed to the regiment from the divisional 
trains for the purpose of conveying ammunition from regimental 
dumps to the battalions in the line at the rate of four L. G. S. 
wagons per battalion. 

17. Main dressing station was established by the 105th Field 
Hospital, commanded by Major Moses A. Stivers, at Driancourt. 

18. Advance dressing stations were established at St. Emilie, 
by Ambulance Companies No. 106 and 107, and were in charge 
of Major William J. Cranston. 

19. Regimental aid posts were established on the right, two 
at f.28.a, two at F.28.d^ one at L.b.4; and on the left, one at 
f.l6.b, one at F.22.d and two at f.21.b. The station for walking 
wounded was established at F.13.C.02. 

20. Prisoners were all to be conducted to regimental head- 
quarters, from which point they were to be turned over to Mili- 
tary Police detachments, to be marched to the prisoner-of-war 
cage. 

21. Watches were to be synchronized twice the day before the 
attack. 

22. Success signals, consisting of rifle grenades bursting into 
three white lights, were issued for use, to be fired by officers 
when troops had arrived at objective. 

23. Brigade Headquarters were established at the old post of 
command of the 106th Infantry, at F.21.b.2.1. at Ronssoy. 

# # * 

In accordance with the program strong patrols were pushed 
out during the night of September 26th and the tape was laid 
as prescribed. Watches were synchronized, extra property 
stored and necessary supplies, tools and ordnance stores issued. 
Zero hour was fixed at 5 :30 A. M. on the morning of September 
27th. At 4 :30 the troops were on the tape ready to advance. 

At zero hour the ninety-six heavy machine guns of the 105th 
and 106th Machine Gun Battalions began to fire the machine- 
gun barrage, each gun firing at the rate of 200 shots per minute. 
The output of these ninety-six machine guns must have sounded 
like the buzzing of millions of wasps as they passed over the 
heads of the infantry lying on the start line. At least this 
deluge of bullets would have sounded in such manner except for 
the fact that at the same instant the machine guns opened fire 
nine brigades of supporting British artillery flashed out the an- 
nouncement that the barrage was falling. It may be stated here 



IN THE WORLD WAR 309 

that German prisoners taken in this attack reported that this 
combination artillery and machine-gun barrage was very de- 
moralizing to them, as a perfect rain of bullets and shrapnel, 
accompanied by high-explosive shells, kept them under cover. 
The eighteen-pounders fired at the rate of three rounds per 
minute, while the 4.5 howitzers fired at the rate of two rounds 
per minute. 

The 106th Infantry up to the time of the start had fared rather 
fortunately. They went into the battle about 2,000 strong. 
They had sustained casualties during the taking over of the line 
and during the day preceding the attack, but these casualties, 
when one considers how formidable was the position they faced 
and how aggressive and determined was the enemy resistance, 
were not considerable. They were considerable, however, when 
one considers the regiment's available numbers for the task it 
was called upon to perform. 

Simultaneously with the falling of the barrage the smoke from 
the bombs began to mix with the mist rising from the ground, 
and soon the advance was smothered in a heavy pall of misty 
smoke, which rendered visibility impossible. All reports indicate 
that all the companies got away on time and in good spirit. 

As soon as our barrage fell, the enemy's S. 0. S. rockets, call- 
ing for their protective barrages, went into the air. The enemy 
had been expecting an attack for several days and had kept the 
foreground well illuminated with star shells during the hours of 
darkness. In accordance with instructions, the support and 
mopping-up parties in forming up were close to the leading 
elements in order to avoid, if possible, the effects of the enemy 
counter-barrage and in the hope that it would fall behind them. 
In most parts of the line this resulted. 

It is obviously impossible to attempt to describe in any detail 
or sequence, or with any accuracy, the events which transpired 
in each platoon during the advance that followed. No survivor 
of the battle can even attempt to tell what transpired except 
within the range of his own vision. Throughout the advance the 
range of vision of the participants was practically nil, due to the 
mist and smoke. Officers had been provided with luminous com- 
passes, in order to aid them and their commands in maintaining 
the proper direction. A connected account of the battle of Sep- 



310 71sT NEW YORK 

tember 27th, so far as details of the fighting are concerned, can 
only be given by piecing together and analyzing the messages as 
they came in, the later reports of platoon, company, battalion 
and regim.ental commanders, conversations with wounded and 
prisoners, and the results accomplished. 

It might be said at the outset, and speaking generally, that the 
tanks failed. Those assigned to the division in this battle were 
British tanks manned by British personnel. In the main attack 
of September 29th British tanks manned by American personnel 
were employed. Those assigned to the right battalion failed to 
get into action. Those assigned the other battalions got into 
position, but accomplished little. One or more of them with the 
2d and 3d Battalions of the 106th Infantry moved around Gruille- 
mont Farm and The Knoll and then returned. 

The first message of importance received at Division Head- 
quarters was from the 53d Infantry Brigade Headquarters at 
6:46 A. M. on the morning of September 27th. This message 
reported that the left battalion had fired its success signal from 
The Knoll. At 8 :40 A. M. another message from the same source, 
timed at 7:15 A. M., confirmed the first message and reported 
from 125 to 150 prisoners were coming in. About the same time 
another message from the same source reported that enemy ar- 
tillery retaliation on the 106th Infantry was heavy. At 9 :30 
A. M. a message was received stating that the right and center 
battalions were on their objectives, but that heavy fighting was 
going on about Guillemont Farm and Quennemont Farm. Mes- 
sages also stated that bombing in these localities was continuous. 
At 9 :25 A. M. an observer from the 4th Australian Division, 
with the left battalion of the 106th Infantry, reported 130 pris- 
oners coming in. At the same time reports from another Aus- 
tralian observer with the right battalion showed troops of that 
battalion on the objective in trenches running from A.26.e. to 
A.26.a, north to the grid line between A. 20 and A.26 on the map, 
but that bombing and hard fighting were still going on. At 
11 :40 A. M. word was received that the enemy had appeared in 
force in Guillemont Farm and to some extent in the south 
Guillemont trenches. At noon Major Kincaid's battalion re- 
ported that they occupied Claymore trench from A.19.a to A.20.a, 
but that Guillemont Farm had not been cleaned up and was 



IN THE WORLD WAR 311 

giving tlieni trouble ; that' mopping-up detachments were trying 
to clear the situation. At 12 :20 P. M. the left battalion occupy- 
ing The Knoll were heavily counter-attacked and driven back, 
taking up a line in Tombois Farm. Following this, supporting 
artillery and machine-gun fire was brought to bear on the sunken 
road in F.12.a. The 106th troops of the left battalion then coun- 
ter-attacked and drove the enemy into Tombois trench at 12 :50 
P. M. At 1 :25 P. M. the 106th Infantry Headquarters reported 
that the enemy had counter-attacked the right battalion twenty 
minutes before and that the situation was not yet clear. In the 
afternoon the contact airplane reported that at 11 :15 A. M. it 
had called for flares, but that none were seen. 

The situation along the front continued to be obscure for some 
time. All reports and observations indicated that very heavy 
fighting was continuous along the front. This fighting largely 
consisted of rifle and machine-gun fire and bombing combats. It 
became obvious that in addition to numerous counter-attacks 
which had been made by both sides, there were being carried on 
throughout the acres of the enemy's complicated system more or 
less continuous combats between small detachments of the 106th 
Infantry and enemy detachments which had come out from cover 
after the attacking waves had passed over or which had been 
fed into such positions aided by covered ways and the heavy 
smoke which obscured the field. 

Operations officers in forward positions checked by their ob- 
servations the organization reports received. At 6 :30 P. M. one 
of these officers definitely stated that at 5 :00 P. M. The Knoll 
was again in our possession, as were also Guillemont Farm and 
Quennemont Farm, but that in all of these places pockets of the 
enemy remained and were still to be dealt with. 

The leading companies in each battalion had followed the bar- 
rage to the objective. It might be stated more correctly that the 
survivors of the leading waves followed the barrage to the ob- 
jective, for there were many casualties en route, which sadly 
thinned the line. Due to the heavy fire about Guillemont Farm, 
the farm itself was rather enveloped than entered, the men get- 
ting into the trenches about this place. Usually they were 
counter-attacked by enemy bombing parties. 

From the best information at hand The Knoll was taken three 



312 71sT NEW YORK 

times by the left battalion of the 106th Infantry, aided by Com- 
panies K and M of the 105th Infantry, and later by the remain- 
ing companies of the 3d Battalion of the latter regiment. 

There is no doubt whatever that the survivors of the leading 
elements gained the objective along the entire front. Numbers 
of those who went through the fight reported that they found 
consolidation extremely difficult, due to the sparsity of their 
numbers, and the intensity and frequency of the counter-attacks 
to which they were subjected. In many instances the groups 
which gained the objective line held on with the greatest tenacity 
and courage against great odds. In some cases, more particu- 
larly on the left, where the fighting was heaviest, some of these 
groups were surrounded, bombed into submissiveness and taken 
prisoners. Other groups counter-attacked enemy groups, de- 
stroying them or, where possible, taking prisoners. 

The objective line, which was attained on the morning of Sep- 
tember 27th, was not, however, consolidated, held and made good 
throughout its length. This comment applies to the 106th In- 
fantrj^, and as well to the battalion of the 105th Infantry which 
was to take and hold the trench known as Crellin Avenue in 
order to protect the left (northern) flank. Whether or not the 
failure of these units to hold their gains constitutes a ground for 
criticism of them is another matter; but the fact is that on the 
night of September 27th a consolidated line had not been estab- 
lished on the objective. The situation along the front out to the 
objective line might be likened to an inferno, dotted with op- 
posing groups of fiercely contending men. Some of these groups 
were in the remains of trenches. Some were in concrete pits. 
Others fought from scattered shell holes. 

One explanation of the failure to hold and consolidate the 
objective line is that the regiment did not completely mop up the 
territory covered by its advance. This is true. They did not 
mop up completely or adequately for the following reasons : 

The front to be covered, 3,500 yards, necessarily made the 
leading waves very ' ' thin. ' ' As these waves advanced, followed 
by succeeding waves and the mopping-up parties, and heavy 
casualties began to be inflicted, gaps were caused in the line, 
which were filled up by men from the succeeding waves and 
probably in places by men from the mopping-up parties as well. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 313 

In some cases this resulted from the action of succeeding elements 
following on through the heavy smoke screen without encounter- 
ing others of their o\\tq command in advance of them. In other 
cases the action was probably the result of orders given by pla- 
toon commanders in order to prevent too great gaps in the line. 
Again, the regiment in its forward movement was traveling 
through such a torrent of machine-gun bullets, shrapnel and 
shell fragments that the losses were sufficient to practically 
obliterate some of the mopping-up detachments and in other 
cases to reduce their combat power to a minimum. These cir- 
cumstances in themselves would explain the failure of some of 
the mopping-up parties to cover the areas assigned them. 

As has already been pointed out, the regiment was attacking 
what was probably the most formidable field fortification ever 
constructed, and which had successfully resisted all previous 
attempts for its capture. Its defense contemplated that numer- 
ous groups of its defenders, occupying screened vantage points, 
would keep under cover during the artillery bombardment and 
the passage over them of the leading attacking elements, so that 
they might deal effectively from their hidden positions with the 
very mopping-up parties whose duty it was, advancing in more 
or less exposed fashion, to locate and destroy them. 

Quennemont Farm on the right presented very great diffi- 
culties, but due to its distance from the strong flank position at 
Vendhuile, there was lacking on its front the same intensity 
of enfilading fire that swept the ground about The Knoll and 
Guillemont Farm. Three companies of the 3d Battalion of the 
106th Infantry, namely. Companies C, B and A, in the order 
named from north to south, attacked on the right battalion sec- 
tor. They were supported by Company D, which furnished the 
mopping-up parties across the battalion front. The battalion 
line extended from IMalakoff Farm on the south to Cat Post on 
the north, both exclusive. It later developed that the mopping- 
up company had been reduced by one platoon, which had been 
fed into Companies C and B by the battalion commander in 
order to furnish replacements to enable the leading companies to 
cover their front. The leading companies shortly before the at- 
tack had sustained a number of shell casualties, which appar- 
ently made this action on the part of the battalion commander 



314 71sT NEW YORK 

necessary. Company A and the right platoon of Company D 
found themselves under terrific fire from Malakoff Wood, as they 
neared the objective line. Most of the wood was outside the 
divisional sector and immediately forward of the objective line. 
They found it necessary to mop up this position in order to 
insure consolidation. This was done successfully, but First Lieu- 
tenant Gilbert F. Rudkin, commanding Company A, was killed 
while directing a patrol to connect up with the 30th American 
Division on the right. 

One group of Company A, composed of Sergeant Minder, Cor- 
poral Arthur L. Giles, Mechanician Gidian Anderson and 
Privates Walter H. Burry and Leon Davidman, reached the 
junction of Paul trench and Quennemont Pit Lane at A.20.C.81. 
They held this piece of trench until Sunday morning, Septem- 
ber 29th, at 7 o'clock, when the 108th Infantry passed over them 
on the way to the tunnel, and they were relieved. 

First Lieutenant Matthew J. A. Wilson, commanding the 
mopping-up company, was wounded about thirty yards in front 
of Zoo trench, south of Quennemont Farm. Company C, which 
held the left of the battalion line, and the left platoon of the 
mopping-up company which followed it, had hard fighting at 
Quennemont Farm proper. Second Lieutenant James A. Mal- 
loy, who commanded Company C, was killed while establishing 
an outguard to block one of the trenches. Captain Ostberg, 
commanding Company B, was killed, and Lieutenant Wilson, 
commanding Company D, was wounded. In fact, all company 
officers of the battalion were killed or wounded except Lieuten- 
ant Ryan, who went through and somewhat beyond the objective. 
Lieutenant Ryan had succeeded to the command of Company D 
when Lieutenant Wilson was wounded. His group were counter- 
attacked from front and flanks and fell back to trenches and 
shell holes a short distance went of the first position and there 
held on. 

No reports of the battle were made by company officers of the 
2d Battalion after the battle, for the reason that all of them 
had been killed or wounded. In the same battle Lieutenant 
William B. Behrens, commanding the four machine guns assigned 
the battalion, and First Lieutenant Franklyn J. Jackson, com- 
manding the Stokes mortars, were both killed. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 315 

On the left the alert young Captain Blaisdell^ who commanded 
the 3d Battalion, was confronted with the most difficult of all 
the problems as the situation developed, namely, the taking and 
holding of The Knoll. The Knoll is not an abrupt elevation, 
but a great flat-topped rise of the ground, nearly every part of 
which can be dominated by fire from the heights northeast of 
Vendhuile, while from Vendhuile itself reinforcements could be 
conveniently fed when counter-attacks were to be made. The 
battalion post of command was located in a dugout on the south- 
east side of Lempire Road in F.16.a.l.9. 

First Lieutenant Chester F. Jones was Adjutant of this bat- 
talion. He reported that the first message received at the Bat- 
talion Headquarters was from Captain John F. Callahan^ com- 
manding the mopping-up company of the battalion, one short 
hour after zero. The message stated that K Company on the ex- 
treme left of the line was badly shattered and that he was mov- 
ing forward to their support. During the early morning Lieu- 
tenant Jones observed the attack from Rose trench at P.lO.c.5.5. 
He later made a personal reconnaissance as far forward as Tom- 
bois Road northwest of The Knoll, arriving there at noon, where 
a considerable portion of M Company were found dug into the 
bank on the southeast side of the road facing The Knoll. Men 
of the 105th Infantry were also in this group. Upon returning 
to the battalion post of command after covering other parts of 
the line, he found the Battalion Commander had just left to make 
a personal reconnaissance. When Captain Blaisdell returned he 
informed Lieutenant Jones that he had gotten shortly beyond 
Tombois Road and had personal contact with the enemy. It was 
this part of the line that was subjected to the heaviest counter-at- 
tacks. 

In the course of one of these counter-attacks Captain Calla- 
han was 'killed. His body was not found by the burial parties 
which later went over the field. The current belief is that it was 
either obliterated or buried by a heavy shell. 

Captain Stanley Bulkley, who commanded the 3d Battalion 
of the 105th Infantry supporting the advance, displayed in this 
battle the same coolness, force and determination which had 
characterized his work in Flanders. 

K Company of the 105th Infantry, commanded by First Lieu- 



316 71sT NEW YORK 

tenant John D. Snedeker, which was the left of the two leading 
companies of the 3d Battalion of that regiment, left their dug- 
outs south of Ridge Reserve, which was immediately north of 
Ronssoy in F.15.a. and b., at 3 :15 a. m., on September 27th. They 
moved down the trench known as St. Patrick's Avenue, running 
northeast from Lempire through F.lO.a. and c. When about one 
hundred yards past Zebra Post the company left the trench and 
assumed their attack positions, extending from Braeton Post in 
F.5.C., to about the northern divisional boundary line. The com- 
pany therefore was substantially within the area of the 12th 
British Division on the left. The company connected on the 
right with M Company of their regiment. Lieutenant Snedeker 
reported that as the barrage fell and began to move on the two 
companies of the 105th followed it successfully to the objective 
line and that he personally sent up the success signal already 
referred to at 6 :05 a. m. They maintained themselves in position 
throughout the morning ; at 11 :55 a. m. he received word that 
the enemy were preparing to counter-attack and almost at the 
same time our defensive barrage came down. Lieutenant Sned- 
eker, however, reported that the counter-attack did not material- 
ize. He reported that the company was considerably harassed by 
low-flying enemy planes which shot up their position with ma- 
chine-gun fire. About noon he received a message from Lieuten- 
ant Walter W. Slayton, the other officer with the company, and in 
response he crawled to Tombois Road and was informed by the 
lieutenant that the 3d Battalion of the 106th Infantry was dis- 
organized as a result of the attack and that he, Lieutenant Slay- 
ton, was holding Tombois Road with a number of Lewis guns 
and about thirty riflemen. Later it was found, according to 
Lieutenant Snedeker, that his company was well in advance of 
the British on the left and of the remainder of the battalion on 
the right ; that he feared a counter-attack on the flank would cut 
them off and enable the enemy to get into the trenches behind 
them running from_ Tombois Farm to Braeton Post ; that shortly 
thereafter the Battalion Commander, Captain Bulkley, with Lieu- 
tenant Gustave C. R. Ross, his Adjutant, reached his position 
and he secured the Battalion Commander's consent to withdraw 
his company to the trench immediately in his rear, so as to con- 



IN THE WORLD WAR 317 

nect up with the units on his right and left. It is not clear what 
trench the report refers to, but apparently it is Tombois Road. 

The intensity of the fighting may be sensed from the losses 
among the officers of the 106th Infantry and the battalion of the 
105th Infantry supporting the attack on the left. 

In the 1st Battalion all company officers were killed, except 
Captain Sullivan, who was wounded. 

In the 2d Battalion every company officer was killed or 
wounded. 

In the 3d Battalion every company officer but one was either 
killed or wounded. 

In the 105th Infantry Battalion both officers of M Company 
were killed. 

After the battle the men were unanimous in their commenda- 
tion of the gallantry and determination of the officers who led 
them, but they all referred to the embarrassment to their coor- 
dinated efforts, at the most critical time of the battle, resulting 
from these losses. It is true that in most companies non-com- 
missioned officers, with great initiative and determination, took 
over the command of platoons and even companies and main- 
tained the fight, but from no source will the testimony be stronger 
than from the enlisted men themselves, of the vital importance 
in combat of the commissioned officer in whose experience and 
judgment the men have confidence. 

The division sustained 1,540 casualties in this battle. 

It has been stated that through the day of September 27th, 
the fields covered by the attack were the continued scene of hard 
fighting. With the approach of darkness the work of evacuating 
the wounded began. These were scattered all over the battle- 
fields, both Americans and Germans. Many of them were brought 
in by litter bearers of the 105th and 106th Infantry Regiments 
and later during the night by parties from the 54th Infantry 
Brigade, which took over the line on the night of September 27th. 
Similar work was being carried out by the Germans, but neither 
side let up their sanguinary efforts for control of the field. 
Numerous melees continued throughout the night between iso- 
lated opposing parties with the result that many of the wounded 
were again hit, while relief parties, which could not be dis- 
tinguished by either side from combat patrols, were fired upon 



318 71sT NEW YORK 

with machine-gun and rifle fire, when they were observed in the 
darkness. 

It will be remembered that the 54th Brigade were not to be 
committed to this battle and were not to take over from the 106th 
Infantry and the supporting battalion of the 105th Infantry 
until the night of September 27th-28th. Promptly as directed 
by orders the 54:th Brigade moved forward for the purpose of 
effecting the relief. The approach to the front when relief is to 
be made must take place under cover of darkness and often a 
relief is not completed until shortly before dawn, particularly 
when the territory to be taken over is strange to the relieving 
troops and as well to the troops to be relieved. Accordingly 
when troops of the 54th Brigade reached the front line from 
which the 53d Brigade had launched its attack on the morning of 
the 27th, they found themselves under machine-gun and rifle fire 
from enemy posts on their immediate front, which prevented fur- 
ther advance without committing the brigades in violation of 
orders to a night attack. The events as they affected the 54th 
Brigade properly belong to the story of the attack of Septem- 
ber 29th on the main defenses of the Hindenburg Line. Suffice 
it to say here that patrols of the 54th Brigade spent the night 
in reconnoitering their front, locating enemy points of resistance 
which still existed on the battle-field, evacuating wounded of the 
53d Brigade and picking up and relieving detachments of the 
latter brigade still in their front. 

Under these circumstances a night attack delivered by the 54th 
Brigade as early as possible during the night of September 27th- 
28th would probabty have cleared the field of the remaining 
points of resistance and would have established and resulted in 
the consolidation of the objective line for the main attack of 
September 29th. Such an attack by fresh troops following 
closely upon the heavy fighting of September 27th would have 
overcome the fatigued German survivors of the day's battle and 
would have secured all points of resistance before they could 
have been secured by fresh German troops. 

The plan for September 29th, however, was not to be a divi- 
sional or even a corps battle. The entire 4th Army was to make 
an attack and the attack itself was but part of a great offensive 
directed by Marshal Foch. Hence the dominating importance 



IN THE WORLD WAR 319 

of preserving with unimpaired strength the 54th Brigade, which 
was scheduled to play so important a role in this great coming 
battle. During the night of September 27th and 28th the Ger- 
man defensive system, already described in detail, proved the 
efficiency of its layout. Under cover of darkness the German 
relief troops were pushed out from the main system through the 
various approach trenches to reinforce the German points of 
resistance still existing at The Knoll, Guillemont Farm and the 
Quennemont Farm and as well at other places in the forward 
positions. In similar manner groups of the 106th Infantry still 
held on to isolated points in the outworks system where the close 
of the day's fighting had found them. 

The 106th Infantry and the support battalion of the 105th 
Infantry made a record in this battle for gallantry and determin- 
ation of which they may well be proud. It is a record which 
reflects honor upon the manhood of the state of New York, for it 
is to be remembered that until the active operations were con- 
cluded, the personnel of the entire division was almost wholly 
from the state of New York. These men had gone into battle 
against the strongest position ever constructed in the field by any 
army. They had undertaken their mission with a knowledge of 
the previous failures and losses which it had fallen to the lot of 
the British divisions of the III Corps to bear. They did so with 
confidence in their ability to win and with keenness for the test 
of their worth, although they must have believed that their 
numbers were hardly equal to the demand. The survivors came 
out of the battle but a remnant of the fine regiment that had so 
gallantly entered it a short time before. They came out grieved 
by their losses, fatigued almost beyond description by loss of 
sleep and nervous strain, many of them suffering slight wounds 
which they had not thought of sufficient consequence to call for 
medical attention. 

The attack on the outworks of the Hindenburg Line, while not 
a clean-cut and decisive success for the reasons that have been 
mentioned, nevertheless constituted a most effective contribution 
to the great task of breaking through the Hindenburg Line. The 
enemy 's defensive organization of the outworks system was badly 
shattered. Their communications were largely destroyed. 
Heavy losses had been inflicted upon them particularly in and 



320 71sT NEW YORK 

about The Knoll. On the right half of the regimental sector the 
ground was quite generally cleared of enemy troops, except for 
the isolated machine-gun posts in the ruins of Guillemont and 
Quennemont Farms and at odd places between these two strong 
points. 

The brigade had given a magnificent demonstration of valor 
and determination on a field which will become memorable in 
history as the place where one of the fiercest and most important 
battles of all time has been fought. 



BATTLE FOR THE MAIN DEFENSES OF THE HINDENBUBG LINE 

One battalion of the 106th Infantry was detailed to the 54th 
Brigade in the attack of September 29th for the especial pur- 
pose of aiding in mopping up the territory assigned the 107th 
Infantry. But as has been stated, there was so little left of the 
106th Infantry in the way of effective strength that it was neces- 
sary to form this battalion as a provisional unit constituted of the 
effective survivors of the regiment. So important was the com- 
ing mission of this unit that the Division Commander felt called 
upon to supervise personally the preparations for its organiza- 
tion. Accordingly during the morning of September 28th the 
Division Commander went to the vicinity of Villers Faucon, 
where the provisional battalion of the 106th Infantry was being 
organized. 

The morning of September 28th found the 54th Brigade in the 
line occupying the trenches from which the 106th and 105th In- 
fantry Regiments had launched their attack of the 27th, with 
patrols working forward in an effort to connect up with combat 
groups of the 106th in their front. 

In order to understand the difficulties of accomplishing this 
during daylight the attention of the reader must be called to the 
very great power of the defensive in relation to the offensive 
when the conditions are favorable for the defensive role. Con- 
ditions are most favorable for the defensive role when the de- 
fensive positions are screened from observation and when the 
garrisons occupying them possess the security of dugouts and 




Top: Prisoners Carrying American Wounded, Battle of Le Selle River, 

Busigny. 
Bottom: Hindenburg Line between Boni and Duncan Post. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 321 

shelters and when their fields of fire offer ample and effective op- 
portunity for the destruction of an approaching enemy. These 
were the conditions which obtained on September 28th. Always 
remembering that superior orders prohibited the commitment of 
the 54th Brigade to battle prior to the morning of the 29th of 
September, it was not permissible to direct the advance of the 
54tli Brigade by battle tactics, for example with the aid of a 
smoke screen and a supporting artillery barrage. Whatever was 
to be accomplished was to be done by infiltration and patrolling. 
With their accurate knowledge of their own defensive system, 
German combat groups had been pushed through the various 
gaps which existed in the objective line as established by the 
±06th Infantry, and following the paths of least resistance had 
established themselves in various places on the immediate front 
of the 54th Brigade. Patrols of the 54th Brigade from the mo- 
ment they left the protection of their front line trenches were 
immediately under fire from one or more of these enemy groups. 
There were two ways for the patrols of the 54th Brigade to work 
their way forward. These were to advance over the top from 
shell hole to shell hole, or to secure a footing in the trenches and 
to fight their way forward by bombing. The difificulties in- 
volved in the first method accentuated the superiority of the 
defensive over the offensive under conditions of daylight. The 
offensive patrol must necessarily disclose its movements to a 
greater or lesser extent and must afford at least fleeting targets 
to enemy fire. The defensive groups, on the other hand, with 
good visibility, were relatively secure in their position. They 
could see without being seen. The second method required that 
the offensive groups should have with them a large supply of 
hand grenades. One man cannot carry many of these grenades 
without imposing too great a handicap upon his movements. In 
a bombing contest the number of grenades that can be carried is 
soon expended. The defenders, on the other hand, do not have 
to disclose their positions by movement. Indeed it is their mis- 
sion to remain stationary. They have also at their immediate dis- 
posal grenades in large numbers, conveniently dumped for their 
use. As late as the summer of 1920, when the writer visited and 
inspected the Hindenburg Line defenses, there were still to be 
found in most all of the more important trenches hundreds of 



322 71sT NEW YORK 

boxes filled with German grenades, while in pockets constructed 
in the trench walls there still remained small dumps of grenades 
ready for immediate use. Our men had become familiar with 
the German grenade, and it was their practice in bombing com- 
bats to use German grenades wherever they could be found, re- 
serving for a crisis the more effective ''Mills grenade" of the 
British service. 

The night of September 27th-28th was a most anxious one at 
Division Headquarters. All were hard at work perfecting and 
supervising the details preparatory to the attack scheduled for 
September 29th, and at the same time were following the course 
of events then transpiring in relation to the attack of the 53d 
Brigade. When it developed that the 53d Brigade had not held 
the objective line throughout its length, and were not in com- 
plete possession of the three strong points, the question arose as 
to whether the barrage start line for the attack of the 29th 
should be pulled back to the start line of September 27th, so as 
to enable the 54th Brigade to make its advance with the protec- 
tion to which, by all rules of the modern attack, it was entitled. 
To do this would be to abandon to chance the gallant men of the 
106th Infantry and some of the 105th as well, who were still 
clinging to their exposed positions, and to subject the wounded 
who still remained on the field to the danger of destruction when 
the barrage passed over them. In favor of the plan it could be 
said that the fighting groups in front had doubtless been able 
to consolidate to some extent the positions held by them, that 
they would have the same opportunity for survival as would the 
enemy groups about them, and that in any event it would be bet- 
ter to risk the sacrifice of some of these men rather than to suf- 
fer the greater casualties that would be inflicted upon the 54th 
Brigade when without a proper barrage it began its advance 
against the German machine gunners lying on its immediate 
front. On the other hand it was to be remembered that the de- 
tachments of the 53d Brigade which were gallantly holding their 
gains were entitled to every consideration even though some 
sacrifice were involved. To voluntarily assume the risk of 
destroying them because of a decision to increase the security of 
the 54th Brigade, no matter how logical it might be in the actual 






IN THE WORLD WAR 323 

sense, would be repulsive to the mass of the officers and men of 
the division, and destructive of morale. 

The conditions were reported to the Australian Corps Com- 
mander and it was decided that the barrage for September 29th 
would fall at zero hour as originally planned and that it would 
be the duty of the 54th Brigade to fight its way forward so as 
to establish its start line as closely as possible to the prescribed 
infantry start line, before the arrival of the time for the troops 
to form up. 

This decision came in the form of the following message re- 
ceived at 2 :10 p. M. September 28th : 

''In view of the uncertainty of the situation on the front of 
the 27th American Division, the Army Commander has decided 
that there will be no substantial alteration in the plan. The 
tanks will be reinforced as much as possible. The infantry 
will be formed up in attack order as far forward as the situa- 
tion permits one hour prior to zero. The tanks will advance 
with the infantry, who will be prepared to fight their way if 
necessary to the forming up line. The barrage will come down 
as already arranged at zero and will remain for four minutes. 
It will then lift in accordance with the barrage map, except 
that all lifts throughout will be of four minutes per 100 yards. 
The halt will be at the place and for the period already ar- 
ranged. 

''Australian Corps." 

This decision was promptly communicated to the Command- 
ing General, 54th Brigade, and the importance of his securing, 
by determined patrolling and infiltration, a start line as far for- 
ward as possible was urged. 

Brigadier General Pierce early in the afternoon of September 
28th thought his brigade was making progress in getting forward 
to the start line through the efforts of combat patrols, and that 
there was every prospect that the brigade would be within 200 
yards of the start line in time to form up for the attack. This 
expectation, however, was not realized, and the brigade, as will 
be seen later in the story of the attack, was compelled to begin 
its advance more than 800 yards behind the barrage. 

The orders for the battle of September 29th were prepared by 
the Australian Corps as already stated. Pursuant to these or- 



324 71sT NEW YORK 

ders, zero hour was fixed for 5 :50 on the morning of September 
29th. The 30th American Div^ision on the right and the 18th 
British Division on the left were to attack simnltaneously, the 
18th Division going as far as the canal. The operation was di- 
vided into two phases. Within the 27th Division sector the first 
phase was to commence with the advance of the 54th Brigade 
accompanied by tanks behind a rolling barrage. This was to 
continue a distance of 2,500 yards, which would carry the bar- 
rage about 400 yards east of the line of the tunnel. There the 
barrage was to halt for fifteen minutes. This halt was for the 
purpose of facilitating the mopping-up, to allow for the reorgan- 
ization of the line, and to give time for the 105th Infantry to 
follow the 107th Infantry on the left half of the divisional sec- 
tor and to form for attack to the north for the purpose of en- 
veloping the area about Vendhuile. The barrage was to consist 
of 10 per cent, of smoke, and the remainder, one half shrapnel 
and the other half high explosive shell. A glance at the map 
will show that the open canal lay on the front of the left half of 
the sector assigned to the 107th Infantry. It was therefore pro- 
vided, in order that it might avoid the open cut of the canal, that 
the 2d Battalion of the 107th Infantry would follow the 3d Bat- 
talion until the tunnel had been crossed, when it would extend 
its left to the north boundary of the divisional sector, come 
abreast of the 3d Battalion on its right and continue east to the 
objective line. The 1st Battalion of the 107th Infantry was to 
attack on the front covered by the open cut going as far as the 
canal cut. The 3d and 2d Battalions of the same regiment were 
to be followed by the composite provisional battalion of the 106th 
Infantry already referred to which had been assigned to aid in 
mopping-up. The 105th Infantry was to follow in rear of the 
106th Battalion until it had cleared the tunnel, when, as stated, 
it was to change direction to the left and exploit toward the 
north. The 108th Infantry was to go through to the objective 
line in the sector between the right of the 107th Infantry and 
the left of the 30th American Division. 

The second phase of the battle provided that the 3d Australian 
Division would follow the 27th Division as the attack progressed, 
and after the 54th Brigade was halted on the ''Green," or ob- 
jective line, would pass through it and attack to the east. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 325 

The remainder of the 106th Infantry had been directed in the 
order to follow the 3d Australian Division across the tunnel and 
then to act in accordance with orders to be given at the time. 
How^ever, on account of its losses sustained in the attack of Sep- 
tember 27th, the regiment could do no more than furnish the 
provisional battalion already referred to. 

Nine brigades of British artillery were allotted to the 27th 
Division sector for firing the barrage. One interesting feature 
of the preparations for this attack, and one not generally known, 
is that forty-eight hours prior to the commencement of the attack 
the British artillery bombarded enemy gun positions and the 
area of enemy machine gun nests for the twelve preceding hours 
with mustard gas, and that this was the first occasion when this 
type of gas was used by artillery of the British army. It was 
believed that the German gas defensive did not prove very effec- 
tive against this form of gas, for the reason that they had not 
theretofore been subjected to it. This view was confirmed by 
statements of German prisoners. 

The 105th and 106th Machine Gun Battalions were to fire the 
machine gun barrage, the 105th being assigned to fire on the 
left regimental sector and the 106th on the right regimental sec- 
tor. The 104th Machine Gun Battalion were assigned to sup- 
port the left flank of the advance, one company to go forward 
when the Hindenburg Line was made good and to form west of 
the canal, facing north. 

In preparation for the attack of September 29th, a final con- 
ference was held at noon on September 28th at the post of com- 
mand of the Commanding General, 54th Brigade, at Lempire. 
The conference was attended by the Division Commander, Brig- 
adier General Brand representing the Australian Corps Com- 
mander, Colonel Ford., Chief of Staff of the division, and Briga- 
dier General Palmer E. Pierce, commanding the 54th Brigade. 
At this conference there was discussed from every angle the 
problem presented by the presence on the front of the brigade 
of the combat groups of the 106th Infantry still holding on to 
the positions they had gained. As has already been stated, the 
representation of this condition to the Australian Corps Com- 
mander resulted in the message already quoted to the effect that 
the barrage would fall as originally ordered. 



326 71sT NEW YORK 

It was at 6 p. m. on September 28th that the Division Com- 
mander received a message from the Commanding General 54th 
Brigade that he had already pushed out his line beyond Egg 
Post and expected to be ready to jump off at zero hour the fol- 
lowing morning within 400 yards of the barrage line and with 
the possibility of making the start on the prescribed line. As 
already mentioned, this message was most assuring, but the 
expectation of the Brigade Commander was not realized. 

The combat patrols of the 54th Brigade were unable during 
daylight on September 28th to make any appreciable advance. 
Some of the German machine gun nests which had been estab- 
lished on their front were successfully enveloped and reduced. 
Others, however, maintained their position, and inflicted casu- 
alties whenever targets were presented. 

On September 27th the 108th Infantry marched from its 
bivouac camp at J.lO.b.8.3. on Ronssoy, approximately eight and 
one half miles. They rested at F.25.C.2.4. west of Templeux le 
Geurard. From there a detail from each company and battalion) 
scout section reported to the 106th Infantry for the purpose of 
facilitating the details of relief of that part of the 106th In- 
fantry which was to be made by the 108th Infantry. Approach 
roads were reconnoitered and all possible information gathered 
as to location of units of the 106th Infantry and the company 
and battalion headquarters that were to be relieved. On the 
night of September 27th-28th the regiment marched the remain- 
ing six miles to the front over roads and trails subjected to very 
heavy enemy shell fire and gas concentration. 

The regiment went into the line with the 2d Battalion, com- 
manded by Captain John S. Thompson, extending from F.29.d. 
1.0. near Valle Post, in the vicinity of Malakoff Farm, where it 
connected up with Company H of the 119th Infantry of the 30th 
Division on the right, north to the vicinity of Bull Post F.23.d.8.8. 
Battalion Headquarters was located at F.28.b.8.1. in Templeux 
Switch. Attached to the 2d Battalion was one platoon of the 
regimental machine gun company, one section of one pounders 
and two Stokes mortar sections. 

The 3d Battalion, commanded by Captain Frank J. Maldiner, 
extended the line north from the vicinity of Bull Post to the 
vicinity of Duncan Post at F.17.d.7.5. The headquarters of this 



IN THE WORLD WAR 327 

battalion were located near Duncan Avenue Trench, in F.17.d.4.2. 
Two one pounder sections, four Stokes mortars and one platoon 
of the regimental machine gun company were attached to this 
battalion. 

The 1st Battalion, commanded by Major Frederick S. Couch- 
man, was to follow the leading battalions, covering the entire 
regimental front and mopping up the area covered by the ad- 
vance. 

Regimental Headquarters of the 107th Infantry was estab- 
lished near Pimple Post at F.28.C.8.5. 

It was daylight by the time the battalions of the 108th Infan- 
try were in their positions. The 3d Battalion sustained a num- 
ber of casualties from machine gun fire while going forward. As 
soon as the relief had been completed, an immediate effort was 
made by the Regimental Commander, in pursuance of orders 
already mentioned, to gain contact with detachments of the 106th 
Infantry far to the front. Combat patrols were pushed out. 
They brought in one officer and seven enlisted men of the 106th 
Infantry, all wounded. Later in the day patrols which had suc- 
ceeded in getting forward in some points were reinforced by 
other patrols. On parts of the front patrols could make no head- 
way due to the intensity of opposing machine gun fire. At 6 p. m. 
a conference was held, attended by the field officer of the regi- 
ment, for the purpose of determining the recommendation to be 
made in relation to the start line. The result was a recommen- 
dation by the Regimental Commander that the start line be the 
definite and certain one they then held. Arrangements were 
made for pegging and taping the departure line for the follow- 
ing morning. Zero hour was announced to the Battalion Com- 
manders. Supplies and ammunition were checked, as were the 
tactics to govern the advance of the various regimental units 
and detachments. The recommendation made in relation to the 
start line was approved and adopted by the Brigade Com- 
mander. 

The 107th Infantry extended the line north from Duncan Post 
through Doleful Post at F.17.b.6.6. to the vicinity of Tombois 
Farm at F.ll.b.4.4. 

This line in a general way was about 1,000 yards west of the 
line fixed as the infantry start line for September 29th, and con- 



328 71sT NEW YORK 

formed to the original start line of the 53d Brigade in this sector. 

The 1st Battalion of the 107th Infantry, commanded by Cap- 
tain Clinton E. Fisk, took over the front held by the 105th In- 
fantry on the left of the divisional sector. Captain Fisk's post 
of command was located at Lempire. Lieutenant Hellequist of 
this battalion had gone forward during the battle of the 27th to 
reconnoiter and make arrangements for the relief of the 105th 
Infantry by his battalion. The relief was completed about 4 
A. M. on September 28th. This battalion had received its orders 
to push out patrols with a view to advancing the line as far as 
possible. It was found impossible to do this during the daylight 
hours of September 28th. The battalion commander reported 
that part of the 105th relieved was in Sart Lane in F.ll.a. Com- 
panies C and B of the 1st Battalion of the 107th Infantry were 
deployed and moved forward to London Road and Fag Support 
Trench as well as in the trench running parallel with Fleet 
Street toward Doleful Post. Companies A and D were in sup- 
port in Sart Lane. During the process of the relief twenty-one 
casualties were inflicted by shell fire on Company A. When 
daylight arrived, patrols of the battalion found the enemy in 
close contact, with a strong force directly in their front at 
Fleeceall Post at F.lO.b. Along the rest of the front there ap- 
peared numerous snipers and machine gunners. It was on this 
front that First Lieutenant Samuel Crump, Jr., commanding 
Company B, with five or six men captured three enemy machine 
guns, including those at Egg Post. 

Due to the haste necessarily imposed upon the division in 
taking over the line, a considerable portion of the night of Sep- 
tember 28th-29th was occupied in completing the supply of iron 
rations, ammunition, grenades, water and ordnance stores for 
the troops at the front. This necessitated the use of a large 
number of men as carrying parties, and in turn delayed the re- 
lief as stated until shortly before daylight, making it imprac- 
ticable for the relieving regiments to get forward during the 
night of the relief. The start tape for the 1st Battalion of the 
107th Infantry was pegged out from F.ll.a.9.6. to F.ll.d.3.1. in 
a straight line connecting with the 3d Battalion on the right. 
The tape was not laid until the night of September 28th-29th. 

Now as to the 3d Battalion of the 107th Infantry, commanded 



IN THE WOKLD WAR 329 

by Captain Raphael A. Egan, which extended from the vicinity 
of Egg Post to Duncan Post. This battalion completed the re- 
lief about one o'clock on the morning of September 28th, and 
Captain Egan's post of command was established at Duncan 
Post. Company K of this battalion was deployed in shell holes 
and trenches about Duncan Post from F.12.d.8.9 to F.17.d.9.4. 
On the left of Company K, Company M was deployed in shell 
holes and trenches extending the line to and beyond Doleful 
Post. Behind Company K, Company I was in support in Kent 
Lane, while behind Company M was Company L, also in Kent 
Lane from P.17.a.4.1. to the vicinity of Sart Farm. The Bat- 
talion Headquarters was at F.17.a.4.2. During the night First 
Lieutenant Carey J. Walrath of Company M led a strong patrol 
forward to a point about 200 yards in front of Doleful Post. At 
10 :30 A. M. on September 28th both Companies K and M of this 
battalion sent patrols out in an effort to infiltrate forward. 
Enemy machine gun fire against them was very heavy, and the 
patrols suffered casualties. At 4 p. m. Captain Egan directed 
Lieutenant Walrath to again get forward with a strong combat 
patrol. Similar instructions were given Captain George B. 
Bradish, commanding Company K. Lieutenant Walrath 's com- 
mand was stopped after an advance of about 200 yards. Captain 
Bradish 's combat group reached a position extending from 
F.18.C.7.8. to F.18.C.8.2., when thej^ were stopped by heavy ma- 
chine gun fire. The decision as to the exact position of the start 
line for the morning of September 29th was necessarily depen- 
dent upon the extent of success of the effort to get forward^ and 
hence it would have to be determined by the Regimental Com- 
manders, subject to the approval of higher authority. The 
Brigade Commander reported that after the efforts of the day 
were made known to him, he approved the recommendations of 
his Regimental Commanders that the forming up line be prac- 
tically coincident with that of the 53d Brigade on September 
27th, in order that there might be no confusion due to enemy 
machine gun fire shortly before the start. In these recommen- 
dations the Australian officers serving with the 54th Brigade 
joined. The forming up line of the 107th Infantry therefore 
conformed in a general way with the line from which the 106th 
Infantry had started two days before. 



330 71sT NEW YORK 

The 2d Battalion of the 107th Infantry, commanded by Cap- 
tain Eowland Tompkins, had moved from Allaines at 11:30 on 
the morning of September 27th. After a hot meal at St. Emilie 
the battalion moved to Ronssoy, where they went into a support 
position with Company E in Shamrock Trench, Company F in 
Thistle Trench, Company G in Rose Trench and Company H 
near Yak Post. The relief was effected without casualties except 
that Captain George P. Nichols of Company F was wounded 
about 6 p. M. The headquarters of this battalion was located 
at F.lO.c.4.5. This battalion was to follow the 3d Battalion in 
the attack. 

The 105th and 106th Machine Gun Battalions, then com- 
manded by Majors Kenneth Gardner and Mortimer D. Bryant 
respectively, succeeded in occupying the positions assigned them 
strictly in accordance with orders. These units accomplished 
this under the same extraordinary and difficult conditions that 
affected the forward movement of all the other units, namely, 
roads crowded with troops, wagons, ammunition columns, ambu- 
lances and motors, all moving in the darkness through shell fire 
and gas. 

The provisional battalion of the 106th Infantry, comprising 
about 350 officers and men, were delayed in their advance to their 
battle position behind the 2d Battalion of the 107th Infantry, 
because some of the units composing the battalion lost their way 
in the darkness. The officers in charge, however, found the 
strayed detachments and the latter rejoined the battalion shortly 
before the zero hour. 

The 105th Infantry reached its battle positions as prescribed 
by orders. The battalions moved forward in the following order : 
2d, 1st, 3d Battalion. A one pounder was assigned to each bat- 
talion. The Stokes mortars went to the 1st Battalion. The 
pioneer platoon went to the 3d Battalion. 

All other units of the division, including engineer, signal and 
sanitary troops, assumed their battle stations on time and in an 
efficient manner. 

On the morning of September 29th the artillery and machine 
gun barrage fell precisely at 5 :50 A. M., the zero hour. It is im- 
possible in a word picture to portray the impressions of those 
who have witnessed and heard a bombardment of so formidable 



IN THE WORLD WAR 331 

a character as the one of September 29th. Not only were all the 
machine gnns of the division, more than 100 in number, engaged 
in firing the machine gun barrage, but there were also engaged 
twenty-three brigades of British light artillery and ten brigades 
of British heavy artillery. Nine of the brigades of light artillery 
were firing on the front of the 27th Division. After a bombard- 
ment of forty minutes the artillery barrage began to lift its fire 
in increments of 100 yards^, after four minutes of fire during 
each period of rest. A few moments after the barrage started 
the enemy 's counter barrage fell along the divisional front. The 
attacking troops in forming had been closed well up for the pur- 
pose of avoiding, so far as possible, the effects of the enemy 
counter barrage when it would fall. The enemy counter bar- 
rage apparently did no great damage to the 107th Infantry. On 
the front of the 108th Infantry it fell in part across the line and 
inflicted a number of casualties. 

One of the first messages received at Division Headquarters 
after the attack opened was from Corporal William E. Warren, 
one of the divisional observers, reporting that the barrage fell 
at 5:50 and that the attacking troops promptly advanced. 

In battle all organizations had code names which were em- 
ployed in the transmission of messages. For example, the 54th 
Infantry Brigade on this occasion was known as ''Fuzu,*' G-3 
of the division as ''Fuju," the 107th Infantry as "Tuve," the 
106th Infantry as ''Fuki" and the 108th Infantry as ''Tumo." 

At 6 :05 A. M. on the 29th a message was sent from the 54th 
Brigade Headquarters to the G-3 of the division as follows : 

From reports available Tuve (107th Infantry) and battalion 
Fuki (106th Infantry) in position when barrage came down at 
5 :50 A. M. Enemy promptly sent up S. 0. S. flares, single green 
bursting into double green. Situation seemed normal for one 
hour before zero. Prior to that enemy seemed nervous and dis- 
played extra activity. 

A few moments later another message was received from the 
54th Brigade as follows: 

Tuve (107th Infantry) and Fuki (106th Infantry) Battalion 
in position at zero hour and Fufi (105th Infantry) formed up. 



332 71sT NEW YORK 

Tanks on hand. Tuve (107th Infantry) get off to good start. 
No reports from Tumo (108th Infantry). 

At 8 :04 A. M. a message was received at Division Headquarters 
from the 54th Brigade, reporting that at 7 :00 a. m. the attack 
was progressing satisfactorily, the 107th Infantry fighting its 
way forward successfully. The message reported the retaliation 
barrage was light and fell well back of our troops. The message 
also reported that thirty-one prisoners had already been taken 
from the 27th and 84th German Infantry Regiments, and that 
eight tanks were out of action. 

Colonel Charles I. DeBevoise, commanding the 107th Infantry, 
reported at 9 :00 a. m. that troops of the 3d Australian division, 
which were to pass through the 27th Division on the morning of 
the attack; were halted on the left at Kent Lane for thirty min- 
utes, about 8 'clock in the morning. At 8 :35 they moved on. 

At 9 :10 A. M. Captain II, F. Jaeckel, Jr., Aide to the Division 
Commander, who was one of the forward observing officers, re- 
ported that he had just met Major Gillet commanding the mop- 
ping-up battalion of the 106th Infantry and that the Major was 
returning, having been wounded in the arm by a machine gun 
bullet. The major reported his battalion at 7 :30 a. m. making 
satisfactory progress in its advance and that he himself had 
crossed two lines of enemy trenches before he was wounded. He 
also reported machine gun fire very heavy, but enemy artillery 
fire falling in their rear. 

At the same time Captain Tristram Tupper of Division Head- 
quarters Troop, a forward observing ofBcer, reported that the 
3d Battalion of the 108th Infantry had suffered heavy casualties 
by fire from Guillemont Farm, but had continued their advance ; 
that the enemy counter barrage at the start had fallen behind 
our leading elements, and that the 108th Infantry were reported 
to be on the objective. 

At 9 :35 A. M. a message was received from Lieutenant-Colonel 
J. Mayhew Wainwright, who was liaison officer with the British 
division on the left, stating that the 54th British Brigade re- 
ported that it was 500 yards west of Yendhuile and that on their 
front they were opposed by the 8th and 54th German Divisions. 

At 10:30 A. M. the 133d Field Ambulance (British), which 



IN THE WORLD WAR 333 

was attached to the 27th American Division, reported that up to 
10 o'clock they had handled 1200 wounded. 

At 10 :35 A. M. the 54th Brigade reported the situation on the 
front of the 107th Infantry obscure and that reports being re- 
ceived were conflicting; that the leading battalion of the 107th 
Infantry had gained their objective, but were compelled to with- 
draw ; that more than sixty prisoners were then being evacuated ; 
that the leading battalion of the 108th Infantry was then in the 
Hindenburg Line. 

Shortly thereafter an airplane reported that at 10 :30 a. m. 
our troops were seen in the vicinity of both Bony and Gouy. 

At 11 :00 A. M. a message was received from Major Turnbull, 
the 54th Brigade Adjutant, reporting that enemy counter bar- 
rages fell behind the left battalion at the start, and that at 8 :10 
A. M. the regiment (108th Infantry) was reported to be in the 
main defenses of the Hindenburg Line. 

At 11 :07 A. M. a message timed at 8 :30 a. m. was received 
from General Blanding, commanding the 53d Brigade, stating 
that Lieutenant De Loisselle of the 106th Infantry, returning 
wounded, reported that he personally reached enemy trenches 
in A. 8. d. central, where he and his command had been dealing 
with enemy machine gun nests passed over by the leading ele- 
ments of the 54th Brigade. 

At 12 :45 P. M. General Pierce reported the situation in the 
vicinity of The Knoll dangerous; that Colonel Jennings, com- 
manding the 108th Infantry, reported he was dealing with the 
situation at Guillemont Farm, from which heavy fire was falling 
on his support troops. 

Shortly thereafter, Colonel Stanley H. Ford, the Divisional 
Chief of Staff, visited the headquarters of the 108th Infantry 
and there joined Colonel Jennings, the Regimental Commander, 
and Captain Harry H. Farmer, commanding the 3d Battalion, 
who were in conference to determine the situation on the front 
of the 108th Infantry. 

At 1 :40 p. M. a message timed 12 :30 p. m. was received from 
Captain Tupper stating that there was considerable gas shelling 
area occupied by machine gun battalions, and that Major Bry- 
ant, commanding the 106th Machine Gun Battalion, had been 
slightly gassed, but was continuing on duty. 



334 71sT NEW YORK 

At 3:15 p. M. Captain Stanley Bnlkley, commanding the 3d 
Battalion of the 105th Infantry, reported his battalion occupying 
Knoll Support Trench in A.T.a. and that some men of the 107th 
Infantry were also there. 

At 3:17 p. M. a message was received, timed at 2:45 p. M. 
from Australian Corps reporting as follows : 

Contact machines report flares called for at 1 :20 p. m. No re- 
ply. Our troops seen in trench system A. 9. to A.27. At 1 :15 
p. M. three tanks were astride trench A.21. central and station- 
ary. Apparently O. K. Crews in trench alongside. Five tanks 
burning on road A.14.8.8. Our guns in action A. 20. c. 2. 6. Pilot 
reports 1 :20 p. M. our guns firing from old enemy posts 
A.ll.d.5.5. Fairly heavy machine gun fire encountered over 
canal tunnel, A.15.b.2.2. At 1 :40 p. m. smoke bombs dropped on 
B.l.a., and B.15.b.4.6. Pilot reports two groups of men about 
fifty to sixty moving southeast B.28.a., thought to be ours. 

mk' 

The three tanks referred to in the above message were close to 
the position then held by the 2d Battalion of the 108th Infantry, 
immediately south of Bony, which will be referred to later. 

The following untimed message was received from Captain 
Mort, an Australian observation ofiicer: 

Have only found 49th Battalion Australians. Tried to open 
up communication with outpost, but without success. A party 
of Americans in the canal mopping up machine guns in Bony. 
Shells of big caliber in A.26 and 27, mixed with gas. Majority 
of Australians are wandering about, not knowing where other 
parts of their battalions are. 

At 4:10 p. M. Lieutenant Colonel Crowther of the Australian 
Corps reported that the 3d Australian Division in support of 
the 27th Division had closed up with the 10th Australian Brigade, 
extending from Cat Post at A.24.A.8.8. to 100 yards west of 
Guillemont Farm to Valley Street. He also reported ''posses- 
sion at The Knoll obscure. "Was held by Americans at 1 p. m. 
Elements 108th Infantry reported on green line. Our troops 
certainly in Bony, but so are the Bosche." 

The foregoing messages and extracts from messages are sam- 
ples of the conflicting information that comes to the divisional 
message center during a battle. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 335 

Let us now turn to the march of events as observations at the 

time and subsequent reports indicated they occurred. 

Taking up the story of the attack, beginning on the right, the 
2d Battalion of the 108th Infantry, which held the extreme right 
of the divisional front, got away as soon as the barrage opened. 
They had, as has already been pointed out, a considerable dis- 
tance to go before gaining the barrage. Shortly after they start- 
ed forward they encountered heavy machine gun fire from a 
number of machine gun nests at A.25.central. These were si- 
lenced by outflanking and bombing them with hand grenades. 
This naturally caused a delay in the advance, but as soon as 
possible the forward movement was resumed. Several small 
parties of the 106th were found holding parts of the objective 
line of September 27th and these were passed over. During the 
progress of the continued advance of this battalion numerous 
casualties were inflicted by machine guns and shell fire, though 
no resistance by massed enemy forces was met until the troops 
arrived before the main defenses of the Hindenburg Line. There 
the wire entanglements were very thick, and at this place the 
leading elements met extremely heavy fire from the garrison in 
possession. By this time heavy smoke had settled over the field. 
Many officers and non-commissioned officers had fallen. 

The survivors of the 2d Battalion of the 108th Infantry, which 
gained access to the main trenches of the Hindenburg Line south 
of Bony, after killing or subduing the enemy defenders, blocked 
the trenches of the sector held by them, established outguards 
and systematically mopped up. The result was that they gath- 
ered 159 prisoners, survivors of their attack. Hardly had they 
organized their defense when they were subjected to a fierce 
counter-attack which broke down under their fire. This attack 
was later supplemented by other bombing attacks directed from 
Bony, a short distance north of their position. This battalion 
held the main defenses of the Hindenburg Line from the divi- 
sional boundary to a position immediately south of Bony in A. 21. 
central. 

Having maintained its position successfully against all coun- 
ter-attacks, the battalion evacuated their prisoners to the rear un- 
der cover of darkness. It is to be remembered that hand in 
hand with the work of repulsing the enemy counter-attacks there 



336 71sT NEW YOEK 

devolved upon this small force the task of keeping their prisoners 
in subjection, and the prisoners almost equaled in number the 
effective strength of the unwounded men of the battalion. 

Throughout the day the battalion was subjected to very heavy 
enfilading field artillery and machine gun fire from Bony. About 
noon, however, troops of the 3d Australian Division, in their 
progress forward and in the process of "leap-frogging" the 27th 
Division, arrived in the trenches ^eld by the battalion. Promptly 
thereafter detachments were formed including Australians, and 
the work of attacking Bony from the south down the approach 
trenches was gotten under way. 

The left battalion, that is to say the 3d Battalion of the 108th 
Infantry, almost immediately after the start met heavy fire from 
Guillemont Trench and Guillemont Farm. 

The first wave was badly cut up while crossing the trenches 
south of Guillemont Farm and Claymore Valley. Succeeding 
waves of this battalion also suffered heavy losses while crossing 
the same area and in mopping up. Elements of the battalion, 
however, got through and into Dirk Valley, where they estab- 
lished themselves in the sunken roads immediately in front of 
Bony at A.14.d.9.0. and A.14.d.8.2. It is within the confines of 
this road fork that the present Bony cemetery is located. Due 
to the severity of the fire directed on them from Bony and to 
the sparsity of their numbers, they were unable to make any 
further advances until late in the afternoon, when they were 
joined by the leading elements of the 3d Australian Division. 
Thus reinforced, they reduced a number of machine gun nests 
which had up to that time stopped their further advance, and 
established their line so as to connect up at intervals with the 
battalion of their own regiment on the right. 

The 1st Battalion of the 108th Infantry, covering the entire 
regimental front, and following the supporting companies o^ 
the 2d and 3d Battalions at a distance of approximately 100 
yards, advanced over the area covered by the forward battalions 
and reduced a number of machine gun nests which, carefully 
camouflaged, had evaded the attention of the leading battalions. 
They also gathered a considerable number of individual pris- 
oners. Many of the latter were used as stretcher bearers for 



IN THE WORLD WAR 337 

the evacuation of the wounded, which work was immediately 
gotten under way. 

In the 108th Infantry, practically all wire communication was 
constantly interrupted by hostile fire. Visual signaling was not 
possible, due to the dense banks of smoke that hung close to the 
ground. The sole reliance in the field of communication was 
therefore the runner. 

Most of the tanks assigned to cooperate with the 108th Infan- 
try were put out of action shortly after the start. It is reported 
that they rendered little assistance to the Infantry. 

The third platoon, under Sergeant Bates, being with the re- 
serve battalion, had to pass through the enemy's counter bar- 
rage. Thirteen casualties were inflicted upon the platoon in this 
advance. 

One of the most important phases of battle preparation has 
to do with the matter of rations, battle stores, ammunition and 
supplies. Accounts of battle preparation in this field of effort 
are not interesting to the non-military reader. They are of vital 
importance, however, to the welfare and efficiency of the troops. 
Battle preparations change with the time and with the condi- 
tions, and no true story of a battle would be complete without at 
least an outline of what was done to keep the troops supplied 
with the material things needed by them in combat. 

As a sample, therefore, of the supply arrangements for the 
modern battle, the reader who is interested is referred to the 
Division Order No. 95 and to the following account of the appli- 
cation of this order to the 108th Infantry. This account will 
suffice as an example of what went on throughout the di\dsion. 

The rations were issued by the regimental supply officer to the 
battalion supply officers. While the regiment was in the line, 
the company kitchens and water carts remained at the transport 
lines about two miles in rear of regimental headquarters. Com- 
pany rations were cooked at the transport lines and carried to 
the battalion headquarters at night on limbers drawn by mules 
and horses. From these points, carrying parties from the com- 
panies carried the rations forward to the men in the trenches. 

In preparation for battle all troops were furnished with as- 
sault rations. These were issued to the battalions on the morn- 
ing of September 28th. One of the battalion dumps containing 



338 71sT NEW YOEK 

assault rations was destroyed by a direct hit by an enemy shell 
before the carrying parties had reached it. 

Troops in battle must have water, and water fit to drink is 
seldom if ever available on the battle-field, except when it is 
transported there in containers. Such water as exists in shell 
holes is usually polluted and permeated with gas. On Septem- 
ber 28th, 1,500 water bottles were delivered at the transport lines 
of the 108th Infantry. Even there, water was so scarce that 
these bottles, which were to contain an extra supply of water for 
the troops in the line, were filled and delivered to them with 
greatest difficulty. 

In the British army troops in the line are supplied with petrol 
tins in which to transport water and hot coffee. Three hundred 
of these petrol tins were issued to the 108th Infantry and divided 
one hundred to each battalion. Each tin carried water for seven 
men or hot coffee for fourteen men. The number of petrol tins 
allowed the division was insufficient for its strength, although 
adequate for a British division. Accordingly, they had to be 
supplemented by powder cans, although the latter were not as 
readily transported or handled as the petrol tins. 

In order to keep the food hot in transit from the company 
kitchens to the front, the food, after preparation, was carried 
forward in hot food containers. These were of various types, 
but in principle were constructed like fireless cookers. These, 
supplied by the British, held hot food for thirty-two men. A 
battalion of 700 men should therefore be allowed twenty-two of 
these containers. Less than that number, however, were avail- 
able on September 28th. Nevertheless, a hot meal was insured 
at least once a day for every man in the regiment. One of the 
difficulties in the relation to the use of containers, petrol tins, 
etc., is getting them back in time to be filled and sent forward 
again for the next meal. 

Wire cutters were issued to the regiment shortly before the 
assault. Battle stores, such as rifle and machine gun ammuni- 
tion, hand and rifle grenades, smoke bombs, flares, rockets. Very 
light pistols, etc., were, in similar manner, carried forward on 
limbers during the night to battalion dumps, from which points 
they were distributed to the companies by means of carrying 
parties. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 339 

From the foregoing it will be seen that during trench war- 
fare and in preparation for an assault thousands of soldiers were 
employed as carrying parties, moving about over shell-swept 
areas, in trenches and over shell-pitted fields, carrying heavy 
burdens of food, ammunition and other supplies, while handi- 
capped by darkness and mud. 

Let us now turn to the 107th Infantry. This regiment was 
also most thorough in its preparation for the attack. All of its 
units were in their battle positions on time, and at zero hour 
swept forward in their effort to overtake the barrage. The enemy 
counter barrage, as already stated, fell behind the 107th Infan- 
try, but immediately the advance began, the enemy machine gun 
nests on the front, promptly supported by the enemy defensive 
machine gun barrage, began to cause casualties. The leading 
waves of the 107th Infantry swept across the enemy trenches 
known as Fag Trench, Causeway Lane, Island Traverse and the 
trench running south therefrom toward Guillemont Farm. From 
this line they swept on to Willow Trench, which runs across the 
head of Macquincourt Valley from Lowland Post south to Guille- 
mont Farm. While the moppers-up were engaged in cleaning 
out Island Traverse, Fag Trench, Causeway Lane and the trench 
leading to Guillemont Farm, the leading and supporting ele- 
ments swept into and through Willow Trench. A considerable 
number of the enemy were killed or taken prisoner in this area. 
The leading elements continued east, but as they approached 
Lone Tree Trench, running from The Knoll Support Trench 
south to Grub Lane and thence on to the east of Guillemont 
Farm, they sustained such severe machine gun fire from this 
trench that this part of the line was brought to a halt, taking 
cover in shell holes and in Willow Trench. 

The 3d Battalion of the 107th Infantry, commanded by Cap- 
tain Raphael A. Egan, had reached its position on the tape before 
5 :30 A. M., sustaining some casualties in the maneuver. As indi- 
cated on the graphic, Companies I and L were the leading units 
of the battalion from north to south, with Companies K and M 
in immediate support. The support companies followed sixty 
yards in rear of the leading companies. Captain Egan estab- 
lished his post of command between the support companies. The 
battalion was deployed in combat groups. From the moment 



340 71sT NEW YORK 

the barrage fell the enemy machine gnnners lying in the fore- 
ground between this battalion and the barrage opened up a 
heavy fire. Nevertheless the battalion immediately began its 
advance, moving off with great precision and steadiness. Enemy 
machine gunners and snipers encountered in this advance were 
bayoneted or shot unless they promptly surrendered. At Low- 
land Post in A.7.b.6.1 and about Guillemont Farm the battalion 
ran into highly organized and heavily manned posts. Here heavy 
casualties were inflicted upon it. Captain Egan and his Adju- 
tant, First Lieutenant Charles H. Floyd, were both wounded by 
machine gun bullets. Captain Fancher NicoU, commanding 
Company L, and First Lieutenant Percy M. Hall, commanding 
Company I, First Lieutenant Murray Cramer, commanding 
Company M, Second Lieutenant Ben M. Rambo of Company K, 
First Lieutenant Carey J. Walrath of Company M, and Second 
Lieutenant H. W. Robinson, Battalion Intelligence Officer, were 
all killed, while First Lieutenant Robert A. Byrns of Company 
L was seriously wounded. 

At 11 :30 A. M. Captain George F. Bradish, who had succeeded 
Captain Egan in command of the battalion when the latter was 
wounded, crawled from his position at the extreme front to se- 
cure the aid of Stokes mortars or tanks in an effort to reduce 
enemy opposition. He found the tank captain and arranged for 
the support of several tanks. These were guided to a point oppo- 
site the objective by Captain Bradish, personally, who then or- 
ganized his troops into small detachments for the purpose of 
following the tanks in another assault. When the tanks began 
their advance they were soon destroyed by enemy shell fire and 
mines. In the the organization of this effort, Captain Bradish 
was most efficiently assisted by First Lieutenant Grisv/old B. 
Daniel of Company K and First Lieutenant Claude G. Leland 
of Company I. The troops made their effort most gallantly, but 
sustained very heavy casualties. A number of the survivors fell 
back to the trench in F.ll.d.7.4. and F.18.a.6.7., near Tombois 
Farm. Captain Bradish stopped this retirement and reorganized 
the line in the vicinity as a support group. In about twenty 
minutes they were reinforced by a company of the 105th Infan- 
try and again went forward and occupied Willow Trench from 
A.7.b.6.2. to A.7.d.7.2. Here they were counter-attacked several 



IN THE WORLD WAR 341 

times, but repulsed with heavy casualties all enemy efforts to 
oust them. In the afternoon the leading elements of the 3d Aus- 
tralian Division joined them in Willow Trench. At 6 :30 p. m. 
troops of this battalion with Australians made some further 
progress. 

At 5:30 A. M. on the following day, September 30th, Aus- 
tralian detachments took over the battalion front and the bat- 
talion occupied support positions, disposed in depth. On October 
1st at 1 :30 p. m. the battalion was withdrawn, proceeding to St. 
Emilie, from which point it moved to a point one mile south of 
Saulicourt, where it bivouacked for the night. 

The 1st Battalion of the 107th Infantry was the left battalion, 
designated to move forward to the line of the open canal. The 
departure line having been established by Lieutenant Hellquist, 
Battalion Scout Officer, with a detachment of men, the battalion 
occupied its battle position in ample time for the attack. The 
start line ran from F.ll.a.9.6. to F.ll.d.3.1., connecting with the 
third battalion on the right. On the left, Fleeceall Post, in the 
hands of the enemy, was not more than 200 yards distant. The 
occupation of battle position was effected without serious casu- 
alties. Companies C and B were the assaulting units, with Com- 
panies D and A in support in the order named from north to 
south, the latter companies furnishing mopping up detachments. 
Company D was especially charged with the protection of the 
left flank. The start was made more than 1,000 yards behind the 
barrage. The battalion went forward, however, with precision 
and determination, although from the beginning they began to 
suffer casualties. Enemy groups encountered were quickly over- 
come until the battalion reached the general line, Knoll Trench- 
Willow Trench, when they were stopped by a tornado of ma- 
chine gun fire from the north and east. En route to this line, 
Fleeceall Post was quickly overrun and a considerable number 
of machine guns and sixty prisoners captured. Prisoners and 
guns were also taken in Fag Support, Fag Trench, Egg Post 
and Island Traverse. A great number of enemy dead were 
found on and about The Knoll as a result of the fighting during 
the previous battle. Parties of this battalion reached Macquin- 
court Trench in A.2.C.3.4. These detachments were from Com- 
pany D. One platoon of Company C held for some time a posi- 



342 71sT NEW YORK 

tion in front of the Lone Tree Trench, but were counter-attacked 
and forced to fall back. Other detachments in the heavy smoke 
fought their way to Hidden Trench in a.2.D and to the wire in 
front of trenches in A.3.a. and c. Some wounded men of this 
battalion were later evacuated from positions immediately south 
of Vendhuile. 

The 1st Battalion of the 107th Infantry had the hardest task 
imposed upon any unit in this great attack. Not only were they 
to advance against the open cut of the canal, between which and 
their start line lay that formidable position known as The Knoll, 
but they were to constitute the left flank guard of the division 
in its advance. It is not known whether any high ranking officer 
believed at the time that any single battalion of troops could 
fight its way to the open cut of the canal between Vendhuile and 
the north mouth of the tunnel under the conditions as they ex- 
isted on the morning of September 29th. However that may be, 
is was essential that in the attempt to drive through the tunnel 
system skilled troops of the greatest resolution should occupy this 
critical part of the line, and by their confidence, determination 
and willingness to bear sacrifices insure the security of the left 
flank of the corps against the avalanche of fire and powerful 
counter-attacks which it was known would be directed against 
the flank from the vicinity of Vendhuile. 

During the early part of the attack the writer questioned an 
educated and efficient-looking German officer who had been 
' taken prisoner while making an inspection at the extreme front 
near The Knoll. Like many German officer prisoners, he was at 
first reticent, but having permitted himself to become engaged in 
an argument concerning the possibility of any troops breaking 
through the Hindenburg Line, finally stated with some warmth 
that he hoped they would be successful in advancing as far as 
the tunnel, for in that event it would mean the destruction or 
capture of all attaching troops, by reason of the ability of Ger- 
man forces to roll them up by fiank drives from Vendhuile which 
nothing could stop. The boast is mentioned as indicating the 
confidence of the enemy in the strength and possibilities of the 
natural flank position of Vendhuile. The confidence in this 
flank position would have been well justified had ordinary troops 
been interposed against the tide of counter-attacks which drove 



IN THE WORLD WAR 343 

down from the north for the purpose of rolling up the assaulting 
lines. 

Throughout the day and night of September 29th and the 
morning of September 30th this battalion, and companies of the 
105th Infantry under Major Jacob S. Clinton, withstood a series 
of the fiercest and most determined counter-attacks designed to 
sweep down behind and through the length of the corps line. 
The earlier of these counter-attacks were made after artillery 
preparation, by masses of troops attacking in the open. So 
deadly was the rifle fire of the 1st Battalion of the 107th Infan- 
try and the troops of the 105th Infantry, and so tenaciously did 
they hold their positions, that these counter-attacks were broken 
down with heavy losses to the enemy. The losses sustained by 
our troops, however^ were so considerable that soon additional 
companies of the 105th Infantry, sent to reinforce them, became 
merged with them. The losses were so numerous among the offi- 
cers, the system of shell holes and demolished trenches which 
the troops occupied were so complicated, and the shell and ma- 
chine gunning so constant, that it was only with greatest diffi- 
culty, amid the tangle of trenches, wire, corpses, wounded and 
fighting men, that the surviving officers were able to establish any 
kind of dispositions in depth. And this latter action was im- 
perative, because even the soldiers in the ranks then knew that 
the mission of the battalion was no longer to continue to attempt 
the impossible, but to provide at any cost for the security of the 
left flank of the corps. 

Later in the afternoon of the 29th and during the early eve- 
ning, enemy counter-attacks took the form of carefully organized 
bombing expeditions down the available trenches of approach. 
Apparently these bombing attacks w^ere headed by expert bomb- 
ers, who were supplied with grenades by a chain of men to the 
source of supply, the advance being supported by the fire of rifle 
grenadiers and light minnenwerfers. The defenders were largely 
dependent upon the available supply of captured German hand 
grenades in making their resistance, and obviously could not be 
as well organized in their scattered positions as were the attack- 
ing columns. The result was that in some places detachments of 
the 105th and 107th Infantry were forced back under the assaults 
of the enemy bombing parties. In this way the enemy made 



344 71sT NEW YORK 

more progress in their counter-attacks than they had earlier in 
the day with massed formations of troops. 

It is to be remembered that in resisting bombing attacks 
through trenches the rifle is of little value. The attacks were 
finally stopped by the initiative and daring of individual non- 
commissioned officers and private soldiers of the two regiments 
who left their positions and with grenades in their hands rushed 
over the open to the flanks of the enemy bombing parties and 
bombed them from right and left. 

The 1st Battalion of the 107th Infantry with the aid of detach- 
ments from the 105th Infantry was successful in securing the 
left flank, not only of the division, but of the corps ; and it was 
the sacrifice and the valor and the skill of these troops which 
made it possible for the divisional units further to the south to 
overcome the enemy resistance in the tunnel sector and to capture 
and break through the famous Hindenburg Line. As will be told 
further along in the story of the division's activities, with this 
break through accomplished, and with the left flank refused and 
firmly held, the attack on succeeding days was launched, not to 
the east, but towards the north from the easterly side of the tun- 
nel. It was the progress of these later attacks which compelled 
the enemy to evacuate Vendhuile in order to avoid envelopment. 

About 1 :30 p. M. about thirty Australians constituting ad- 
vance elements of the 3d Australian Division joined the troops 
in Willow Trench. During the night of September 29th two 
enemy attacks were made against the position held by Lieutenant 
Adsit's platoon, but were shattered by his fire. 

At 7 :30 on the morning of September 30th a detachment with 
several Australians patrolled to the front and successfully 
bombed several enemy positions. At 8:00 a. m. a number of 
wounded of the Machine Gun Company were successfully evacu- 
ated. On October 2d the company was withdrawn and furnished 
burial details for its regiment. 

The 2d Battalion of the 107th Infantry, commanded by Cap- 
tain Rowland Tompkins, lined up about 100 yards in rear of the 
3d Battalion in order to allow room for the forming up of the 
provisional mopping-up battalion of the 106th Infantry. In the 
2d Battalion of the 107th Infantry, Companies H and E were 
the assaulting units, Gr and F the supporting units, in the order 



IN THE WOELD WAR 345 

named from north to south. All were in position by 5 :20 A. M. 
No casualties were sustained while awaiting the zero hour, al- 
though six casualties occurred while the battalion was moving 
forward to the line. Battalion Headquarters at 5 :00 a. m. had 
been moved to F.17.C.3.9. One tank accompanied the battalion 
at the start. The battalion moved off promptly when the bar- 
rage fell. It was stopped in front of Lone Tree Trench and 
Guillemont Crescent Trenches in the heavy smoke screen. Heavy 
machine gun fire came from the north as well as from the east. 
A number of groups of this battalion succeeded in continuing on 
with groups from the leading battalion. One of these, consisting 
of about thirty men under Sergeant John H. Napper of Company 
Gr, reached the main Hindenburg Line in A.9.a.5.5, near the north 
end of the tunnel. Other groups of both battalions got forward 
to the turmel, but finding themselves unsupported fought their 
way back from The Knob to Willow Trench. 

Captain Kenneth C. Wilson of the Headquarters Company 
organized a detachment and occupied and held South Guillemont 
Trench. Trenches such as Willow and South Guillemont were 
used as the basis of the line when it became immobilized, the 
troops being disposed in depth. The front line troops were in 
trenches and shell holes in front of the trenches named, while 
supporting groups were established in rear. Heavy fighting with 
bombing attacks and counter-attacks continued throughout the 
afternoon and night of September 29th. Toward morning enemy 
snipers were withdrawn. This position was held by the battalion 
until 1:30 p. M. on October 1st. The depleted strength of this 
battalion had been reorganized in its position on September 30th 
into three provisional companies of about eighty men each, these 
companies being commanded respectively by Second Lieutenant 
Marsh H. Locklear, Battalion Intelligence Officer, First-Lieuten- 
ant James T. Bergan of Company H, 105th Infantry, who had 
been with the battalion, and First Lieutenant Beverly L. F. 
Burnham, Battalion Gas Officer. On the morning of October 
1st troops of the 3d Australian Division, continuing the attack, 
were supported in this part of the line by the survivors of the 
2d Battalion of the 107th Infantry until early afternoon of that 
day, when the battalion was withdrawn, first to Ronssoy and 
thence to a hut camp near Bussu. 



346 71sT NEW YORK 

Major Raymond A. Turnbull, Medical Corps, commanded the 
Sanitary Detachment of the 107th Infantry. Shortly after the 
attack commenced, walking wounded began to appear at the aid 
stations. These came not only from the battalion of the 107th 
Infantry, but on the right from the 108th Infantry, from the 
Tank Corps and from British and Australian units as well. For 
a time there was considerable congestion at the aid station located 
in F.16.C.3.3. The ambulance head was located in Ronssoy at 
F.21.a.8.4. A forward dressing station was established on the 
Bellicourt Road in F.22.b.9.4. by Lieutenant Benedict. At 10 :00 
A. M. the forward station was opened by Lieutenants Gray and 
Bancel in a shell hole at F.17.C.5.3. and was used by them 
throughout the day under rather heavy fire. This station was* 
later moved into a dugout near by and remained in operation 
until 2 :00 p. M. on October 1st. At 4 :00 p. m. Lieutenant Ban- 
cel established a collecting point for wounded on the London 
Road near Egg Post. Due to machine gun fire much difficulty 
was experienced at this place in evacuating wounded. Wounded 
here were evacuated via Pomponius Lane, through Lempire 
Post to the battalion aid station at F.15.d.8.8. At 5:00 p. m. a 
volunteer detail of sixty stretcher bearers searched the areas in 
F.16, 17, 18 and 19 for wounded and secured and evacuated 
approximately sixty men. During the afternoon of September 
29th the 3d Battalion aid station was taken over by the 105th 
Infantry. One of the aid stations was advanced to F.23.b.4.2. 
The wounded were evacuated by ambulance which came up the 
Guillemont Road. The Sanitary Detachment was kept on duty 
until 4 :00 p. m. October 1st, when the regimental aid station was 
closed. 

The one pounders and Stokes mortars assigned to the 1st Bat- 
talion reached the vicinity of Willow Trench, when they were 
held up by machine gun fire from Lone Tree Trench. Three 
Stokes mortars fired on the enemy position and obtained hits. 
One Stokes mortar was put out of action by an enemy hit on 
the base plate. Due to casualties, the separation of the squads in 
the smoke, and to the great expenditure of ammunition, an ade- 
quate supply was not on hand on one or two critical occasions. 
The one pounder squad under Sergeant O 'Gorman was in Willow 
Trench with the infantry. In the smoke one of the tanks crossed 



Ml 



IN THE WORLD WAR 347 

Willow Trench and drove the trail of the one pounder gun into 
the ground, disabling it. Sergeant 'Gorman's squad thereafter 
fought as infantry. They took part in local attacks and in re- 
pulsing counter-attacks and successfully used a great number of 
German hand grenades in these combats. The Stokes mortar 
squad with the right battalion was located at Doleful Post, and 
with the two one-pounder guns there came under heavy enemy 
fire shortly after the start. The infantry of the battalion to 
which they were assigned advanced with such speed that these 
guns could not keep up and soon the thick smoke cloud obscured 
everything. Captain Wilson went forward on a personal recon- 
naissance to Guillemont Farm and the mopping-up by detach- 
ments of the 107th and 106th Infantry going on in that vicinity 
came under his personal observation. He reported it was being 
most systematically carried out and that a large number of 
enemy soldiers had been killed as well as taken prisoner. 

Second-Lieutenant John C. Freeman, Regimental Signal Offi- 
cer, reported that lines to brigade headquarters were constantly 
broken by shell fire, but that one line had been established at 
6 :45 A. M. on September 29th. Continual touch was maintained 
by the regiment with the 1st and 2d Battalion Headquarters. 
Communication was not maintained with the 3d Battalion Head- 
quarters after it went forward. Visual signals were attempted, 
but the thick smoke rendered them useless. Lamp signals were 
also found to be useless because of the smoke. Lateral telephone 
communication with the 108th Infantry and with the 54th British 
Brigade on the left was maintained without much difficulty. 

Subsequent to the battle several veteran British officers of 
wide experience told the writer that in their opinion the success 
of the Hindenburg Line thrust was the result not only of the 
discipline and skill of the troops that headed the attack, but also 
their willingness and ability to bear heavy losses with unim- 
paired morale. They referred further to the fact that troops 
with long experience in war would have recognized the magni- 
tude of the task imposed upon them, and that their tendency 
would be to shrink from suffering losses which very easily they 
could persuade themselves to believe would be useless. 

We all remember the incident at Cold Harbor during the Civil 
War, when the tremendous losses sustained in two previous as- 



I 



348 71sT NEW YORK 

saults caused the veteran Union troops to refuse, by common 
impulse, to make the third attempt when it was ordered. 

As already stated, the provisional battalion of the 106th In- 
fantry, commanded by Major Ransom H. Gillet, reached 
its battle positions immediately before the zero hour, as 
mopping-up units for the 3d Battalion of the 107th Infantry. 
In the fierce fighting Avhich took place shortly after the advance 
commenced, some of these detachments became merged with 
platoons of the battalion in their front. Others in the heavy 
smoke cloud diverged to the right and followed the left battalion 
of the 108th Infantry. 

The 105th Infantry was to follow the 107th Infantry and the 
battalion of the 106th Infantiy across the canal, and then change 
direction to the north so as to deploy and exploit the territory 
northwest of Le Catelet, and, threatening Vendhuile, compel 
its evacuation. Colonel Andrews had imposed upon each of his 
battalions a separate and special mission. 

When the barrage opened the battalions moved forward as 
planned. At 7 :45 a. m. Lieutenant Colonel Charles W. Berry 
and Captain John AV. Frost, Regimental Operations Officer, were 
sent forward to open advance Regimental Headquarters at Dun- 
can Post. At 8:45 A. M. Lieutenant Colonel Berry sent back 
word that he had established temporary headquarters in a dugout 
on the road in F.16.d.7.5., due to conditions which obtained at 
the time at Duncan Post. Regimental Headquarters was then 
moved to the place temporarily^ selected. At 11 :55 a. m. a mes- 
sage was received from the 3d Battalion that leading troops had 
taken and occupied The Knoll and were in touch with a com- 
pany of Royal Fusiliers on the left. At noon Regimental Head- 
quarters was moved to Duncan Post, which was at the time occu- 
pied by Captain Frank J. Maldiner, commanding the 3d Bat- 
talion of the 108th Infantry. At 1:50 p. m. Captain Frank R. 
Potter, commanding Company F of the 105th Infantry, reported 
to the Regimental Commander that British troops on his left 
had withdrawn and that he was still occuping Willow Trench. 
Troops of the 105th Infantry were moved up in support of the 
107th Infantry to help stem enemy counter-attacks already de- 
scribed. The heavy fighting on the left has also been described. 
Soon the various companies of the 105th Infantry were utilized 




■J-^„ — 




Top: Officers' Quarters at Eegimental Headquarters 105th Infantry, 

August 20, 1918. 
Bottom: Wrecked City of St. Quentin, October, 1918. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 349 

in helping to stop the enemy counter-attacks in that sector. 
Troops of the 105th Infantry in the heavy fighting which fol- 
lowed found themselves in Willow Trench, Cochrane Avenue, 
Fag Trench, Island Traverse, Causeway Lane and part of Knoll 
Switch and positions in support. During the night Australian 
troops moved up in close support ready to continue their advance 
the following morning. At 6:20 p. m. on September 30th the 
105th Infantry was directed to withdraw to the vicinity of St. 
Emilie. Numbers of men of the regiment with similar outlying 
detachments of the 107th, 106th and 108th had gone forward 
with leading units of the 3d Australian Division when the latter 
division moved forward in its attack to the northeast on Septem- 
ber 30th, and hence could not be reached. Captain Clinton's 
3d Battalion of the 105th Infantry, for example, which had 
gained and tenaciously held the left of The Knoll, did not begin 
its withdrawal from the line until the early morning of October 
1st. The losses of the 105th Infantry in this battle as reported 
by the Regimental Commander were 4 officers killed and 10 
wounded ; 91 enlisted men killed and 504 wounded. 

In the 1st Battalion, First-Lieutenant John J. Callahan, com- 
manding Company A, First-Lieutenant Kevney O'Connor and 
Second-Lieutenant John T. Clissett, Jr., of Company B ; First- 
Lieutenant Harry Merz and Second-Lieutenant Clement A. G. 
Feldt were wounded. The Battalion Commander, Captain Henry 
Maslin, and his Adjutant, First-Lieutenant Ogden J. Ross, were 
also wounded. 

In the 2d Battalion, Captain James S. Slossen, commanding 
Company E, the two officers with Company G, First-Lieutenants 
Earl W. Maxson and Edward Warschauer were killed and Sec- 
ond-Lieutenant Edward Van Holland was wounded. 

In the 3d Battalion, Second-Lieutenant Harold J. Hobbs of 
Company I was killed and the Battalion Commander, Captain 
Stanley Bulkley, wounded. 

The signal work of the regiment was efficiently carried on when 
the extraordinary conditions are considered, but it was embar- 
rassed by the disability of the officer in charge, Second-Lieuten- 
ant Paul A. Florian, who was wounded early in the battle. 

Many of the officers and enlisted men of the regiment distin- 
guished themselves. The three Battalion Commanders, Captains 



350 71sT NEW YORK 

McArthur, Maslin and Bulkley, led their battalions with skill and 
determination, the latter two being wounded as stated above. 
Captain Bulkley, who commanded on the left, was succeeded by 
Captain Jacob S. Clinton. 

The Knoll never left the possession of the troops of the 105th 
and the 1st Battalion of the 107th after they took it on the morn- 
ing of September 29th. 

In this battle Private Anthony Sclafani of Company A won 
the Distinguished Service Cross for shielding a Lewis gunner in 
an exposed position with his body, while the gunner poured fire 
into the enemy. This act was performed despite the fact that 
Private Sclafani had been wounded once in reaching the Lewis 
gunner and twice more while shielding him. He finally lost 
consciousness, but after his wounds were dressed insisted on 
leaving the field unaided. 

The 105th Machine Gun Battalion, under command of Major 
Kenneth Gardner^ participated in the firing of the machine gun 
barrage on the morning of September 29th. The companies from 
left to right were commanded as follows : Company A by Captain 
Lucius H. Biglow, Jr., Company B by Captain Nathaniel H. 
Eggleston, Company D by Captain Stanton Whitney and Com- 
pany C by Captain Robert R. Molyneux. None of the officers of 
the battalion were wounded. Thirty-five guns were employed. 
Upon the completion of the barrage the guns were laid on the 
S. O. S. line and preparations made to move forward to St. 
Emilie, where the battalion arrived at 4:45 P. M. Late in the 
afternoon of September 29th, in order to stiffen the advance of 
the left flank, guns were placed in position at Thistle Trench, 
Lempire Post, St. Patrick 's Lane, Yak Post, the trench at F.lO.a. 
8.2. and at Duncan Post, with reserve guns in Kent Lane and 
Pomponius Avenue. The latter were planned to be placed in 
Doleful Post, Egg Post and Fag Support, but these places were 
found to be crowded with Australian and British machine gun- 
ners. At 9.50 p. M. Company B fired 4,000 rounds of harassing 
fire on targets in the vicinity of Tino Trench. The battalion re- 
mained in position throughout the day of September 30th, the 
withdrawal being completed at 12 :50 p. m. on October 1st. 

The 106th Machine Gun Battalion, commanded by Major 
Mortimer D. Bryant, occupied an area behind the 108th Infan- 



IN THE WORLD WAR 351 

try, generally in F.22, 23 and 29. The companies were com- 
manded as follows: Company A, First-Lieutenant Edgar T. 
Beamish ; Company B, Captain Harold W. Bousfield ; Company 
C, First-Lieutenant Nicholas E. Devereux, Jr., and Company D, 
Captain Charles N. Morgan. Second-Lieutenant Lawrence Beat- 
tie, Battalion Adjutant, was wounded. 

Each company used twelve guns. Needed supplies for all guns 
were reported by the Battalion Commander to have been fur- 
nished on time. The battalion fired the barrage as directed by 
the divisional Field Orders. Two hundred and fifteen thousand 
rounds of ammunition were expended in the firing of this bar- 
rage. After the completion of the barrage the companies were 
disposed in support of the 108th Infantry, but were not called 
upon to fire. They were relieved about noon en October 1st and 
marched to ViUers Faucon. 

The 104th Machine Gun Battalion under command of Major 
Chester H. King moved up from St. Emilie^ occupying a posi- 
tion of readiness at F.16.d.4.3., but was not called upon to fire. 
Its two companies were commanded respectively by First-Lieu- 
tenants Joseph B. Vanderbilt and Harley W. Black. 

The German forces on the front of the 27th Division in the 
battle of the Hindenburg Line were the units of the IV Corps. 
These were, on the north, the 8th Prussian Division, which had 
opposed the 27th Division in the battle of Vierstraat Ridge in 
Flanders, and which in this battle held Vendhuile and the out- 
works of the Hindenburg Line as far south as the Vendhuile- 
Lempire Road. South of the 8th Prussian Division was the 54th 
Division, which carried the line to a point midway between 
Guillemont Farm and Quennemont Farm. South of the 54th 
Division was the 121st Division, which carried the line to the 
area of the 30th American Division. In reserve at Le Catelet 
was the 2d Guard Division, commanded by Lieutenant-General 
V. Friedburg, the infantry of which was composed of the Kaiser 
Alexander Garde Grenadier Regiment No. 1, the Kaiser Franz 
Garde Grenadier Regiment No. 2 and the Koenigin Augusta 
Garde Grenadier Regiment No. 4. 

During the winter of 1920 Lieutenant-Colonel Edward 01m- 
stead, G-1 of the 27th Division, received a letter from the Chief 
of Staff of the 2d German Guard Division, Captain Karl von 



352 71sT NEW YORK 

linger, giving some information from the German point of view 
concerning the Hindenburg Line Battle. Some very interesting 
facts were given in this correspondence. Among other things 
this German officer states in reference to the attack of Septem- 
ber 27th, made by the 53d Brigade, that ''hand-to-hand fighting 
had occurred repeatedly, which was seldom the case with other 
adversaries. ' ' 

This German officer had been asked by Colonel Olmsted to 
express an opinion concerning the reason why the German forces 
were unable to prevent the ''break through" of the tunnel sec- 
tor of the Hindenburg Line. He wrote, "If even in normally 
conducted warfare all failures cannot be traced back to tactical 
errors, it is impossible under the conditions described to state 
a tactical reason why our front was penetrated in the tunnel 
sector while it held at other points. ' ' 

In another part of the letter Captain Von Unger referred to 
lack of sufficient numbers to deal by counter-attack with local 
penetration and then stated, "Had we possessed a number of 
troops only in some measure sufficient (in view of the weakness 
of the individual units you must not judge by the number of 
divisions) your attack would never have been crowned with such 
great success." 

Prior to the battle the 102d Engineers were occupied with a 
great diversity of work, principally having to do with roads and 
approaches to the front, so that the artillery, tanks and other 
auxiliary units might readily advance. A detachment of the 
engineer regiment constructed shelters of loose stone and sheet 
iron for the officers and men at the division post of command. 

The units of the division in the battle of September 29th cap- 
tured and passed through the divisional prisoner-of-war cage 
14 officers and 532 enlisted men, captured and passed through 
the Australian divisional cage 1 officer and 113 enlisted men and 
captured and passed through the 30th divisional cage 6 enlisted 
men. There were also captured and evacuated as wounded 2 
officers and 57 enlisted men, making a total of captures of 17 
officers and 763 enlisted men. 

There are some features of the battle which the reader inter- 
ested in the operations will find of special interest. In the first 
place the canal where it ran in the open cut constituted an ob- 






IN THE WORLD WAR 353 

stacle for tanks that could not be overcome. Accordingly, the 
sector where the canal ran through the tunnel offered the only 
opportunity for tanks to go through the Hindenburg Line, and 
was prepared for defense by the enemy in the manner that has 
been described. In the effort to break through the line, it was 
important that the- attack of the 4th British Army be made along 
its entire front so that the enemy might not know definitely in 
which paricular sector the real thrust would be made. It will be 
remembered, however, that when the 4th Army had battled its 
way to the line fronting the canal the III Corps had failed to 
take the outworks in the sector later assigned to the 27th Divi- 
sion, and that there followed the battle of September 27th for 
the purpose of gaining the outworks. The persistency of the 
effort which had been made in this sector fronting the northern 
half of the tunnel must have indicated to the enemy that when 
the main attack would be launched along the entire front the 
real effort would be made through the tunnel sector. The pres- 
ence of American troops on the front of the tunnel sector, as in- 
dicated by the attack of September 27th when prisoners were 
taken, must have furnished corroborative evidence that these un- 
tired and confident troops were on the front which was to be 
the scene of the real thrust. 

If this is true, it is proper to assume that the forces defending 
this sector were augmented at the expense of forces holding other 
parts of the front. Something of the kind is indicated by the 
fact that the 46th British Division immediately south of the 30th 
Division succeeded in crossing the open cut of the canal south 
of Bellicourt with little trouble, although, in anticipation of 
great difficulties, they were provided with life belts and rafts 
for the purpose. As a matter of fact, a very deep penetration 
was made by the British troops south of the tunnel sector, which 
apparently was made possible by the concentration of enemy 
forces in defense of the tunnel sector, where the enemy prob- 
ably and correctly believed the main effort was to be made. 



354 71sT NEW YORK 

ENEMY RETIREMENT FROM HINDENBURG LINE, THE PURSUIT TO 
LE SELLE RIVER, AND LE SELLE RIVER OPERATIONS 

On October 1st the 27th and 30th Divisions retired for rest 
and reorganization close behind the forward areas, but out of 
shell fire. 

Supporting troops of the 4th Army pushed through the break 
in the Hindenburg Line and took advantage of the great dis- 
organization which had been created among enemy troops as a 
result of the constant hard fighting which had taken place. On 
October 1st General Eawlinson directed a prepared attack to be 
made at 6 :05 a. m. on the morning of October 3d for the pur- 
pose of taking the high ground known as Manniquin Hill and 
the villages of Montbrehain and Beaurevoir, as well as Prospect 
Hill northeast of Gouy. This attack was generally successful. 
The enemy attempted to retain Eamicourt, but was driven out. 
At Montbrehain British troops captured about 1,000 German 
prisoners and a battery of field artillery. The enemy continued 
to withdraw. The line of the Beaurevoir- Gouy Road was 
reached with practically no opposition. Macquincourt Farm, 
near the north end of the tunnel, was one of the last points of 
resistance to give way. 

On October 3d an Alsacian prisoner was captured who stated 
that roads and points in the back areas, as well as buildings and 
bridges, were being mined and prepared for demolition to retard 
pursuit. 

On October 5th the 2d Australian Division attacked Montbre- 
hain. The attack was successful. Numerous prisoners were 
taken and the enemy seemed to be disorganized. As a result of 
this deep penetration beyond the breach made in the Hinden- 
burg Line the enemy were compelled to withdraw along the 
entire front between Lens and Armentieres. On this day a 
warning order was received that the II American Corps would 
prepare to relieve the Australian Corps in the line, the 30th 
Division to take over the front line with the 27th Division in 
reserve, the latter division probably to move about October 9th. 

Beyond the Hindenburg Line, French villages were intact and 
the country had not been devastated by the war. In fact, it had 
been under German domination since 1914. As one proceeds 



IN THE WORLD WAR 355 

easterly over the rolling country beyond the Ilinclenburg Line, 
the most serious natural obstacle to be met is Le Selle River. It 
was evident that the enemy would not retire beyond Le Selle 
River^ but along the line of the stream would make another 
stand. 

On October 6th the II American Corps, composed of the 27th 
and 30th Divisions, was again assigned for active operations 
with the 4th Army. As planned, the 30th Division took the 
lead with the 27th Division in support. On this day the 53d 
Brigade marched to the Tincourt area and the next day ad- 
vanced to the Hervilly area, the 54th Brigade moving to the 
area vacated by the 53d Brigade. 

On October 8th the 27th Division troops marched to the Tin- 
court area, which had just been vacated by the 54th Brigade, 
that brigade moving to the Bellicourt area. 

On October 10th the 54th Brigade marched to bivouacs just 
south and east of Fremont, the 53d Brigade at the same time 
moving into the Brancourt area and the divisional troops to the 
vicinity of Montbrehain. 

It became clear that the enemy intended to hold the line of 
Le Selle River in force. Dispositions of the enemy were un- 
known along the front, and the cloudy, rainy weather had made 
air reconnaissance unsatisfactory. The pursuit had ended, and 
the 4th Army was confronted with the task of reconnoitering 
the enemy's position and preparing for another big attack. 

On the night of October 11th the 27th Division took over the 
line extending from St. Benin (exclusive) to Vaux Andigny 
(inclusive). This line was 11,000 yards in length and included 
not only the sector held by the 30th Division, but a part of the 
line held by the 6th British Division. At daylight on the 11th 
the 54th Brigade had marched to woods east of Fremont, the 53d 
Brigade in close support at Fremont and divisional troops on 
the march to the latter place. 

The 53d Brigade, less one battalion of the 105th Infantry, 
moved up in close support to bivouacs west and northwest of 
Busigny. 

At about 1 :45 p. m. on Sunday, October 13th, the enemy put 
dowm a heavy crash of shell fire on the village of Busigny. Sev- 
eral of these shells struck in the courtyard of the chateau at 



356 71sT NEW YORK 

Bisigny, where Division Headquarters had just been located. 
Other shells fell in and about the Brigade Headquarters. 

On October 15th, pursuant to orders from the II American 
Corps, Field Orders No. 62 were issued in preparation for the 
attack to be made on the 17th. This order directed that the front 
then held by the division be further reduced by the 30th Divi- 
sion relieving that portion of the 54th Brigade holding the sector 
south of W.9.b.0.5. This reduction resulted in the divisional 
sector extending from Q.28.C.0.0. on the north to W.9.b.0.5. on the 
south. The 53d Brigade was directed to relieve the 54th Brigade 
in the right half of the new divisional sector, which gave each of 
the brigades a frontage of about 1,000 yards. The interbrigade 
boundary was fixed at Q.34.C.0.0. The enemy was holding a line 
on the east bank of Le Selle River as far south as St. Souplet, 
from which point the line continued on the west bank of the 
river facing our line and a short distance therefrom throughout 
the remainder of the divisional sector. The river had been 
dammed by the enemy so as to make considerable backwater in 
the river bed within the divisional sector. The permanent 
bridges at St. Souplet and Marsh Mill had been destroyed by 
the enemy. East of the river the ground rose gradually for a 
short distance. About 300 yards east of the stream a railway ran 
nearly parallel to the river and upon a railway embankment 
about thirty to forty feet high. The railroad was carried on a 
heavy stone bridge over the road running from St. Souplet east- 
erly to Arbre Guernon and Mazingheim. To the east of this rose 
a low ridge which again sloped to a valley running to the north- 
ward, in which lay Bandival Farm. On the next rise ran the 
main Le Gateau- Arbre Guernon Road, the latter named village 
being at the extreme southern edge of the divisional boundary. 
Advantage Farm, an organized strong point, lay a short dis- 
tance north of Arbre Guernon at the top of the rise. Farther 
eastward the terrain again rose to a ridge on which was located 
Jonc de Mer Farm and then sloped to a valley running to the 
north, and rising again to another ridge on which was located 
La Jonquiere Farm. The two farms named were organized as 
enemy strong points. Beyond lay the valley of the St. Maurice 
River and then another ridge beyond which lay Catillon and the 
Canal de la Sambre. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 357 

The redistribution of troops in preparation for the attack was 
effected without incident as directed, on the night of October 
14th-15th. 

On the 15th of October orders were received from the II 
American Corps that the divisions of the corps would attack on 
the 17th in the sectors assigned them, and that at the same time 
the remainder of the 4th Army would also attack. These orders 
cover the operations which became known as the Battle of Le 
Selle River. The 54th Brigade with the 108th Infantrj^ in the 
lead and the 107th in support was to attack in the left half of 
the divisional sector from St. Souplet, while the 53d Brigade 
with the 105th Infantry in the lead and the 106th Infantry in 
support was to attack on the south half of the divisional sector. 

The artillery assigned to the division was that of the 4th Aus- 
tralian Division. Zero hour was fixed at 5 :20 A. m. on October 
17th. The barrage was to move forward at the rate of 100 yards 
in three minutes, first having rested for three minutes on the 
artiUery start line. The infantry was to advance under this 
barrage to a line approximately along the Arbre Guernon-Le Ga- 
teau Road, a distance of about 3,000 yards from the jumping-off 
line, where the barrage was to halt for thirty minutes to give 
the infantry time to reorganize and mop up. At the end of this 
half hour the infantry was again to follow the barrage to the 
first objective, which was a line running north and south and 
located immediately east of Jonc de Mer Farm. Here the first 
line was to organize a line of resistance and the troops designated 
to take the second objective were to advance and prepare to con- 
tinue the attack. The artiUery was to fire a protective barrage 
for thirty minutes and then lift and search the ground eastward. 
After the line had halted on the first objective for three hours, 
the second line battalions were to pass through the front line and 
continue the advance, with the assistance of tanks, supported by 
batteries cooperating directly with them, but without the creep- 
ing barrage. The advance was to be made in open warfare for- 
mation to the second objective, which was a line on the crest of 
the hill just west of Catillon, where the infantry was to halt, 
organize a line of resistance and immediately exploit to the line 
of the Canal de la Sambre. The machine gun battalions were 
to support the attack with a machine gun barrage. The Engi- 



358 71sT NEW YORK 

neers were directed to prepare foot bridges in readiness for the 
opening of the attack, and as soon as the first infantry wave 
crossed Le Selle River behind the barrage were to carry the foot 
bridges forward and place them at designated points indicated 
in special instructions given them. At the same time a large de- 
tachment of engineers was to undertake the repair of the bridge 
over the river at St. Souplet, which had been blown up, or the 
construction of a temporary bridge strong enough to enable the 
artillery to cross. Another detachment of engineers were di- 
rected to follow the infantry across the stream and to clear away 
the debris of the stone railroad bridge which had been blown 
up and which was effectively blocking the road from St. Souplet 
to Arbre Guernon. Ten heavy tanks were assigned the division 
but as it was believed that these tanks could not cross Le Selle 
River as far north as the 27th Division sector, it was planned 
that they would cross where the stream presented less of an ob- 
stacle further to the south, and then move north to assist the 
infantiy as soon as practicable after crossing. One squadron 
of the 20th British Hussars was assigned the 27th Division by 
the 4th Army. Each of the infantry brigades was furnished with 
a detachment of troopers from this squadron, while the remain- 
der were held under orders of the Division Commander. 

October 16, 1918. 

SUPPLEMENTARY MEMORANDUM FOR BRIGADE COMMANDERS 
PRELUVIINARY ARRANGEMENTS 

1. Zero hour will be communicated to you by a Division Staflf 
Officer. 

2. Synchronization of watches will be effected upon the ar- 
rival of a Division Staff Officer, as soon as proper time is re- 
ceived from the corps. 

3. Compass bearing should be taken on boundaries and prom- 
inent points to serve as a means of accurate identification of 
position. 

4. Mopping-up parties should be assigned special tasks. 

5. In addition to flank protection liaison should be main- 
tained from rear forward. 

6. Means of communication: 



IN THE WORLD WAR 359 

Signal lamps. It has been found in recent operations that 
the most successful means of maintaining communication has 
been by use of signal lamps. 

The terrain over which this operation will take place affords 
excellent opportunity for their successful use. Stations should 
be established in advance, and operators fully informed of their 
positions. 

Telephone, buzzer and wireless; message rockets; runners. 
Routes for runners should be selected as far as practicable 
before the operation. Such routes, in order to reduce casualties, 
should avoid shelled areas most likely to be shelled. 

Mounted orderlies. 

7. Supplies: Battle stores, grenades, flares, discs^ rockets; hot 
food — necessary arrangements for; rations, rum. 

8. Dressing stations. Information concerning them should 
reach all concerned. 

9. Information: 

Send back frequently, even if negative. Be accurate. 

Quote time in body of message as well as time sent. 

Determine exact locations. 

Send staff officers to secure information as an additional 
means. 

Observe the roads for men returning from the front and 
question them for purpose of ascertaining duties upon 
which they are engaged. Get their estimate of the situa- 
tion if they have returned from the front line. 

10. Correct false impressions. It has been found that in re- 
cent operations men returning from the front line frequently 
bear wild tales as to losses and conditions in the front line. The 
impressions are usually based on local conditions within a lim- 
ited area, and their discussion is deemed to be general. 

11. Wounded should be accompanied only when absolutely 
necessary, and then by the least possible number. 

12. Prisoners. Guards should be small and should return 
immediately to the line. Prisoners should he returned immedi- 
ately to he treated with the consideration imposed by regulations 
(reference G. 0. 159). 

13. Stragglers. This subject is of especial importance now, 
in view of the present strength of organizations. Use all avail- 
able means to prevent stragglers from reaching the rear. 

Watch your headquarters to see that there are no unauthorized 
men present. 



360 71sT NEW YORK 

14. Roll call. After the operation a roll call should be made 
immediately to determine the actual number of men present and 
so far as practicable to fix the number of casualties. 

Even during the operation constant effort should be made to 
ascertain the strength of the unit under your command. 

This applies particularly to company and platoon command- 
ers, and commanders of small units. 

15. Police of battle-field. Upon conclusion of the operation it 
is important to determine the number of machine guns and other 
arms captured, and to identify their locations, and if practicable 
to secure such captures. However, this does not contemplate that 
troops should be sent to the rear for the purpose. 

Plans will issue for the evacuation of wounded and dead. 
By Command of Major General 'Ryan. 

Stanley H. Ford, 
Colonel, G. S., Chief of Staff. 

The division at this time was a very different division from 
that which had joined the 4th British Army a month before. 
The division had joined that army with units in the full power 
of their strength, except that the 53d Brigade units had suffered 
some losses in Flanders. But at this time the very heavy casu- 
alties of the Hindenburg Line operations had greatly reduced 
the strength of all units, and extraordinary as it may seem, no 
replacements had been received to make up for these great losses. 
Accordingly the rifle strength of the regiments at this time was 
as follows: 

105th Infantry 732 

106th Infantry 405 

107th Infantry 648 

108th Infantry 592 

or a total rifle strength for the division of but 2,377 men, instead 
of more than 12,000 which the division should have had. But 
what the division lacked in numbers was made up, in substantial 
measure at least, in the experience and skill it had acquired. The 
confidence exhibited in the Hindenburg Line Battle was still in 
evidence, but now it was accompanied by experienced under- 
standing and deliberation of preparation and movement. Dtir- 
ing the operations of Le Selle River the men of the division cap- 



IN THE WORLD AVAR 361 

tured many more prisoners and with much less loss than was the 
ease in the Hindenburg Line Battle. This, of course, was mainly 
due to the strength of the Hindenburg Line defenses and to the 
determined resistance offered there by the enemy, as compared 
with the conditions existing in the enemy ranks during the opera- 
tions of Le Selle River. At the same time, however, it is believed 
that the results were materially affected by the greater experience 
and more certain skill possessed by the division in the latter 
operations. 

Preceding the battle of October 17th, the usual divisional, 
brigade, regimental and battalion conferences were held. All 
troops reached their battle stations on time and in the manner 
prescribed by ordei-s. On the morning of the attack there was 
a heavy mist which added to the density of the smoke barrage 
which had come to be a feature of attacks at this time. At zero 
hour the barrage fell along the westerly side of the river where 
the enemy still held vantage points, particularly south of St. 
Souplet. There had been continuous house-to-house sniping and 
patrol fighting on the easterly edges of St. Souplet during the 
preceding week. 

At 5:20 on the morning of October 17th, when the barrage 
fell, the troops moved forward. On the front of the 108th In- 
fantry in the left half of the divisional sector that regiment 
attacked in column of battalions. The river was crossed by 
wading with little difficulty, except that some of the men got 
into water deep enough to wet their gas masks. The damaged 
respirators were replaced from battalion and regimental reserve. 
The first strong resistance met was from the westerly side of the 
railroad embankment. Much opposition was expected to be met 
at Bandival Farm in Q.29.C. central. Our artillery had shelled 
this place heavily and the machine gun battalions had visited it 
■with a hurricane of machine gun bullets for a considerable 
period of time and up to wdthin a few minutes of the arrival of 
the leading waves of the 108th Infantry. The place was mopped 
up with little difficulty and a large number of prisoners taken. 

By nine o'clock in the morning elements of the leading bat- 
talion had reached the road running northwest to southeast from 
Abre Guernon to Le Gateau. Here resistance was met in the 
form of heavy flank fire from the heights in the area of the 



362 71sT NEW YORK 

British division at Q.23. central and from Jonc de Mer Farm at 
R.25.a. Under very heavy enemy machine gun and shell fire the 
leading battalion of the 108th Infantry, now reinforced to some 
extent by elements from the following battalions, held the line 
gained for three hours. At this time a heavy counter-attack 
developed against the right elements of the British division on 
the left and the latter were forced to fall back several hundred 
yards. This exposed the left flank of the 108th Infantry to 
envelopment and their line on the left was thereupon strength- 
ened and refused, that is to say, bent back so as to maintain 
connection with the British. Later the line of the 108th Infan- 
try, on account of the severity of the flank fire directed against 
it, withdrew to the ridge immediately southwest of the road from 
Abre Guernon to Le Gateau and about 250 yards therefrom. 
There the battalion dug in and consolidated its line. The 108th 
Infantry in its advance had covered about 2,500 yards. They 
captured several hundred prisoners, numerous machine guns and 
anti-tank rifles, together with four field pieces. 

What was particularly noticeable in inspecting the area cov- 
ered by this advance was the very considerable number of Ger- 
man dead. Along the railroad embankment already mentioned 
a large number of dead were found. 

On the south half of the divisional sector the 105th Infantry 
attacked in column of battalions with the 1st Battalion in the 
lead, followed by the 2d Battalion, and the 3d Battalion, in the 
order named. 

At 5 :20, when our supporting barrage fell, the enemy 's counter 
barrage almost immediately fell along the front held by the 105th 
Infantry. Lieutenant James Bergen, commanding Company E, 
and Lieutenant A. G. Cunningham of Company H were killed 
as a result of this fire, while Captain Raymond F. Hodgdon, 
commanding Company H, and First-Lieutenant Leo F. Giblyn, 
commanding Company D, were wounded A number of enlisted 
men were killed and wounded. The Machine Gun Company, 
which was to move forward behind the leading battalion of the 
regiment, also suffered heavy casualties. 

The attacking troops were almost immediately lost to view in 
the dense smoke and mist. Early reports showed the attack was 
progressing favorably. At 8 :35 a. m. Regimental Headquarters 



I 



IN THE WORLD WAR 363 

moved from Escaufourt to St. Souplet. At 9 :15 A. M. Colonel 
Andrews received a message from Captain Frank R. Potter, com- 
manding Company E, stating that his company had arrived at 
Abre Guernon and was engaged in clearing the town. It was 
also reported that Companies G, H and I had also reached Abre 
Gueron. Company D, commanded by First-Lieutenant Ben- 
jamin Buckley, was farther north. With the message from 
Captain Potter there arrived under guard as prisoners three 
enemy officers and 133 enemy enlisted men. Company C and 
other detachments of the 1st Battalion had at this time advanced 
through Abre Guernon and were attempting to proceed north- 
east upon the first objective. At 12:27 p. m. the Commanding 
Officer of the 2d Battalion reported that his line was established 
on the eastern outskirts of Abre Guernon and that he w^as held 
up by intense enemy machine gun fire. 

It will be remembered that the leading battalion of the regi- 
ment was the 1st Battalion. When the enemy barrage fell on 
this battalion it caused so many casualties that there was some 
confusion, with the result that the 2d Battalion went through 
carrying with them many of the men of the 1st Battalion. When 
the 2d Battalion with Company C and other attached groups of 
the 1st Battalion arrived at Abre Guernon the 2d Battalion pro- 
ceeded to mop up the village, while Company C, with other ele- 
ments of the 1st Battalion which had gone forward, reorganized 
and endeavored to continue the advance beyond Abre Guernon. 
Due to lack of numbers the enemy resistance was sufficient to 
stop further advance and accordingly the leading elements of 
the 105th Infantry consolidated their line for the night on the 
easterly outskirts of Abre Guernon, continuing their line around 
the village to the south and west. The left of the 30th Division 
on the right had not been able to get forward up to the time the 
line was established, and accordingly the right of the 105th 
Infantry was refused as a defensive flank until it joined with 
the 30th Division. During the afternoon and evening the 30th 
Division established its front on a line with the 105th Infantry. 

The 2d Battalion had two companies in line, with the remain- 
ing two companies in support when they followed the 1st Bat- 
talion of the 108th Infantry. At 1 :50 P. M. Captain Frank R. 
smoke and as well the heavy shelling, which seemed to affect the 



364 71sT NEW YORK 

compasses. The left of the battalion line skirted the southern 
portion of St, Souplet as it crossed the river. At the railroad 
track and embankment some casualties were sustained, but a 
considerable number of machine guns and prisoners were taken. 
The line of the railroad was thoroughly mopped up and other 
machine gun nests overcome in the advance toward Abre Guer- 
non. Patrols approached both flanks of the village while groups 
pushed forward from the front. Bursts of machine gun fire 
were received during this advance, but the place was taken and 
mopped up with the result that a large number of prisoners 
and material were captured. Captain MacArthur moved his 
battalion headquarters to Abre Guernon and having reorganized 
his forces made an effort with the aid of a tank to advance the 
line. The tank, however, was put out of action. 

The 3d Battalion, commanded by Lieutenant Carl G. R. Ross, 
had much difficulty in getting to its battle stations. The bat- 
talion followed the 2d Battalion through Busigny at 3 :20 a. m. 
and moved to its position south of St. Souplet. En route in the 
darkness they were subjected to very heavy shelling and con- 
centrations of gas. Masks were continuously worn. Shells ; 
striking in Company L broke the column so that part of Com- 
pany L and all of Company M were for a time separated from 
the rest of the battalion, but arrived in their positions shortly ' 
before the barrage opened. Battalion Headquarters was estab- 
lished in a ditch near the cross road near "W.2.b.5.3. When the 
barrage fell the 3d Battalion followed the 2d Battalion in artil-- 
lery formation at a distance of about 300 yards, Companies I 
and L in the lead on the left and right respectively, being fol- 
lowed by Companies K and M. The battalion evacuated 200 
prisoners taken by the leading battalions. 

When the battalion reached the line of the railroad, it havingj 
been charged with the protection of the right flank of the regi-i 
ment, its dispositions were reorganized and a wait of two hour® 
resulted. The left of the 30th Division had been unable to ge4 
forward. Contact with that division, however, was made andl 
when its left regiment went forward the advance of the 3d Bat-f 
talion of the 105th Infantry continued toward Abre Guernon.i 
The advance was made in line of skirmishers and without resist-ll 
ance, the leading battalions having apparently cleaned up thei 



IN THE WORLD WAR 365 

area covered by them. When near Abre Guernon and within 
supporting distance of the troops there, the Battalion Com- 
mander received a message from Captain Potter of Company E, 
asking for reinforcements. This was at 11 :25 a. m. Lieuten- 
ent George with Company M was immediately sent forward to 
Abre Guernon. On approaching the ridge leading north from 
Abre Guernon, strong machine gun fire was met. Units of the 3d 
Battalion, however, pushed forward to strengthen the left of 
the regimental sector. Lieutenant Alexander Granat of Com- 
pany I at this point made a personal reconnaissance of the left 
of the regimental front and established liaison with the right of 
the 108th Infantry, which shortly before had retired behind the 
Abre Guernon-Le Cateau Road as already narrated. By this 
time men of the 105th Infantry had captured and mopped up 
Advantage Farm, 500 yards north of Abre Guernon. 

The Machine Gun Company of the 105th Infantry had eight 
guns with the leading battalion and the remainder of the guns 
with the 3d Battalion. Its captain accompanied the leading bat- 
talion. Lieutenant Higbee, commanding the third platoon of 
the Machine Gun Company, went with the 3d Battalion. The 
Machine Gun Company assumed its battle positions on time. 
Captain Bird reported that two minutes before zero hour troops 
on the south of the divisional sector opened up a machine gun 
barrage with the result that the enemy artillery counter barrage 
promptly replied, its fire overlapping on the right of the 27th 
Division front. Three large shells struck along the road in the 
vicinity of the Machine Gun detachment and inflicted so many 
casualties that the detachment was for the time demoralized. 
These casualties amounted to ten dead and forty-five wounded, 
among the company personnel and the carriers. The machine gun 
platoon with the 3d Battalion went forward and assisted in the 
fighting in the vicinity of Q.36.b., north to Advantage Farm. 

, From among the survivors of the remainder of the company, 
two squads were equipped and sent forward to the railroad 
bridge in support. Captain Bird went forward and conferred 
with Captain MacArthur at Abre Guernon. The latter directed 
that in view of the paucity of numbers in and about Abre Guer- 

, non and Advantage Farm additional machine guns be brought 
up to repel possible enemy counter attacks. By the early eve- 



366 71sT NEW YORK 

ning twenty-one guns were disposed with good fields of fire for 
the defense of the line of the 33d Brigade against enemy coun- 
ter-attack. These guns were supplied by the Machine Gun Com- 
panies of the 105th and 106th Infantry Eegiments and by de- 
tachments from the 105th Machine Gun Battalion. 

The 105th Machine Gun Battalion had in the meantime moved 
forward to a supporting position. Dispositions in depth were 
made to dispel possible enemy counter-attack. 

The 107th Infantry followed the 108th on the morning of the 
17th of October. The 107th Infantry crossed the river in rear 
of the 108th and took up a support position along the road about 
400 yards east of the railroad. In the afternoon the 107th In- 
fantry sent detachments forward in closer support of the 108th^ 
taking up positions in Bandival Farm Hollow. 

The 106th Infantry experienced considerable difficulty in get- 
ting through the gas and shell fire in the area between Busigny 
and Escaufourt. Their numbers were inconsiderable. However, 
such strength as the regiment possessed was placed in support 
of the 105th Infantry in its sector. The leading battalion was 
the 1st, under command of Captain Ames T. Brown. 

En route to its battle station the 106th Infantry had to cross 
the trench system on the westerly side of Le Selle River opposite 
Marsh Mill, which is 1,000 yards south of St. Souplet. This 
trench system had evidently been constructed by the Germans 
for training purposes at a time when this area was well back of 
their front line. 

The 2d Battalion of the 106th Infantry in its advance had 
borne a little to the right of its correct line of march and had 
come under heavy machine gun fire from St. Martin River e, 
which was just outside the divisional boundary on the south. 
The fire from this place proved sufficiently attractive to this bat- 
talion of the 106th Infantry to cause it immediately to attack 
the place, which they did with such dash that with the aid of 
four tanks they quickly gained and mopped up the position. 
After this distraction they continued on to the railroad embank- 
ment. In the fighting at St. Martin Rivere they had gained 
touch with the left of the 30th Division, but in the advance to 
the railroad embankment this contact had been lost. Patrols 



IN THE WORLD WAR 367 

were sent out from the battalion and contact with the 3d Divi- 
sion regained at 10 :30 A. M. 

The 1st and 3d Battalions of the 106th Infantry having cleared 
the practise system of trenches already described, gained Le 
Selle River and there awaited further orders. It was at this 
time that the 3d Battalion of the 105th Infantry, which was the 
reserve battalion of that regiment, pushed on toward Abre Guer- 
non. 

Shortly thereafter the 2d Battalion of the 106th Infantry be- 
gan its further advance and arrived at Abre Guernon at 12:15 
P. M. The 2d Battalion was followed by the 1st and 3d Bat- 
talions of the same regiment, and these latter units moved up in 
support on the sunken road near Abre Guernon, where they 
arrived at 1 : 30 P. M. In referring to these units as battalions 
the reader must bear in mind their strength, which has already 
been referred to. The entire rifle strength of the 106th Infan- 
try at this time was less than 400 men. The 1st Battalion had 
considerably less than 100 men on this occasion. 

The tanks which had been assigned to the support of the 27th 
Division, it will be remembered, were to cross Le Selle River 
south of the divisional sector, and then having moved north in the 
territory east of the river were to come up to the support of the 
leading infantry elements in the attack. The tanks, however, 
having crossed the stream, lost their way in the mist and smoke 
and with the exception of one of their number played no part in 
the attack, at least in the area of the 27th Division. One tank 
did reach the vicinity of Abre Guernon in time to receive orders 
to take part in the effort shortly to be made to push the advance 
beyond Abre Guernon, as already narrated. The tank, however, 
was destroyed by shell fire after an advance of not more than 
1,000 yards. 

By noon the engineers had sufficiently finished the bridge over 
Le Selle River for the transportation of vehicles. 

By the evening of October 17th the division had advanced the 
line on the divisional front to the ridge 200 yards west of the 
Abre Guernon-Le Cateau highway with outposts close to the high- 
way. On the right half of the divisional sector the line was ad- 
vanced to Advantage Farm and Abre Guernon, both of which 
places were securely held with outposts in front. Behind this 



368 71sT NEW YORK 

line, which was held by the depleted battalions of the 108th In- 
fantry on the left and the 105th Infantry on the right, the 107th 
Infantry was in support in the Bandival Farm Hollow, with the 
106th Machine Gun Battalion occupying positions to support 
the front line. Behind the 105th Infantry was established the 
supporting line of the depleted units of the 106th Infantry, 
which were generally located in and about the road west of 
Abre Guernon. During the evening of October 17th all of these 
units were reorganized and in some cases redisposed where the 
tactical situation might be bettered. It will be seen therefore 
that a very material advance had been made and a large number 
of prisoners and material captured. The material included a 
locomotive and railroad train of fifteen cars, several motor trucks, 
one of which was brought back to the States as a souvenir and 
is now on exhibition in New York City. Scores of very heavy 
anti-tank rifles were also taken in this advance, together with 
the ever present machine guns, both light and heavy, and light 
minnenwerfers. 

Most of the prisoners captured were from the 413th, 414th 
and 120th Infantry Regiments of the 204th German Division and 
the 1st and 3d Marine Regiments of the 3d German Naval Divi- 
sion. In this day 's fighting the division captured 23 officers and 
569 other ranks. 

The brigades were to continue the attack in the sub-sectors 
already assigned them. In the brigade orders it was prescribed 
that in the 54th Brigade the 107th Infantry, going through the 
108th Infantry, would carry forward the attack, supported by 
the 108th Infantry, while in the 53d Brigade the attack was to 
be continued by the 105th Infantry, still supported by what was 
left of the 106th Infantry. This was necessary in the case of the 
53d Brigade because of the inadequate numbers of the 106th In- 
fantry to cover the front of the attack. 

The divisional reserve was to consist of the 104th Machine Gun 
Battalion, the 102d Engineers, less one battalion, and one squad- 
ron of the 20th British Hussars. The 105th and 106th Machine 
Gun Battalions were to fire supporting shoots on special targets 
that had been designated for attention during the progress of 
the artillery barrage. Upon completion of the barrage, com- 




Top: Bridge at St. Souplet Built under Heavy Fire by 102nd Engineers. 
Bottom : More German Prisoners Being Brought In. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 369 

mand of these battalions automatically reverted to the infantry 
brigade commanders. 

When the attack opened, the barrage fell as planned, on the 
Abre Guernon-Le Gateau Road from a point immediately north 
of Advantage Farm to a point near the northern divisional 
boundary. The 107th Infantry on the left and on this front 
swept forward closely behind the barrage and with little loss 
overcame the enemy groups occupying the roadway. The 107th 
Infantry got forward in most satisfactory fashion until the line 
of Jonc de Mer Farm-La Roux Farm was met. These farms 
occupied the easterly side of the plateau shown on the map. 
This line was well held by enemy machine gun parties and sup- 
porting infantry groups. Their strength and the intensity of 
their fire were sufficient to stop the attack in front of this line. 
La Roux Farm, with the machine gun positions in the hedges 
about it, was assaulted and captured. Within two hours after the 
attacking line had been stopped, the position was mopped up 
and prisoners evacuated. Shortly after this success, Jonc de Mer 
Farm, which was on the inter-brigade boundary, was attacked 
from both flanks by detachments of the 107th Infantry on the left 
and the 105th Infantry on the right, with the result that it also 
fell into our hands. 

By this time the 50th British Division, on the left of the 27th 
Division, had moved its line forward so that its right flank was 
in touch with the 107th Infantry at La Roux Farm. The left part 
of the line of the 50th British Division, however, was held up, 
and this seemed to slow down their progress. 

In the area of the 53d Brigade the 105th Infantry went for- 
ward at zero hour and almost immediately met with heavy enemy 
machine gun fire from the many hedges on their immediate front. 
Heavy enfilade fire was also received from the 30th Division area 
on the right. The advance of the 105th Infantry was therefore 
delayed by the fighting which resulted and lost the barrage. 
Progress, however, was slowly but steadily made by the deter- 
mination and skilful action of combat patrols which enveloped 
enemy machine gun positions one after the other, killing or cap- 
turing the defenders. When their line had been advanced to 
the vicinity of Jonc de Mer Farm, it was held up as already 
explained until the farm was captured. 



370 71sT NEW YORK 

In the area of the 30th Division, it seems that their attack was 
embarrassed by the fact that the IX British Corps on their right 
had received an order not to begin its attack until 11 o'clock in 
the morning. In order that the right of the 30th Division might 
not lose contact with the left of the 6th British Division on its 
right, it was necessary for the right brigade of the 30th Divi- 
sion to refuse its right flank as the brigade advanced. This re- 
sulted in the 30th Division being delayed. Accordingly, when 
the line of the 105th Infantry had reached Jonc de Mer Ridge 
and had been unable to connect up with the right of the 30th 
Division, patrols were sent out to establish communication. 
These patrols came under heavy enemy fire from the direction of 
Mazingheim, in the area of the 30th Division. Accordingly the 
right flank of the 105th Infantry was refused toward the hedges 
immediately east of Abre Guernon. This extension of the line of 
the 105th Infantry was promptly reported over the wire from 
Abre Guernon and at 3 :00 P. M. Company F of the 102d Engi- 
neers, in strength almost equal to one of the infantry battalions, 
was sent forward in support of the 105th and 106th Infantry 
Regiments, which by that time had become merged. Company 
F of the engineer regiment was sent to Advantage Farm, where 
it was about 2,000 yards behind the front line. 

When the 105th Infantry went forward on the morning of 
October 18th the leading waves on the left half of the battalion 
sector constituted not more than forty men under command of 
Lieutenants Alexander Granat and Marvin L. Atkins. It was 
these detachments which with the right elements of the 107th 
Infantry cleaned up Jonc de Mer Farm. The greatest resistance 
was met from the line of the sunken road leading southeast from 
Jonc de Mer Farm to Mazingheim. After some stiff fighting on 
the front of the 3d Battalion of the 105th Infantry, about 150 
of the enemy were driven off down the road toward Mazingheim. 
A very considerable number of their dead were left behind. Pa- 
trols occupied Jonc de Mer Ridge, which was found to be very 
weLL organized with dugouts and shelters. Two trench mortars, 
six light machine guns, five heavy machine guns and three anti- 
tank rifles and a large quantity of German hand grenades and 
small arms ammunition were captured along this road by this 
small detachment of the 3d Battalion of the 105th Infantry. A 



IN THE WORLD WAR 371 

number of prisoners were taken from the deep dugouts. The 
Battalion Commander, in his report of the activities at this time, 
paid special tribute to the valor, determination and skill of the 
small group that constituted his battalion. 

It appeared from all reports received that the enemy defense 
had been considerably demoralized. Their resistance was de- 
pendent upon machine gun groups, supported by infantry de- 
tachments, the whole in turn supported by enemy artillery fire 
from the heights of Catillon. 

A defense of the character mentioned could have been quickly 
overcome by an aggressive advance by troops possessing requi- 
site numbers and free from overfatigue. The troops of the 27th 
Division, however, at this time, had been in the line since the 
night of October llth-12th — in other words, for seven days and 
seven nights of practically continuous fighting. During this 
time they had been actively engaged against the enemy and their 
strength had been depleted until companies of the infantry regi- 
ments had a rifle strength of twenty or thirty men each. The 
enemy machine gunners were skilful and courageous. In most 
cases they fired their guns to the last. Their supporting infan- 
try detachments, however, were lacking in morale and frequently 
sought an opportunity to surrender. Under these conditions 
the Division Commander directed that the 53d Brigade on the 
right and the 107th Infantry on the left would make an effort 
to push forward the line by a night attack during the night of 
October 18th-19th. 

Very early on the morning of the 19th, therefore, the leading 
elements of the division went forward in attack. The advance 
was successful. The line was advanced across Jonc de Mer Val- 
ley to the ridge lying between Jonc de Mer Valley and the St. 
Maurice Valley. This line included La Jonquiere Farm and 
North Chinmey. Patrols were sent forward to the St. Maurice 
stream. Accordingly by daylight the 27th Division line was in 
process of consolidation on the ridge mentioned, with the 108th 
Infantry in support of the 107th and Company F, of the 102d 
Engineers, in support of the merged regiments of the 53d Bri- 
gade on the right half of the divisional sector. 

It was on the morning of the 19th that the Division Com- 
mander received information that the 118th Infantry on the left 



372 71sT NEW YORK 

of the 30th Division had been held up in front of Mazingheim, 
after sustaining a considerable number of casualties. Mazing- 
heim at this time constituted a serious menace to the right flank 
of the 27th Division, but on the other hand the position of the 
leading troops of the 27th Division constituted a menace to the 
right flank of the German forces at Mazingheim. Accordingly 
arrangements were made over the telephone between the head- 
quarters of the 27th and 30th Divisions that reserve troops of 
the 27th Division would move into the area of the 30th Division 
and threaten Mazingheim from the north. While arrangements 
were being made to carry out this plan troops of the 30th Divi- 
sion were reorganized for a renewal of their attack on Mazing- 
heim. The reserve troops of the 27th Division organized for the 
flank attack were constituted of one troop of the 20th British 
Hussars, one platoon of Company B, 104th Machine Gun Bat- 
talion, and Company F, of the 102d Engineers. This detachment 
having gained the orchard in R.26.d., deployed and began skir- 
mishing toward the south. The demonstration was sufficient to 
cause the withdrawal of the German troops from Mazingheim, 
and shortly thereafter troops of the 30th Division entered that 
place and extended their line to the left so that contact between 
the two divisions was reestablished. 

On the night of October 19th the 108th Infantry relieved the 
107th Infantry. This relief was completed by 2 o'clock in the 
morning of October 20th. The 108th Infantry pushed out pa- 
trols to the Catillon-Bazuel Road, overlooking the town of Catil- 
lon and the Canal de la Sambre. On the right half of the divi- 
sional sector the 105th Infantry, with the survivors of the 106th 
intermingled with them, pushed out their patrols to the right at 
R.22. central, also overlooking Catillon, The main line of re- 
sistance was established along the easterly bank of the St. Mau- 
rice River, 

Special credit is due the 105th and 106th Infantry Regiments 
for the fortitude displayed by officers and men in their continu- 
ous effort without relief from the beginning of the battle on 
October 17th. By this time the entire fighting personnel of the 
division was on the verge of complete exhaustion. Since October 
11th they had been continuously under shell fire and gas bom- 
bardment, the leading elements always under machine gun fire. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 373 

The troops, however, were required to hold their positions 
throughout the day of October 20th, the divisions on the right 
and left in the meantime getting forward in prolongation of the 
27th Division line. The 50th British Division on the left cap- 
tured Bazuel and secured the left flank of the 27th Division. 
Finally the 27th Division was relieved on the night of October 
20th-21st by the 6th British Division. What was left of the in- 
fantry of the division assembled in the vicinity of St. Souplet 
and Busigny on October 21st. At St. Souplet the Red Cross 
detachment under Captain Stephen N. Bobo rendered particu- 
larly effective service in supplying the men with hot chocolate- 
and cigarettes as they were marching through that place. 

During these operations the division captured a very large 
number of prisoners. They were so numerous at times that 
count was not made of some of the detachments going to the 
rear. Some detachments of prisoners were taken direct to the 
corps prisoners-of-war cage, while others were taken into the 
area of the 30th Division. However, the records of the divisional 
prisoners-of-war cage show that in these operations the division 
captured and recorded the capture of 48 officers and 1,463 other 
ranks. 

The casualties in these operations were 12 officers killed, 33 
wounded and 22 gassed; enlisted men, 156 killed, 36 died of 
wounds, 833 wounded and 401 gassed. No officers or men were 
captured by the enemy. The total casualties, therefore, were 
194 killed and died of wounds, 866 wounded and 422 gassed. 

A very great quantity of enemy armament, stores and material 
was captured during these operations. So few men were avail- 
able, however, for any other purpose than fighting, that little 
effort was made to gather the captured property. The division 
found it difficult through lack of numbers efficiently to evacuate 
the wounded and bury the dead, without further depleting its 
strength to make up details for marking and recording captured 
material. 

The conduct of officers and men of the division throughout the 
trying period of Le Selle River operations was magnificent. 
Always there was loyal response to the demands made upon them, 
and at times and particularly toward the end of the operations 
it must have seemed to the men of the infantry regiments par- 



374 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 

ticularly that they were being pushed beyond the limit of human 
endurance. It is difficult to imagine any sentiment of the human 
heart more worthy than the sentiment of enduring self-sacrifice 
for the common good. This sentiment was exemplified in super- 
lative fashion by the officers and men who made up the depleted 
combat units of the 27th Division during the operations of Le 
Selle River from October 11 to 20, 1918. 

On the morning of the relief the Division Commander and one 
or two of the Staff saw the survivors of the 54th Brigade go 
through St. Souplet on their march to the rear. Some of the 
men were apparently asleep while they walked. They were cov-' 
ered with mud and many of them were bleeding from cuts and 
minor injuries. At first glance they seemed to be in a semi- 
stupor, but everywhere individual men upon seeing the inspect- 
ing party made a supreme effort, if only by a glance, to indicate 
that their spirit still survived. It is natural for every com- 
mander of troops that have behaved well in war to feel pride in 
the conduct and record of men he has commanded under the 
extraordinary and trying conditions of active operations. Never- 
theless, making due allowances for this natural feeling, it is the 
deliberate opinion of the writer that no general officer in war 
ever commanded more intelligent, determined, better disciplined 
and loyal military organizations than those which made up the 
27th Division during the period of the World War. 



KILLED AND DIED OF WOUNDS, ACCIDENT AND 
DISEASE— WOUNDED 

Note 

The statistics given under the above headings are incomplete. 
The total number of 71st Infantry casualties would be much 
greater if it were possible to get complete reports. In this con- 
nection it should be borne in mind that the 805 casualties re- 
ferred to above occurred in about 60 per cent, of the Regiment 
as only about 60 per cent, of the Regiment served as combat 
troops. 



KILLED AND DIED OF WOUNDS, ACCIDENT AND 

DISEASE 

105th 165th Others Total 

Killed 81 30 9 120 

Died of Wounds 24 9 33 

Died of Disease and Accident 17 5 16 38 



122 44 



25 191 



WOUNDED 

Organization Officers Sgts. Corp. Pri. Total 

One Hundred and Fifth In- 
fantry 23 46 134 243 446 

One Hundred and Sixty-fifth 

Infantry 2 22 35 80 139 

All Others 1 3 4 21 29 



26 



71 173 344 614 



375 



DECORATIONS AND CITATIONS 
Note 

The Decorations and Citations listed here are incomplete and 
possibly contain misspelled names and other errors. The items 
were gathered from various sources. It will be readily under- 
stood that in a case like the 71st Infantry where its men served 
in about 350 different organizations and in many Divisions, it is 
impossible to get together a complete list of all of the Decorations 
and Citations. Those listed have been gathered from the War 
Department, the State of New York, various Histories and copies 
of original documents. 

In considering the number of Decorations and Citations listed 
above, it should be borne in mind that only about 60 per cent, of 
the 71st Regiment served as combat troops. 

AMERICAN DISTINGUISHED SERVICE CROSS 

EDWARD N. THOMSON, First-Sergeant, Company I, 105th 
Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Mont Kem- 
mel, Belgium, August 31, 1918. When the two platoons com- 
manded by him met with heavy machine-gun fire, Sergeant 
Thomson placed his men under cover, and, single-handed, went 
forward to reconnoiter his objective in the face of heavy shell 
and machine-gun fire. Residence at enlistment : 617 West 152nd 
Street, New York, N. Y. 

SAMUEL V. BOYKIN, Sergeant, Company B, 105th Infantry. 
For extraordinary heroism in action east of Ronssoy, France, 
September 20, 1918. During the operation against the Hinden- 
burg Line Sergeant Boykin, with an officer and two other ser- 
geants, occupied an outpost position in advance of the line, which 
was attacked by a superior force of the enemy. Sergeant Boykin 
assisted in repulsing this attack and in killing ten Cermans, cap- 
turing five, and driving off the others. The bravery and de- 
termination displayed by this group were an inspiration to all 
who witnessed them. Residence at enlistment: 117 East 11th 
Street, New York, N. Y. 

376 



71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 377 

PETER J. GROTTY, Sergeant, Company K, 165th Infantry. 

Citation not available. (Deceased.) 

LEON MATSON, Sergeant, Company M, 105th Infantry. 
For extraordinary heroism in action near Ronssoy, France, Sep- 
tember 27-29, 1918. On the morning of September 27th, after 
all the officers and most of the sergeants of his company had 
been killed, Sergeant Matson took command and led the company 
into effective combat, making repeated reconnaissances in front 
of the line under severe machine-gun fire. On September 29th 
he led his men forward, capturing an important knoll, and held 
it with a small number of men. Finding the ammunition and 
food depleted, he led a detail through the heavy machine-gun 
fire, bringing back both food and ammunition. Residence at 
enlistment: 79 Gorton Street, Coming, N. Y. 

ANGUS ROBERTSON, Sergeant, Company E, 105th Infan- 
try. For extraordinary heroism in action near Ronssoy, France, 
September 25, 1918. Although suffering intense agony from the 
effects of a severe gassing, he continued in command of his 
platoon during a most terrific shelling. By administering first 
aid to a wounded comrade he was instrumental in saving his life, 
although risking his own by removing his gas mask to render 
more valuable treatment. He continued to assist the wounded 
until he collapsed. Residence at enlistment: 59 Van Cortlandt 
Place, Yonkers, N. Y. 

DANIEL H. MAHAR, Corporal, Company L, 105th Infantry. 
For extraordinary heroism in action near St. Souplet, France, 
October 18, 1918. He courageously led several attacks on enemy 
machine-gun nests. Later in the day he attacked, single-handed, 
two enemy snipers, killing one and driving off the other. Resi- 
dence at enlistment : 325 Sixth Avenue, Newark, N. J. 

JOHN J. FINN, mechanic, Company G, 105th Infantry. For 
extraordinary heroism in action east of Ronssoy, France, Sep- 
tember 20, 1918. During the operations against the Hindenburg 
Line he left shelter and went forward under heavy shell and ma- 
chine-gun fire and rescued five wounded soldiers. While in the 
performance of this gallant act he and another soldier attacked 
an enemy dugout, killing two of the enemy and taking one pris- 
oner. This courageous act set a splendid example to all. Resi- 
dence at enlistment: 116 Washington Avenue, New Rochelle, 
N. Y. 



378 71sT NEW YORK 

ERNEST W. BLOMGREN, Private, Sanitary Detach., 106th 
Infantry. For extraordinary heroism in action near Ronssoy, 
France, September 27, 1918. During the operations against the 
Hindenburg Line, east of Ronssoy, on September 27, 1918, 
Private Blomgren displayed unusual courage and bravery by 
going forward through the terrific shell and machine-gun fire to 
rescue wounded comrades. 

RUSSEL P. BYINGTON, Private Icl ; iqSth Infantry. Dur- 
ing the operations against the Hindenburg Line Private Byington 
was wounded early in the action, but continued to advance with 
his company and declined to go to the rear for medical treatment. 
Later in the engagement he was killed by a machine-gun bullet. 
His gallantry and bravery and absolute disregard for his per- 
sonal safety were a splendid example to all ranks. 

BURR FINKLE, Private, Company K, 165th Infantry. Near 
Villers- Surfers, France, on July 28, 1918, he saw six Germans 
about to make a prisoner of his corporal, who had been severely 
wounded in the ankle. He called a comrade and advanced on 
the Germans, killed two of them, took the other four prisoners, 
and returned with his corporal to our lines. 

"WALTER KLINGE, Private Icl ; Company A, 105th Infan- 
try. When sent out as a scout with a small patrol consisting of 
an officer and two men, Private Klinge courageously went ahead 
alone, killed two enemy scouts whom he encountered, and drove 
the gunners away from two machine-guns. When the patrol 
came up the capture of the guns was completed with their as- 
sistance. 

BRITISH DECORATIONS 

MILITARY CROSS 

Lieutenant-Colonel Stanley Bulkley. 

DISTINGUISHED CONDUCT MEDAL 

Private, First Class, Harry Fisher, Company D, 105th In- 
fantry. 

MILITARY MEDALS 

First Sergeant Edward N. Thomson, Company I, 105th In- 
fantry. 

Sergeant Samuel V. Boykin, Company B, 105th Infantry. 

Sergeant Leon R. Matson, Company M, 105th Infantry. 

Sergeant Angus Robertson, Company E, 105th Infantry. 



IN THE WORLD AVAR 379 

Corporal Daniel H. Mahar, Company L, lOSth Infantry. 

Private, First Class, Edward A. Olsen, Company I, lOSth 
Infantry. 

During the operations against the Hindenburg Line east of 
Ronssoy, September 29th, Private Olsen was wounded early in 
action, but continued to advance his company and declined to 
go to the rear for medical treatment, thereby exhibiting great 
bravery and gallantry and setting a splendid example to all 
ranks. 

FRENCH DECORATIONS 

FRENCH CROIX DE GUERRE WITH PALM 

Sergeant Thomas J. Erb, 165th Infantry (deceased). 
Private, First Class, Walter Klinge, Company M^ 105th In- 
fantry. 

Mechanic John J. Finn, Company G, 105th Infantry. 

FRENCH CROIX DE GUERRE WITH GILT STAR 
Sergeant Samuel V. Boykin, Company B, 105th Infantry. 
Corporal Daniel H. Mahar, Company L, 105th Infantry. 

FRENCH MEDAILLE MILITAIRE 

Mechanic John J. Finn, Company G, 105th Infantry. 

FRENCH CROIX DE GUERRE WITH REGIMENTAL 
CITATION 
Second-Lieutenant Wm. S. Sloan. 

BELGIAN DECORATIONS 

ORDER OF LEOPOLD 

Sergeant Edward P. Dames, Company M, 105th Infantry. 
Ordre de Leopold II Chevalier. 

CROIX DE GUERRE WITH PALM 

Corporal Charles S. Kipp, Company I, 105th Infantry. 
Private Harry Fisher, Company F, 105th Infantry. 
Private F. J. Rode, Company D, 105th Infantry. 

MONTENEGRIN DECORATIONS 

MONTENEGRIN MEDAILLE POUR LA BRAVOURE MILI- 
TAIRE 

Private, First Class, Daniel E. Revet, Company C, 102d Engi- 
neers. Citation not available. 



380 71sT NEW YORK 

UNITED STATES ARMY 

United States Army, CAPTAIN GEORGE F. TERRY, In- 
fantry, for exceptionally meritorious and conspicuous Services as 
Railhead officer, Le Bourget and St. Dizier, France, American 
Expeditionary Forces. In testimony thereof, and as an ex- 
pression of appreciation of these services, I award him this 
citation. 

John J. Pershing, 

Commander-in-Chief. 

DIVISIONAL CITATIONS 

LIEUTENANT COLONEL STANLEY BULKLEY, 105th In- 
fantry. 
For exceptional gallantry and determination in continuing to 
advance with his battalion after having been painfully wounded, 
declining medical attention until completely exhausted. This 
during operations against the Hindenburg Line, east of Ronssoy, 
France, September 29, 1918. 

LIEUTENANT COLONEL LUCIUS A. SALISBURY, 106th 
Infantry. 
For devotion to duty and exceptional personal courage while 
Surgeon of his regiment at Vierstraat Ridge, Belgium, Septem- 
ber 2, 1918. This officer personally directed the evacuation of the 
wounded along the front line until himself wounded. He then 
continued his work at an advanced aid station under heavy rifle 
and artillery fire until his wound required his evacuation to the 
rear. 

CAPTAIN AMES T. BROWN, 106th Infantry. 

For gallantry, determination and qualities of leadership in the 
battle of Le Selle River, October 17, 1918. After being painfully 
wounded in the face by a shell fragment, this officer continued in 
action and later being gassed he refused to be evacuated, remain- 
ing with his battalion until his regiment was withdrawn from the 
line on October 20, 1918. 

CAPTAIN GEORGE C. HART, Company C, 309th Machine 
Gun Battalion, on Oct. 25, 1918, volunteered to lead his com- 
pany into a particularly dangerous section on the ridge north of 
Grand Pre ; offering their use practically as Infantry. His act 
was of inestimable value in strengthening the morale of the In- 



IN THE WORLD WAR 381 

fantry Battalion which had suffered very heavy casualties, and 
had no prospect of relief. On the morning of Oct. 26th, during a 
counter-attack, he not only personally directed the location of his 
machine gujis in the out-post line, but by his splendid example 
of fearlessness he rallied the Infantry in the absence of an In- 
fantry officer and was an inspiration both to the Infantry and 
Machine Gunners to hold the ridge. He fought valiantly until 
very severely w^ounded in both legs by enemy machine-gun fire. 

CAPTAIN RAYMOND F. HODGDON, 105th Infantry. 

For exceptional courage and qualities in leadership in battle, 
especially during operations against the Hindenburg Line, east 
of Ronssoy, France, September 29, 1918, when he voluntarily 
organized detachments of units other than his own and led them 
into effective combat, thereby checking an enemy counter-attack. 

CAPTAIN CHARLES D. KAYSER, M. C, 105th Machine Gun 
Battalion. 
For great courage, skill and devotion to duty in personally 
supervising the care and evacuation of killed and wounded in an 
area swept by enemy shell fire. This on the evening of October 
16, 1918, just prior to the battle of Le Selle River, France, while 
the division was relieving the British in the front line. 

CAPTAIN HENRY MASLIN, 105th Infantry. 

For gallantry and determination. During the attack against 
the Hindenburg Line, France, September 29, 1918, this soldier 
showed a marked degree of leadership in leading the 1st Bat- 
talion, 105th Infantry, which he commanded, and after having 
been severely wounded refused to be evacuated until all the 
wounded enlisted men around him had been sent to the rear. 

CAPTAIN FRANK R. POTTER, 105th Infantry. 

For fearlessness, energy and determination while in command 
of his company during the battle of Le Selle River, October 18, 
1918. When the town of Arbre Guemon was captured this officer 
immediately disposed his troops so as to effectively break up an 
impending counter-attack. 

CAPTAIN FRANK R. POTTER, 105th Infantry. 

For exceptional courage and qualities of leadership in battle, 
especially during operations against the Hindenburg Line, east 
of Ronssoy, France, September 29, 1918, when he voluntarily 
organized detachments of units other than his own and led them 
into effective combat, thereby checking an enemy counter-attack. 



382 71sT NEW YORK 

FIRST-LIEUTENANT JOHN JEROME CALLAHAN, 105tli 
Infantry. 
For courage and qualities of leadership while in command of 
his company. This in the battle of the Hindenburg Line, France, 
September 25-30, 1918. 

FIRST-LIEUTENANT LAWRENCE P. CLARKE, Company 
F, 105th Infantry. 
For exceptional courage and determination in conducting a 
patrol and making a reconnaissance of Jonc de Mer Ridge, re- 
turning with valuable information before the advance of the 
troops on the morning of October 19, 1918. 

FIRST-LIEUTENANT HARRY CONWAY, 105th Infantry 

(deceased). 
For extraordinary heroism under heavy shell fire. On August 
25, 1918, while holding the reserve line in front of Mt. Kemmel, 
this officer, acting as Adjutant for the 2nd Battalion, 105th In- 
fantry, showed great coolness when the enemy shelled his head- 
quarters in ordering his Sergeant-Major, runners, etc., to safety 
and himself standing his ground, the result being that a shell 
struck a few feet from him and wounded him severely, from the 
effects of which he died. His coolness and bravery under heavy 
shell fire were a fine example to his men. 

FIRST-LIEUTENANT LEO F. GIBLYN, 105th Infantry. 

For gallantry in action during the attack on the Hindenburg I 
Line, east of Ronssoy, France, September 29, 1918, and also for 
gallantry in action and skilled leadership during the assault on 
Vierstraat Ridge, Belgium, August 31 to September 2, 1918. 

27th Division American Expeditionary Forces, France. 

To FIRST-LIEUTENANT ALEXANDER GRANAT, 105th In- 
fantry. 
Your gallant conduct in the field on October 18, 1918, during 
the forcing of Le Selle River, east of St. Souplet, France, in lead- 
ing your men in a successful attack against an enemy strong 
point, although suffering severely from gas, has been reported to 
me^ and I take pleasure in commending and making this record 
of your gallantry. 

John F. 'Ryan, 
Major-General, Commanding. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 383 

i 

IN THE FIELD, FRANCE, 

December 15th, 1918. 

FIRST-LIEUTENANT HARRY MERZ, Company C. 105th 
Infantry. 
On Au^st 27, 1918, while the company was holding a front 
line position in the Dickebusch sector, Belgium, suffering casual- 
ties from a near-by enemy sniper, this officer, locating the sniper, 
left shelter at great personal peril, and by his gallantry, skill and 
determination succeeded in destroying the sniper with hand 
grenades. Again on September 29, 1918, during the battle of the 
Hindenburg Line, although severely wounded, he continued to 
direct the operations of his command at a critical time. 

FIRST-LIEUTENANT HARRY MERZ, Company C. 105th 
Infantry. 
For gallantry and leadership. About 9 A. M. September 29, 
1918, this officer was ordered to attack and capture a German 
trench. He led his company, charged the trench, cleared it and 
captured one officer and about twenty-nine men of the 184th 
German Infantry Regiment. He was always an example to his 
men under fire. 

FIRST-LIEUTENANT KEVNEY O'CONNOR, Company B, 
105th Infantry. 
For gallantry, determination and qualities of leadership ex- 
hibited in battle during operations against the Hindenburg Line, 
France, September 27, 1918. 

FIRST-LIEUTENANT EDWARD C. 0. THOMAS, 105th In- 
fantry. 
For exceptional gallantry in voluntarily leading a patrol of 
eight British soldiers on the hazardous mission of laying guide 
wires to enemy trenches, during which all other members of the 
patrol were killed. In spite of this Lieutenant Thomas continued 
to work under heavy enemy fire for a period of over four hours. 
This while attached to a British unit as observer near Albert, 
France, on June 25, 1918. 

FIRST-LIEUTENANT EDWARD WARSCHAUER, Company 

G, 105th Infantry (deceased). 

For extraordinary bravery in leading his platoon under heavy 

shell and machine-gun fire during the battle of the Hindenburg 

Line, September 29, 1918. After the company commander had 



384 71sT NEW YORK 

been killed, this officer took command of the company and showed 
courage and coolness in reorganizing his men regardless of per-| 
sonal danger. He was killed by a machine-gnn bullet while lead- 
ing an attack on an enemy's machine-gun post. His leadership 
and coolness were a fine example to the men of his command. 

SECOND-LIEUTENANT PERCY FLYNNE, Company D, 
105th Infantry. 
For gallantry and determination in leading a patrol on Sep- 
tember 1, 1918, near Yierstraat Ridge, to search for the body of 
a member of his company who was killed during the advance. 

SECOND-LIEUTENANT ROBERT J. GIES, 105th Infantry. 

For gallantry and determination. On October 18, 1918, in the 
vicinity of Jonc de Mer Ridge, east of St. Souplet, France, this 
officer volunteered to carry, and did deliver, a message to Regi- 
mental Headquarters although wounded at the time. 

FIRST-SERGEANT JOHN W. GRIMMER (1204943), Com- 
pany I, 105th Infantry. 
For conspicuous gallantry and determination. On September! 
29, 1918, in the vicinity of Ronssoy, France, this soldier left 
cover of a shell hole to go to the relief of a wounded man in thei 
face of heavy machine-gun fire and dragged him to cover. This: 
act resulted in his being severely wounded by machine-gun bul- 
lets, three of which lodged in his body. 

SERGEANT THEOBALD D. AVENIUS (1203461), Company 
B, 105th Infantry. 
For extraordinary bravery in action when he took command of 
his company after all officers had been incapacitated and led the 
company successfully for the three succeeding days. This sol- 
dier's exceptional coolness under heavy fire and his devotion to 
duty set a fine example to the entire company. This during the 
battle of Le Selle River, October 17, 1918, and subsequent en- 
gagements. 

SERGEANT NATHAN W. BOLLES (1203263), Company A, 

105th Infantry. 

For courage and resourcefulness in crawling into No-Man's 

Land under machine-gun fire and by rifle action silencing an 

enemy sniper. This before Mt. Kemmel, Belgium, July 27, 1918. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 385 

SERGEANT NICHOLAS F. CREAN (1204967), Company I, 
105th Infantry. 
For gallantry and determination. On August 23, 1918, in the 
vicinity of Scottish Woods, near Dickebusch Lake, Belgium, 
although slightly wounded himself, this soldier helped to remove 
several severely wounded men to places of shelter. Again, on 
October 18, 1918, in the vicinity of Jonc de Mer Ridge, east of 
St. Souplet, France, while acting Supply-Sergeant, he success- 
fully brought up cooked rations for his company in the face of 
enemy shell fire. 

SERGEANT THOMAS CURRY, Company D, 105th Infantry. 

For skilled leadership in battle. On October 17, 1918, this 
soldier, after being wounded, led his platoon against a strong 
position on Le Selle River, near St. Souplet, France, taking the 
position. He remained in command until relieved by supporting 
troops. 

SERGEANT E. P. DAMES (1224720), Company M, 105th In- 
fantry. 
For conspicuous gallantry in action during the operations 
against the Hindenburg Line, September 29, 1918, in organizing 
detachments, consolidating his company position and capturing 
a number of prisoners. 

SERGEANT WALTER DE FOREST, Company G, 105th In- 
fantry (deceased). 
For exceptional courage and marked qualities of leadership in 
leading his platoon in an attack upon the enemy. Later after 
being relieved and returning to reserve under heavy shell fire he 
showed extraordinary bravery and presence of mind in keeping 
his men in formation. He was killed by a direct hit of an enemy 
shell. This near Dickebusch Lake, Belgium, August 30 to Sep- 
tember 2, 1918. 

SERGEANT JAMES F. FITZPATRICK (1204119), Company 
E, 105th Infantry. 
For courage and determination in inspiring his comrades to 
continue their attack after their company commander was killed. 
This during the battle of the Hindenburg Line, France, Septem- 
ber 29, 1918. 

SERGEANT ASHLEY FLYNNE, Company D, 105th Infantry. 
For marked courage in rescuing a wounded comrade under 
heavy shell fire during the operations against the Hindenburg 
Line, France, September 29, 1918. 



386 71sT NEW YORK 

SERGEANT WILLIAM 0. GERDES (1203462), Company B, 
105th Infantry. 
For leading patrols continuously and rendering exceptionally 
meritorious services under severe fire at Dickebusch Lake, Bel- 
gium, August 26, 1918. 

SERGEANT FRANK T. GRANT (1203499), Company B, 105th 
Infantry. 
For exceptional courage and progressiveness when^ (as a cor- 
poral) in command of a squad in an advanced position he suc- 
cessfully repulsed an attack by a superior force of the enemy, 
taking many prisoners. This during the battle of the Hinden- 
burg Line, September 29, 1918. 

SERGEANT JAMES F. JOHNSON (1203693), Company C, 
105th Infantry. 
For courage and leadership in action near Bony, France, dur- 
ing the attack on the Hindenburg Line, on September 29, 1918. 
This soldier took command of a composite company, organized a 
line and resisted the attack of the enemy on his position and held 
the position against all attacks. 

SERGEANT GEORGE JONES (1204325), Company F, 105th: 
Infantry. 
For courage and qualities of leadership demonstrated in the 
battle of Le Selle River and engagements subsequent thereto, 
October 16-20, 1918. 

SERGEANT EUGENE D. KELLY, 48th Infantry. | 

Citation not available. 

SERGEANT MARTIN H. KERINS, Master Engineer Q. M. C. 
Citation not available. 

SERGEANT CORNELIUS C. KOERT (1203139), Machine 
Gun Company, 105th Infantry. 
For great bravery and resourcefulness in taking his platoon 
through heavy shell fire at which time he was gassed and knocked 
down by a shell fragment. This at battle of Hindenburg Line, 
France, September 29, 1918. 

SERGEANT EDMOND McDONNELL, Company G, 105th In- 
fantry. 
For great determination and courage in helping reorganize his 
company after all officers had been killed or wounded and later 



IN THE WORLD WAR 387 

for splendid work in attacks on machine-gun posts. His coolness 
had a great moral effect upon the men. This near Arbre Guer- 
non, France, October 17-21, 1918. 

SERGEANT LEON R. MATSON (1224735), Company M, 105th 
Infantry. 
For courage, determination and marked qualities of leadership 
in commanding and fearlessly leading his company after all the 
officers and the First-Sergeant had been killed or wounded. This 
during the battle of the Hindenburg Line, east of Ronssoy, 
France, September 27, 1918. 

SERGEANT TERENCE J. O'BRIEN (1204432), Company F, 
105th Infantry. 
For courageous leadership in commanding a platoon of his 
company until wounded. This in the battle of Le Selle River, 
October 17, 1918. 

SERGEANT EDWIN J. RAFTER (1205410), Company L, 
105th Infantry. 
For courage, determination and qualities of leadership fre- 
quently demonstrated during the battles and engagements of his 
regiment in Belgium and France. In the battle of Le Selle 
River, France, October 17, 1918, this soldier, after his superiors 
had become casualties, assumed command of his company and 
led it in satisfactory manner throughout the remainder of the 
battle. 

SERGEANT ALEXANDER M. ROBB (1204122), Companv E, 
105th Infantry. 
For courage and determination in making a reconnaissance of 
the area in front of his company position in an effort to locate 
enemy machine-gun nests, returning with valuable information. 
This near the Knoll during the battle of the Hindenburg Line, 
France, September 29, 1918. 

SERGEANT ANTILLO ROLANDELLI (1204315), Company 
F, 105th Infantry. 
For devotion to duty in supplying rations to his company dur- 
ing the battles and engagements in which his unit participated 
in Belgium and France. 

SERGEANT FRANK RYAN (1204332), Company F, 105th 
Infantry. 
For courage and qualities of leadership during the battle of 
the Hindenburg Line, France, September 29, 1918. This ser- 



388 71sT NEW YORK 

geant, when his platoon was held np by enemy fire, led a detach- 
ment and cleared the enemy post opposing them. 

SERGEANT FRANK L. SCHIPS (1203501), Company B, 
105th Infantry. 
For great bravery and devotion to duty demonstrated in com- 
manding all ration parties under heavy enemy fire. This at 
Dickebusch Lake, Belgium, August 26, 1918. 

SERGEANT DAVID S. SCOTT (1205390), Company L, 105th 
Infantry. 
For courage, determination and qualities of leadership demon- 
strated while in command of a platoon of his company during the 
battle of the Hindenburg Line, France, September 29, 1918. 

SERGEANT EDWARD J. SWEENEY, Company F, 105th 
Infantry. 
For courage and determination in rendering special services 
under heavy machine-gun fire in front of the Hindenburg Line, 
France, September 29, 1918. ^ 

SERGEANT FRANK R. TAYLOR (1203491), Company B, 
105th Infantry. 
For extraordinary heroism at Ronssoy on September 29, 1918, 
in the attack on the Hindenburg Line while in a shell hole in ad- 
vance of the front line. This soldier (a corporal at the time), 
with two men of a Lewis gun team, showed unusual courage and 
skill in successfully repulsing the attack when attacked by a 
superior force of the enemy. The daring and determination dis- 
played by this soldier constituted an inspiration to all who saw 
him. f) 

SERGEANT BUSSEY H. VANCE (1204544), Company G, 
105th Infantry. 
For great courage and determination during the battle of the 
Hindenburg Line, in successfully leading his company after the 
commanding officer was wounded. 

CORPORAL EDWARD 0. ACKER (1205437), Company L, 
105th Infantry. 
For courage and marked skill while in command of his squad 
during battles and engagements in which his regiment partici- 
pated in Belgium and France. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 389 

CORPORAL WILLIAM E. BALL (1203166), Machine Gun 
Company, 105th Infantry (deceased). 
For great courage and determination in battle. This soldier 
set an example of extraordinary bravery and devotion to duty in 
an enemy barrage in the Dickebusch sector, Belgium^ August 11, 
1918. 

CORPORAL JOSEPH E. BATH (1203170), Machine Gun Com- 
pany, 105th Infantry. 
For great courage and determination in handling his gun in 
action in the face of heavy enemy grenade and rifle fire. This in 
the battle of the Hindenburg Line, France, September 29, 1918. 

CORPORAL WALLACE H. BROWN (1203736), Company C, 
105th Infantry. 
For gallantry in action during the battle of the Hindenburg 
Line, France, September 29, 1918. This soldier constantly ex- 
posed himself in daylight to enemy fire in order to signal by 
semaphore to the rear and by maintaining communication be- 
tween his company and battalion commander. 

CORPORAL JOSEPH M. CAHILL (1204549), Company C, 
105th Infantry. 
For great bravery in covering the retirement of the 3rd Bat- 
talion, 105th Infantry, by staying at his machine-gun post while 
the battalion established itself in a stronger position. This in 
the battle of the Hindenburg Line, France, September 29, 1918. 

CORPORAL ALEXANDER CASSIDY, Company H, 105th 
Infantry. 
For courage and determination in rendering special services 
under heavy machine-gun fire in front of the Hindenburg Line, 
France, September 29, 1918. 

CORPORAL ERNEST E. DAMES (1224762), Company M, 
105th Infantry. 
For exceptional courage under heavy fire in attempting to 
establish communications with the 30th Division during the bat- 
tle of Jonc de Mer Ridge, France, October 18, 1918. 

CORPORAL WALTER DEVLIN (1203703), Company C, 105th 

Infantry. 

For gallantry in action during the battle of Vierstraat Ridge, 

Belgium, September 1, 1918. This soldier in company with three 

others volunteered to bring up water and rations to the men of 



390 71sT NEW YORK 

his company, then in an exposed position at the extreme front. 
This was successfully accomplished in daylight under intensive 
enemy fire. 

CORPORAL CORNELIUS P. DOYLE (1203699), Company C, 
105th Infantry. 
For gallantry in action during the battle of the Hindenburg 
Line, France, September 29, 1918. This soldier at the risk of his 
own life went to the aid of a wounded officer and rendered first 
aid. Although wounded in the attempt he succeeded in carrying 
the officer to shelter. 

CORPORAL FRANK EDWARDS, Company G, 105th Infantry. 
For great bravery in covering the retirement of the Third Bat- 
talion, 105th Infantry, by staying at his machine-gun post until 
the battalion established itself in a stronger position. This in the 
battle of the Hindenburg Line, France, September 29, 1918. 
This soldier was wounded later, but refused to go to the rear 
until the company was relieved. 

CORPORAL WILLIAM FIEDLER (1204965), Headquarters 
Company, 105th Infantry. 
For courage and devotion to duty frequently demonstrated 
under fire during the battles and engagements in which his regi- 
ment took part in Belgium and in France. 

CORPORAL ARTHUR B. FOX (1204379), Company F, 105th 
Infantry. 
For courage and determination in leading a patrol which de- 
stroyed an enemy machine-gun nest near a railroad embankment 
near St. Souplet. This in the battle of Le Selle River, October 
17, 1918. 

CORPORAL JOHN J. GAST (1204380), Company F, 105th 
Infantry. 
For courage and efficiency displayed in the battle of the Hin- 
denburg Line, September 29, 1918. Expecting a counter attack, 
this non-commissioned officer salvaged and placed in action 
against the enemy a German machine gun. This during the 
battle of the Hindenburg Line, September 29, 1918. 

CORPORAL JOHN D. GIBBONS (1203702), Company C, 105th 
Infantry. 
For gallantry and skill in action during the battle of the Hin- 
denburg Line, France, September 29, 1918. When his company 



IN THE WORLD WAR 391 

was suddenly attacked from the rear by an enemy machine-^n 
nest this soldier rushed his Lewis gnn to a slight ridge in full 
view of the enemy and by the suddenness and accuracy of his 
fire neutralized that of the enemy detachment, thus enabling his 
comrades to reach positions of shelter. 

CORPORAL ALONZO HOULDEN (1224848), Company M, 
105th Infantry. 
For great courage and resourcefulness while in command of a 
Lewis gun squad in seizing a captured enemy machine gun and 
placing it in action with this Lewis gun, contributing materially 
to the repulse of an enemy counter attack. This in the battle of 
the Hindenburg Line, France, September 29, 1918. 

CORPORAL SAMUEL JACOBS, Company G, 105th Infantry 
(deceased). 
For great bravery and presence of mind in leading his men to 
a place of safety when the billets of his company were heavily 
shelled. In doing so he exposed himself and was severely 
wounded and later died. This near Dickebusch Lake, Belgium, 
September 1, 1918. 

CORPORAL SOLOMON KOPF, Company G, 105th Infantry 
I (deceased). 

For great bravery and presence of mind in leading his men to 
a place of safety when the billets of his company were heavily 
shelled. In doing so he exposed himself and was severely 
wounded and later died. This near Dickebusch Lake, Belgium, 
September 1, 1918. 

CORPORAL GEORGE MACKENZIE (1203542), Company B, 
105th Infantry. 
For gallantry and courage demonstrated in action, when this 
soldier carried a wounded officer from an advanced position to 
the rear under heavy enemy fire. This during the battle of the 
Hindenburg Line, September 29, 1918. 

CORPORAL RAYMOND McCREESH, Company G, 105th In- 
fantry. 
For exceptional courage and devotion to duty in successfully 
carrying messages to Battalion Headquarters under heavy shell 
and machine-gun fire, regardless of personal safety. This near 
Arbre Guernon, France, October 17-21, 1918. 



392 71sT NEW YORK 

CORPORAL CHARLES McGOVERN (1204472), Company F, 
105th Infantry. 
For courage and skill during the battle of Le Selle River, 
France, October 17, 1918. When his company was stopped by an 
enemy machine-gun nest, this soldier circled about and with hand 
grenades destroyed the nest, killing two of the enemy and cap- 
turing the remainder, thus enabling his company to advance. 

CORPORAL EDWARD J. MURPHY (1204397), Company F, 
105th Infantry. 
For courage and devotion to duty frequently demonstrated in 
battle. This soldier, after being wounded, during the battle of 
Jonc de Mer Ridge, October 18, 1918, remained in charge of his 
squad until ordered to the rear to have his wounds dressed. 

CORPORAL JAMES P. NEARY (1204740), Company H,- 
105th Infantry. 
For exceptional gallantry, determination and devotion to duty 
near Scottish Wood, Belgium, on August 31, 1918. This soldier, 
although wounded early in the action, refused medical attention 
and continued with his platoon to the objective until it was re- 
lieved the next morning. 

CORPORAL JOHN A. O'HEA (1203223), Machine Gun Com- 
pany, 105th Infantry. 
For great courage and determination. While badly gassed, he 
followed his unit until wounded by shrapnel. This in the battle 
of the Hindenburg Line, France, September 29, 1918. 

CORPORAL GEORGE L. OHLHAUSEN (1203327), Company 

A, 105th Infantry (deceased). 

For courage and determination under heavy enemy machine- 
gun and shell fire while a member of a patrol sent out to connect 
with the 106th Infantry on the right. This in the attack on 
Vierstraat Ridge, Belgium, September 2, 1918. 

CORPORAL HOWARD E. PETERSON (1203505), Company 

B, 105th Infantry (deceased). 

For extraordinary courage and skill demonstrated while in 
command of a patrol making a reconnaissance. He came upon 
an enemy machine-gun post and, although outnumbered, suc- 
ceeded in destroying the nest and taking prisoners. He was later 
killed in a similar exploit. This during the battle of Le Selle 
River, France, October 17, 1918. 

,1 



IN THE WORLD WAR 393 

CORPORAL WILLIAM A. PRESCOTT (1203558), Company 
B, 105th Infantiy. 
For exceptional heroism in the evacuation of the wounded 
under extremely heavy enemy fire. This during the battle of 
Jonc de Mer Ridge, France, October 18, 1918. 

CORPORAL FRANCIS PUTZ (1205248), Company K, 105th 
Infantry (deceased). 
For exceptional gallantry and determined leadership of his 
Lewis gun squad in covering the consolidation of units of his 
regiment during the battle of the Hindenburg Line, northwest 
of Ronssoy, France. Spetember 27, 1918. This soldier was com- 
pelled during this time to expose himself to enemy machine-gun 
and sniper fire and was killed in the performance of this gallant 
act. 

CORPORAL HAROLD V. REILLY (1203721), Company C, 
105th Infantry. 
For gallantry in action during the battle of the Hindenburg 
Line, France, September 29, 1918. This soldier, in an endeavor 
to aid a wounded comrade, left shelter and ran through an area 
swept by enemy machine-gun fire, being himself severely 
wounded in the attempt. 

CORPORAL HAROLD V. REILLY (1203721), Company C, 
105th Infantry. 
For gallantry in action during the battle of Vierstraat Ridge, 
Belgium, September 1, 1918. This soldier in company with three 
others volunteered to bring up water and rations to the men of 
his company, then in an exposed position at the extreme front. 
This was successfully accomplished in daylight under intensive 
enemy fire. 

CORPORAL FRED G. RODE, Company D, 105th Infantry. 

For exceptional courage and determination in reorganizing 
a platoon of his company after being wounded and leading it 
forward to a position which he held until relieved. This near 
St. Souplet, France, October 17, 1918. 

CORPORAL GEORGE E. SCHUESSLER, Company M, 105th 
Infantry (deceased). 
For great courage and resourcefulness while in command of a 
Lewis gun squad, in seizing a captured enemy machine gun and 
placing it in action with great gallantry, repelling an enemy 
counter attack. This in the battle of the Hindenburg Line, 
France, September 29, 1918. 



394 71sT NEW YORK 

COEPORAL ISADORE SENTER, Company G, 105tli Infantry 
(deceased). 
For exceptional courage in volunteering to carry a message 
from the company commander to platoon leader under heavy 
machine-gun fire. He was killed while in the performance of 
this act. This near Dickebusch Lake, Belgium, August 30 to 
September 1, 1918. 

CORPORAL JOHN J. SHARPS (1204088), Company D, 105th 
Infantry. 
For exceptional courage and determination as a member of the 
left platoon of his company, numbering in all twenty-eight men, 
which had been cut off from the other platoon, and from the 
company on the left in advancing against heavy enemy fire and 
in effecting the capture of a substantial number of enemy pris- 
oners. This in the battle of Le Selle River, near St. Souplet, 
France, October 17, 1918. 

CORPORAL HOWARD SLAWSON, Company G, 105th In- 
fantry (deceased). 
For great courage and determination in handling his squad 
while under heavy shell fire. He was killed while leading his 
men to a place of safety. This near Dickebusch Lake, Belgium, 
September 1, 1918. 

CORPORAL FRANCIS S. STAHL (1204150), Company E, 
105th Infantry. 
For courage and determination in inspiring his comrades to 
continue their attack after their company commander was killed. 
This during the battle of the Hindenburg Line, France, Septem- 
ber 29, 1918. 



CORPORAL JOHN F. STIER (1205473), Company L, lOSt 
Infantry. 

For courage and marked skill while in command of his squad 
during battles and engagements in which his regiment partici- 
pated in Belgium and France. 

CORPORAL JOHN E. TEVLIN (1203271), Headquarters Com- 
pany, 105th Infantry. 
For courage and determination in performance of his duties, 
particularly in carrying ammunition forward to Arbre Guernon, 
during the battle of Jonc de Mer Ridge, France, October 18, 1918. 



i 



IN THE WORLD WAR 395 

CORPORAL W. E. TURSCHMID (1205039), Company I, 105th 
Infantry. 
For courage and devotion to duty as Company Clerk. On 
August 23, 1918, in the vicinity of Scottish Wood, near Dicke- 
busch Lake, Belgium, this soldier assisted in the removal of 
wounded and preserved the company records from destruction 
when shell fire resulted in casualties and destruction of a part 
of company headquarters. 

CORPORAL CHARLES YANECEK (1203669), Company B, 
105th Infantry. 
For extraordinary bravery in action during the attack on St. 
Martin River, October 17, 1918, when, as a private, unassisted 
and alone, this soldier entered a house occupied by the enemy 
and successfully cleared the same. 

MECHANIC MELVIN CAMPBELL (1203954), Company D, 
105th Infantry. 
For gallantry and determination exhibited in the battle of the 
Hindenburg Line, France, September 29, 1918. About seven 
o'clock in the morning this soldier was wounded in the leg and 
directed to go to the rear, but insisted on remaining in action 
with his battalion until about noon when he collapsed and was 
evacuated. 

MECHANIC JOSEPH GORDON (1204789), Company H, 105th 
Infantry. 
For gallantry and courage in connection with the evacuation 
of wounded at the battle of Jonc de Mer Ridge. 

MECHANIC ROBERT P. MAGUIRE (1204995), Company I, 
105th Infantry. 
For gallantry and devotion to duty. On September 1, 1918, 
while stationed at Battalion Headquarters in the vicinity of 
Dickebusch Lake, Belgium, this soldier extinguished flames which 
were destroying ammunition and other supplies, as a result of a 
grenade dump being struck by enemy shell, which killed two men 
and severely wounded others, whom he helped to remove. 

MECHANIC HENRY C. MILLER (1203632), Companv B, 
105th Infantry. 
For courageous and effective service as a patrol although under 
observation from Ridgewood, while attached to the Intelligence 
Section of his company. This at Dickebusch Lake, Belgium, 
August 26, 1918. 



396 71sT NEW YORK 

MECHANIC HUMPHREY J. O'LEARY (1203727), Company 

C, 105th Infantry. 

For gallantry in action during the engagements in the Dicke- 
busch Lake sector, and at Yierstraat Ridge, Belgium, August 25 
to September 2, 1918, as well as during the battle of the Hinden- 
burg Line, France, September 29, 1918. This soldier, a company 
runner, with complete disregard for his own safety, maintained 
communication between his company and battalion commander. 
Also for courage and skill when acting as a stretcher bearer un- 
der intense fire during the same engagements. 

PRIVATE, FIRST CLASS, JOHN W. ARMANN (1204362), 
Company F, 105th Infantry. 
For courage and qualities of leadership displayed while a non- 
commissioned officer of his company during the battle of Jonc 
de Mer Ridge, and engagements subsequent thereto. This soldier 
was promoted to be sergeant, but at his own request was reduced 
to the ranks so that another sergeant might hold his grade. 

PRIVATE, FIRST CLASS, JAMES M. DUFFY (1205451), 
Company L, 105th Infantry. 
For gallantry in rescuing a wounded comrade from a water 
filled shell hole under enemy shell fire and gas concentration. 
This in the Dickebusch sector, Belgium, August, 1918. In sub- 
sequent engagements this soldier demonstrated qualities of cour- 
age and determination. 

PRIVATE, FIRST CLASS, CHARLES C. EATON, Company 

D, 105th Infantry. 

For courage and determination in remaining with his com- 
pany after being severely wounded and advancing with it until 
the objective was taken. This in the battle of the Hindenburg 
Line, near Ronssoy, France, September 29, 1918. 

PRIVATE, FIRST CLASS, JOHN J. GLYNN (1203972), Com- 
pany D, 105th Infantry. 
For exceptional courage and determination as a member of the 
left platoon of his company, numbering in all twenty-eight men, 
which had been cut off from the other platoon and from the com- 
pany on the left in advancing against heavy enemy fire and in 
effecting the capture of a substantial number of enemy prisoners. 
This in the battle of Le Selle River, near St. Souplet, France, 
October 17, 1918. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 397 

PRIVATE, FIRST CLASS, EDWARD J. KALISH, Company 
G, 165th Infantry. 
Citation not available. 

PRIVATE, FIRST CLASS, JOSEPH C. LOUGHLIN, 
(1204795), Company II, 105tli Infantry. 
For courage and determination in rendering special services 
under heavy machine-gun fire in front of the Hindenburg Line, 
France, September 29, 1918. 

PRIVATE, FIRST CLASS, EDWARD P. McSHERRY, Sani- 
tary Detachment, 165th Infantry. 
Citation not available. 

PRIVATE, FIRST CLASS, GEORGE A. MATTISON 

(1203212), Machine Gun Company, 105th Infantry. 
For exceptional bravery and devotion to duty in voluntarily 
giving first aid and supplies under heavy enemy fire during the 
battle of the Hindenburg Line, September 29, 1918. 

PRIVATE, FIRST CLASS, ARCHIBALD R. MURRAY 
(1204572), Company G, 105th Infantry. 
For gallantry and determination frequently demonstrated 
while acting as a regimental runner during battles and engage- 
ments in which his regiment participated in Belgium and in 
France. 

PRIVATE, FIRST CLASS, JOHN A. O'LEARY (1203224), 
Machine Gun Company, 105th Infantry. 
For great courage and determination. Although gassed and 
twice wounded he continued to fight with great bravery until 
compelled to stop from loss of blood. This during the battle of 
the Hindenburg Line, France, September 29, 1918. 

PRIVATE, FIRST CLASS, MICHAEL F. RYAN (1205120), 
Company I, 105th Infantry. 
For courage and devotion to duty while acting as a company 
runner in ascertaining the location of flank support and guiding 
additional men to the assistance of attacking troops who were in 
a dangerous position by reason of supporting troops being held 
up. This in the battle of Jonc de Mer Ridge, east of St. Souplet, 
France, October 18, 1918. 

PRIVATE, FIRST CLASS, BASIL L. SMITH (1203237), 
Machine Gun Company, 105th Infantry (deceased). 
For great courage and determination in holding his gun in 



398 71sT NEW YORK 

action in the face of enemy grenade and rifle fire. This in the 
battle of the Hindenburg Line, September 29, 1918. 

PEIVATE, FIRST CLASS, FRANK J. WALTERS (1205143), 
Company I, 105th Infantry. 
For gallantry and determination in battle. This soldier on 
September 29, 1918, east of Ronssoy, France, in the face of 
heavy machine-gnn fire efficiently served his Lewis gun. 

PRIVATE WARREN BUSH (1203586), Company B, 105th 
Infantry. 
For extraordinary heroism and coolness under heavy enemy 
fire when he succeeded in capturing an enemy outpost, taking 
three prisoners. This during the battle of Le Selle River, 
October 17, 1918. 

PRIVATE EDWARD CAHILL (1204196), Company E, 105th 
Infantry. 
For courage and determination in inspiring his comrades to 
continue their attack after their company commander was killed. 
This during the battle of the Hindenburg Line, France, Septem- 
ber 29, 1918. 

PRIVATE ARTHUR J. CALLAHAN (1205443), Company L, 
105th Infantry. 
For conspicuous zeal, fearlessness and devotion to duty con- 
tinuously exhibited during the battles and engagements of his 
regiment in Belgium and France. 

PRIVATE HARRY CARPENTER, Company H, 105th In- 
fantry. 
For courage and determination in rendering special services 
under heavy machine gun fire in front of the Hindenburg Line, 
France, September 29, 1918. 

PRIVATE WILLIAM J. CONROY (1205496), Company L, 
105th Infantry. 
For conspicuous zeal, fearlessness and devotion to duty con- 
tinuously exhibited during the battles and engagements of his 
regiment in Belgium and France. 

PRIVATE GEORGE DAVIS (1205498), Company L, 105th In- 
fantry. 
For conspicuous zeal, fearlessness and devotion to duty con- 
tinuously exhibited during the battles and engagements of his 
regiment in Belgium and France. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 399 

PRIVATE THOMAS E. DUGAN (1205061), Company I, 105th 
Infantry (deceased). 
For gallantry and determination. On September 29, 1918, 
east of Ronssoy, France, this soldier in the face of heavy shell 
and machine-gnn fire carried an important message to the Bat- 
talion Commander, in the performance of which duty he was 
severely wounded and eventually died from wounds received. 

PRIVATE WILLIAM A. FITZPATRICK, Company H, 105th 
Infantry. 
For courage and determination in rendering special services 
under heavy machine-gun fire in front of the Hindenburg Line, 
France, September 29, 1918. 

PRIVATE JOHN E. GUARDIA (1203749), Company C, 105th 
Infantry. 
For gallantry in action during the battle of Vierstraat Ridge, 
Belgium, September 1, 1918. This soldier, in company with 
three others, volunteered to bring up water and rations to the 
men of his company in an exposed position at the extreme front. 
This was successfully accomplished in daylight under intensive 
enemy fire. 

PRIVATE JOSEPH HART (1204228), Company E, 105th In- 
fantry. 
For courage and determination in inspiring his comrades to 
continue their attack after their company commander was killed. 
This during the battle of the Hindenburg Line, France, Septem- 
ber 29, 1918. 

PRIVATE PETER J. KEENAN (1205531), Company L, 105th 
Infantry. 
For conspicuous zeal, fearlessness and devotion to duty con- 
tinuously exhibited during the battles and engagements of his 
regiment in Belgium and France. 

PRIVATE THOMAS F. LAYMAN (1204245), Company E, 
105th Infantry. 
For zeal and devotion to duty demonstrated when, as a com- 
pany runner, accompanied by another soldier, he furnished 
liaison on the flanks of his company. This at Vaux Anginy, 
France, October 13, 1918. 



400 71sT NEW YOEK 

PRIVATE JAMES K. MANNING (1224789), Company M, 
105th Infantry. 
For exceptional courage in pushing forward with his platoon 
by hand-to-hand fighting over three lines of enemy trench and 
continuing until he was but one of four survivors, members of 
the platoon, who were surrounded on all sides by the enemy and 
captured. This during the attack against the Hindenburg Line. 

PRIVATE JACOB MARKS (1204062), Company D, 105th In- 
fantry. 
For great determination and devotion to duty in remaining 
for nineteen hours in a shell hole with his corporal, who was 
wounded, and after dark getting a patrol to take in the wounded 
soldier, all under heavy fire. This in the assault on Vierstraat 
Ridge, Belgium, September 1, 1918. 

PRIVATE HOWARD PAGE (1204268), Company E, 105th 
Infantry. 
For devotion to duty while acting as runner near St. Souplet, 
France, continually passing through areas under heavy enemy 
fire. This soldier volunteered for this work with full knowledge 
of the fate of other runners of this company. This during the 
battles of Le Selle River, October 17, and Jonc de Mer Ridge, 
France, October 18, 1918. 

PRIVATE DAVID SHE AN (1205571), Company L, 105th In- 
fantry. 
For conspicuous zeal, fearlessness, and devotion to duty con- 
tinuously exhibited during the battles and engagements of his 
regiment in Belgium and France. 

PRIVATE GILBERT SPERLING (1205573), Company L, 
105th Infantry. 
For conspicuous zeal, fearlessness and devotion to duty con- 
tinuously exhibited during the battles and engagements of his 
regiment in Belgium and France. 

PRIVATE JOHN V. STORY, JR. (1224884), Company M, 
105th Infantry. 
For exceptional courage and fearlessness in pushing forward 
with his platoon by hand-to-hand fighting over three lines of 
enemy trench and continuing until he was but one of four sur- 
vivors, members of the platoon, who were surrounded on all sides 
by the enemy and captured. This during the attack against the 
Hindenburg Line, on the morning of September 27, 1918. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 401 

PRIVATE JOSEPH W. VAN DUSEN (1204097), Company D, 
105th Infantry. 
For exceptional courage and determination as a member of the 
left platoon of his company numbering in all twenty-eight men, 
which had been cut off from the other platoon and from the com- 
pany on the left in advancing against heavy enemy fire and in 
effecting the capture of a substantial number of enemy prisoners. 
This in the battle of Le Selle River, near St. Souplet, Prance, 
October 17, 1918. 

PRIVATE JOSE VOLPE (1204182), Company E, 105th In- 
fantry. 
For exceptional bravery and devotion to duty while acting as 
a company runner. With disregard for his personal safety, he 
delivered important messages. This during the battle of Le Selle 
River, France, October 17, 1918. 

PRIVATE JOSEPH P. WAVERLA, Sanitary Detachment, 
105th Infantry. 
For courage and determination in effecting the capture of an 
enemy sniper in front of the Hindenburg Line, France, Septem- 
ber 29, 1918. 

PRIVATE ABRAHAM ZIRT (1224815), Company M, 105th 
Infantry. 
For exceptional courage in pushing forward with his platoon 
by hand-to-hand fighting over three lines of enemy trench and 
continuing until he was but one of four survivors, members of 
the platoon, who were surrounded on all sides by the enemy and 
captured. This during the attack against the Hindenburg Line 
on the morning of September 27, 1918. 



INDIVIDUAL RECORDS OF OFFICERS AND ENLISTED 

MEN 

Note 

The records following have been compiled from information 
from many sources. The Bureau of War Records of the State of 
New York furnished over 2,700 records of enlisted men from 
cards sent there by the Adjutant-General, Washington. Mr. 
William A. Saxton, the head of the Bureau of War Records, 
Albany, has never spared himself to give desired information. 

After the Adjutant-General's Office in Washington had fur- 
nished records of the enlisted personnel, the appropriation for 
such work became exhausted and the Adjutant-General has 
found it necessary to refuse to furnish Officers' Records to the 
States or to individual organizations. Neither could he see his 
way clear to permit a representative of the 71st to come to Wash- 
ington and copy these records nor to have the work done in some 
other way at the expense of the Regiment. 

Under these circumstances, Officers' Records could only be 
compiled through canvassing individuals. It is regretted that 
more complete Officers' Records cannot be given, but it is a case 
of publishing them as they appear here or holding back the book 
for an indefinite period. 

Errors in the records are due to errors in the official cards. 

The highest rank obtained during the War has been given in 
the records and a consistent method followed as far as possible. 



402 



I 



KEY TO ABBREVIATIONS IN WAR RECORDS OF PERSONNEL 
71st. INFANTRY. 



Aeron — Aeronautical, 
Am Tr — Ammunition Train. 
Art — Artillery. 

Aux Rmt Dep — Auxiliary Remount De- 
pot. 
Bnd Ldr — Band Leader. 
Bn — Battalion. 
Bglr — Bugler. 
Ok— Cook. 

CAC — Coast Artillery Corps. 
Dec & Cit — Decorations and Citations. 
Dep Rel — Dependent Relative. 
Dep Brig — Depot Brigade. 
D of W — Died of wounds. 
Dis — Discharge. 

Dish Dis — Dishonorable Discharge, 
ED — Eastern Department. 
Eng — Engineers. 
F— Field. 

FA — Field Artillery. 
Frd Enl — Fraudulent Enlistment. 
Hq — Headquarters. 
K in A — Killed in Action. 
MG — Machine Gun. 
Maj — Major. 

MTC — Motor Transport Corps. 
Mus — Musician. 
Ord — Ordnance. 



OS — Overseas. 
P — Pioneers. 
Pv — Private. 

Pvlcl — Private First Class 
QMC — Quartermaster Corps. 
Rec — Received. 
Rmt — Remount. 
Ret Co — Recruit Company. 
Reg — Regiment. 
Regt — Regimental. 
Repl — Replacement. 
Sc — School. 
Sgt — Sergeant. 
Ser — Service. 
Sig Bn — Signal Battalion. 
SCD — Surgeon's Certificate of Disabil- 
ity. 
Sup Sgt — Supply Sergeant. 
Sq — Squadron. 
TC — Tank Corps. 
Tng — Training. 

USMC — United States Marine Corps. 
USN — United States Navy. 
Vet Tr Sc — Veterinary Training School. 
W — Wounded, 
54 — 54th Pioneers. 
105 — 105th Infantry. 
106 — 106th Infantry. 



ADDY, Arthur R. Capt MC 71 resigned Sep 17 

ARENHOLZ, William J. 2nd Lt 165 W OS 

ARTHUR, Lloyd J. 2d Lt 3d A A Bn 

ATKINS, Marvin L. 1st Lt 105 W OS May 18— Mar 19 (See Dec & Cit) 

BACHUR, Robert A. 2d Lt 105 313 Supp Tr OS May 18— June 19 
BAGLEY, Albert S. 2d Lt 105 
BAKER, Roy G. 

BARKELEW, Samuel W. 2d Lt Air Ser OS July— Dee 18 
BARRELL, Joseph E. 1st Lt 105 W OS May 18— Mar 19 
BATES, John G. Capt MTC 

BATES, William G. Colonel 54 OS Aug 18— June 19 
BAUMERT, Frank J. Lt 105 W OS May 18— Mar 19 
BEEKMAN, William S. Lieutenant-Colonel 71 Died Apr 17 
BECK, Frank. 

BEGLIN, Francis H. 1st Lt Bn Adj 71 resigned 
BRADLEY, Edward D. Capt 305 Inf OS Apr 18— Apr 19 
BROWN, Ames T. Major 106 W OS May 18— Mar 19 (See Dec. & Cit) 
BROWN, Hubert. 1st Lt 1st Div 

BLTLiKLEY, Stanley Lt-Col 105 W OS May 18— Mar 19 Brit Mil Cross 
(See Dec & Cit) 

403 



404 71sT NEW YORK 

CALLAHAN, John J. Capt 105 W OS May 18— Mar 19 (S«e Dec & Cit) 

CAMMAN, Harry. 1st Lt 105 W OS May 18— Mar Id 

CAREOLL, William F. 

CASE, Gordon. Piatt sburg Dec 27 

CHASE, Arthur B. 1st Lt MTG 

CLARKE, Lawrence P. 1st Lt 105 W OS May 18— Mar 19 (See Dee 

& Cit) 
COMSTOCK, Albert E. 2d Lt 105 resigned Nov 17 
CONWAY, Harry L. 1st Lt 105 K in A Aug 18 (See Dec & Cit) 
COOPER, Albert E. 2d Lt 71 

COOPER, Hedley H. Captain-Chaplain 71 NYG-YMCA K in A May 26-18 
CORLEY, Thomas P. 
CRANDELL, Derby. 

CRAWFORD, Robert L. 2d Lt 165 59th Inf W OS Oct 17— July 19 
CREWE, Rexford, Capt 105 102 Eng OS May 18— Mar 19 
CROCKER, William T. Chaplain 54 OS Aug 18— Jan 19 
CUTHBERT, Alexander H. 2d Lt 105 58th Inf OS May 18— Aug 19 

DALE, Chalmers. 1st Lt 71 2d Lt MTC Capt USA 

DAMES, Edward. 2d Lt 105 OS Order of Leopold II ''Chevalier" (See 
Dec & Cit) 

DAVIS, George M. 

DAVIS William. 

DIETZ, John A. 1st Lt Instructor Small Arms USA 

DE LAMATER, Walter A. Maj 106 Lieutenant-Colonel GHQ First Army 

DE LANOY, Stephen J. Maj Chemical Warfare Service USA Com- 
manding Officer Edgewood Arsenal 

DEVER, David W. 2d Lt 105 3d Division OS May 18— Aug 19 

DICKINSON, H. C. Plattsburg 

DIBBLEE, Harold. 2d Lt 165 W OS 

DILLON, John. 

DREHER, Ernest C. 1st Lt 105 OS May 18— Mar 19 

DUNN, Harry. Capt US Cav 

EBEN, James. Maj 71 54 USA Inf Trans Hq ED Governors Island 

EBEN, Leon A. 2d Lt 105 SCD May 18 

ELY, William A. H. Capt 105 Judge Advocate's Dept resigned physical 

disability OS May 18— May 19 
ENGERT, Rhinehart E. 2d Lt 105 313 Supp Tr OS May 18— May 19 
EYLERS, John D. 1st Lt Aviation 

FEARN, William R. Capt Supp Off 71 resigned Nov 17 
FLOOD, Harry. 2d Lt 105 106 OS Mar 18— Mar 19 
FLYNNE, Bert. 

FLYNNE, Percy G. 2d Lt 105 107 OS May 17— Mar 19 (See Dec & Cit) 
FORBES, William L., Jr. 1st Lt 105 Dis Jan 18 

GEIS, Matthew T. 2d Lt Athletic Coach OS May 18— Aug 19 

GEIS, Robert J. 2d Lt 105 W OS May 18— Feb 19 (See Dec & Cit) 

NYS Conspicuous Service Decoration 
GEORGE, James H. 1st Lt 105 W MP AEF OS May 18— Aug 19 
GERLACH, Harry. Ensign USN 

GIBLYN, Leo F. 1st Lt 105 W OS May 18— Dec 18 (See Dec & Cit) 
GILLERAN, Patrick J. 2d Lt 30th US Inf K in A OS 



IN THE WORLD WAR 405 

GINN, William J. B. 2d Lt 54 OS Aug 18— June 19 

GOUGH, Winant P. 106 FA SCD Feb 18 

GKAHAM, Harold W. 1st Lt 105 OS June 18— Mar 19 

GRAHAM, Thomas E. 2d Lt 105 313 MP 88 Div OS May 18— June 19 

GRANAT, Alexander. Capt 105 W OS May 18— Mar 19 (See Dec & Git) 

GRANT, Eugene G. 

GRANT, Harry E. Plattsburg 

GREGORY, John E. 1st Lt 105 Army Service School OS May 18— 

June 19 
GRIFFITHS, Alfred S. 

HART, George C. Maj Canadian E. F. Capt 309 MG Bn AEF W OS 
Aug 16— Sep 17 May 18— Apr 19 (See Dec & Cit) 

HASTINGS, Clarence A. V. Plattsburg Aug 17 

HAYES, Jeremiah J. 

HAYDEN, Richard. 2d Lt 105 89 Div W OS May 18— Apr 19 

HAZEN, Conrad P. 1st Lt Aviation Killed OS Jan 18 

HERTZOG, Emile F. 2d Lt 105 88 Div OS May 18— June 19 

HOGDON, Raymond F. Capt 105 W OS May 18— Mar 19 (See Dec & Cit) 
Chevalier DeL'Ordre Leopold 

HOFFMAN, Arthur J. 2d Lt 105 313 Supp Tr OS May 18— June 19 

HOFFMAN, James J. 

HORTON, Robert D. 1st Lt 63 

HOVEY, Justus A. Plattsburg Dec 17 

HUTCHINSON, James M. Lieutenant-Colonel 71 Executive Officer Camp 
Grant 

KAYSER, Charles D. Capt MC 105 Inf (See Dec & Cit) 

KEHLBECK, Harvard A. Capt Regt Adjutant 54 OS Aug 18— June 19 

KELLY, Alfred. 1st Lt 3 P Inf 

KEMP, Harold. 2d Lt 105 OS May 18— Mar 19 

KINNE, Frederick M. Lt 42 US Inf K in A 

KNIGHT, Edward. 

KUEHNLE, Frederick C. 1st Lt 71 Maj 1st Prov Reg NYG 

KUSCHKE, Charles W. Plattsburg Dec 17 

LANE, John Joseph. 1st Lt 105 W OS Dis May 18 

LONG, Frank M. Capt 105 331 Inf 120 Inf W OS June 18— Sep 19 

LOVELL, Frederic K. 1st Lt 105 GHQ AEF OS May 18— Sep 19 

MCALEER, John. Capt 306 Inf OS Apr 18— Aug 18 Instructor 21 Inf 

MC ALPIN, David H. 2nd Capt MTC OS Oct 18— Feb 19 

MCDERMOTT, Joseph H. Capt 54 Aug 18— June 19 

MC DONALD, E. J. 1st Lt CAC OS June 18— Feb 19 

MCGAY, Edw. 

MCKENNA, William. 2d Lt 105 Instructor ACS OS May 18— Mar 19 

MCKINNON, William R. 

MASLIN, Henry. Capt 105 W OS May 17— Dec 18 (See Dec & Cit) NYS 

Conspicuous Service Decoration 
HASTEN, Edward L. Capt MC 106 Inf W OS May 18— Mar 19 
MAURER, Alfred L. 
MAXWELL, Frank. 2d Lt 108 OS 



406 71sT NEW YORK 

MEE, Vincent D. 

MENDENHALL, Percival C. 

MEEIWETHER, Edgar E. 1st Lt 105 OS : 

MEKZ, Harry. 1st Lt 105 W OS May 18— Dec 18 (See Dec & Cit) 

MODE, Joseph H. 1st Lt Bnd Ldr 54 OS Aug 18— June 19 

MOONEY, Edwin J. Plattsburg 

MOEGAN, Clayland T. 2d Lt 54 OS Aug 18— July 19 

MUEPHY, Frank M. 1st Lt OS 

MUEPHY, Joseph M. 

NAGLE, C. F. C. 2d Lt 105 OS May 18— Aug 20 
NEWSOME, Terrence. 1st Lt Governors Island NY 
NICKEESON, Hofeman. 1st Lt 71 Capt Ord OS Nov 17— Feb 19 

O'CONNOE, Kevney. 1st Lt 105 W OS May 18— Feb 19 (See Dec & Cit) ; 

NYS Conspicuous Service Decoration 
O'KEEFE, Eobert E. Plattsburg Dec 17' 
OUTWATEE, John N., Jr. 

PATON, Thomas B., Jr. Capt 108 Inf 393 Inf Instructor 96 Div OS May > 

18— Sep 18 
PENDLETON, Charles M. Capt NA 
POTTEE, Frank E. Capt 105 W OS May 18— Feb 19 (See Dec & Cit) i 

NYS Conspicuous Service Decoration 
POWEES, Eichard P. 2d Lt 105 resigned Dec 17 ^, 



EANGES, J. Frederick. Maj 71 1st Lt QMC USA 

EIDGEWAY, Francis J. 2d Lt 54 OS Aug 18— June 19 

EOANE, Sexton C. 1st Lt 106 MC W OS May 18— Mar 19 (See Dee 

& Cit) 
EOBEETSON, Ellis A. Capt 54 OS Aug 18— June 19 
EOE, William B. Plattsburg Dec 17 

EOST, Karl O. 2d Lt 105 HQ 27 Div W OS May 18— Jan 19 
EYAN, William T. 1st Lt 

SALISBUEY, Lucius A. Lieutenant-Colonel MC 106 W OS May 18— 

Feb 19 (See Dec & Cit) Belgian Croix de Guerre 
SAUNDEES, Eoscoe. 2d Lt 77th Div Ord 

SCHMIDT, Frederick W. 2d Lt 105 318 Supp Tr OS May 18— Apr 19 
SCHEAM, Herman. 1st Lt Aviation 
SCHEOEDEE, Ernest C. Capt 71 Instructor Automatic Arms Div Sch of 

the Line 
SCOTT, Charles H. Capt 105 383 Inf OS May 18— Sep 18 
SCUDELAEEI, John J.' 2d Lt 102 Eng 
SLOAN, William S. 2nd Lieut Amb Serv Intelligence Sec Eadio Serv 

French Army Foreign Legion French Artillery Croix De Guerre^ 
SMITH, Alexander D. 1st Lt Aviation 
SMITH, Hohnes S. 2d Lt 105 W OS May 18 
SPONY, Albert. 1st Lt 105 30 Inf W OS 
STICKLES, Lester D. 1st Lt 332 Bn TC 
STONE, Harold E. 
STEONG, Ernest W. Capt 105 Amer Hq London Transport Corps France 

OS May 18— Sep 19 



y 



IN THE WORLD WAR 407 

TEREY, George F. Capt 105 OS May 18— Mar 19. NY Sgt Conspicuous 

Service Decoration. (See Dec & Cit) 
THOMAS, Edward C. O. Major 105 General Staff Corps W OS May 18 

—Oct 18 (See Dec & Cit) 
THORNTON, Frank P. 1st Lt 105 30 Inf OS 
TRUE, Clarence F. Capt 71 54 422 Labor Bn 

UNDERWOOD, Elmer R. 2d Lt 71 

VAN HOLLAND, Henry. 2d Lt 105 W OS 
VOGEL, Frederick W. Capt 71 Died Aug 17 

WARNER, Seldon G. 1st Lt 71 Resigned June 17 

WARSCHAUER, Edward. 1st Lt 105 K in A OS (See Dec & Cit) 

WELLS, Arthur E. Maj 54 OS Aug 18— June 19 

WHITE, Theodore. 1st Lt Aviation 

WOOLFENDEN, William. 2d Lt W OS 

AAL, Alfred D. NY Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 29-17— July 8-19 

ABBATE, Salvatore. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 16-18 

ABRAMS, Max. Pv No official record 

ABRAMSON, Frank E. NY Pv SCD Mar 30-17 

ABRAMSON, Samuel. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

ACCURSO, Anthony. NY Pv 54 SCD Feb 14-18 

ACKER. Edward A. NY Sgt 106 FA OS Jun 30-18— Mar 13-19 

ACKER, Edward O. Pvlcl 105 (See Dec & Cit) 

ADAIR, Donald P. NY Pvlcl 165 OS Oct 30-17— April 21-19 

ADAMO, Domenick L. NY Pv 105 SCD Dec 18-17 

ADAMS, Charles F. Dis dep rel Oct 11-17 

ADAMS, Charles H. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

ADAMS, Harry. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

ADARE, Raymond E. Deposit Corp 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 , 

ADIE, James L. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 

AGIN, Earl. NY SCD Mar 30-17 

AGNEW, James G. NY Pv SCD Sep 24-17 

AHLF, Theodore. NY Mach Mate Icl USN Aug 2-18— July 15-19 

AIELLO, Joseph. 165 

ALBANUS, Fredk. T. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

ALBERT, Eli. NY 105 SCD Feb 5-18 

ALBERTINE, Albert Theo. NY Seaman USN Apr 3-18— Mar 7-19 

ALBERTS, John. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 30-18— Apr 2-19 

ALEXANDER, Chas. A. 105 

ALEXANDER, Edwd. NY Sgt 54 SCD Feb 23-18 

ALEXANDER, Harry. NY Pv 105 SCD Feb 21-18 

ALLEN, Hamilton. NY Pv 165 W OS Apr 16-18—1919 

ALLESS, Arnold E. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18 

ALLMENDINGER, Fred W. NY Corp 165 W OS Oct 25-17— Dec 1-18 

ALP, Alexander. NY Corp 53 FA 

ALSHUT, Edward J. NY Pvlcl 106 FA OS June 5-18— Mar 19-19 

AIjTIERI, Gerard. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

AMES, Herbert H. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

AMORUSO, James M. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Feb 15-19 



408 71sT NEW YORK 

ANDEESON, Arthur. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18— May 21-19 
ANDERSON, Axel S. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18 K in A 
ANDERSON, Charles G. New Rochelle Corp 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Sep 

9-18 
ANDERSON, Fredk. J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
ANDREWS, Wm. J. NY Pvlcl 106 FA OS May 28-18— Mar 13-19 
ANNABELE, Herbert C. Pv No official record 
ANTOS, Frank W. NY Sgt 105 
ANNIS, Wm. NY Pv D Pneumonia Feb 6-20 

APPLEGATE, Wm. G. Port Jervis Pv 106FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
ARCHIE, Charles. NY Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 29-17— May 6-19 
ARMANN, John W. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
ARMS, Philip M. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS June 8-18— Dec 16-18 
ARMSTRONG, Ralph S. NY Corp School of Aerial Photography OS June 

12-18— May 31-19 
ARNESEN, Charles M. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
ARNOLD, Harry. NY Corp 105 SCD Feb 20-18 
ARTHUR, Lloyd J. NY 1st Sgt 

ARTUS, Ernest. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
AVENIUS, Theobald D. NY 1st Sgt 105 OS May 8-18— Mar 6-19 
AVERY, Kenneth. Garrison (See Dec & Cit) Pvlcl 102 Eng OS May 17- 

18— Mar 11-19 

BABCOCK, Clarence. Tarrytown Mus3cl 54 SCD Feb 4-18 

BACHARACH, Emile M. NY Pvlcl 152 Dep Brig 

BACHE, Joseph H. NY Pvlcl 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 

BACHT, Wm. NY 1st Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 

BACKER, John F. NY Bglr 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 

BAEHR, Edwin S. NY Color Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 

BAHR, Jacob A. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

BAILEY, Charles I. NY 1st Sgt F Rmt Sq OS Apr 30-18— Oct 11-19 

BAILEY, George M. Goshen Pv 105 OS May 17-18— Oct 19-18 D of W 

rec in Action 
BAKER, Floyd Wm. Walton Pv 165 OS Oct 26-17 K in A July 28-18 
BALANDIS, John L. Harmon Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
BALDWIN, Chas. A. NY Pv 165 OS Oct 23-17— Mar 11-19 
BALL, William E. Yonkers Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Sep 25-18 D of W 

rec in Action (See Dec & Cit) 
BALLUS, Robert F. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS July 9-18— Mar 6-19 
BANKS, William T. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
BANTA, Edwin V. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
BANVILLE, Peter J. NY Pv 102 Eng Deserted Dec 26-17 
BARANDON, John. NY 165 
BARBINI, Remo. NY Pv QMC 

BARBOUR, Wm. R. Yonkers Sgt Maj 165 OS Oct 31-17— Nov 20-19 
BARDES, Chas. K. NY Sgt Maj A Aircr OS June 30-18— Feb 21-19 
BARDES, John P. NY 1st Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— July 18-19 
BARDON, Edward J. NY Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Feb 27-19 
BARKER, Frank E. NY Pv 165 Dis Oct 26-17 
BARNES, Roland W. NY Pv 165 W OS Nov 1917— Nov 22-18 SCD 

Jan 28-19 



IN THE WORLD WAR 409 

BAENES, Thomas J. NY Pv 105 SCD Apr 9-18 

BARNES, William V. NY Pv 105 

BARRETT, George W. NY Pvlcl MD 

BARRETT, Herbert D., Jr. NY Sgt 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 

BARRON, James Joseph. NY Pv Deserted Mar 1917 

BARRY, George V. NY Mess Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 

BARRY, John F. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Aug 26-19 

BARTEAU, Carman. Hieksville Sgt 165 OS Oct 31-17— Apr 28-19 

BARTH, Egmont G. Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

BARTLETT, Arthur Sidney. Pv OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

BARTLEY. Pv No official record 

BARTLEY, Martin F. NY Seaman USN May 24-18— Aug 15-19 

BARTOLEMA, John. NY Mess Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 25-19 

BARTON John S. NY Corp 105 

BARTON, Warren H. NY Pv 152 Dep Brig 

BARTON, Wilbur E. NY Corp 165 OS Oct 26-17 K in A July 29-18 

BASCHOVSKI, Andrew. NY Pv 105 OS Sep 29-18— Feb 1-19 

BASSAKALIA, George J. NY Pv 105 OS May 8-18— Feb 19-19 

BASSETT, Lyman D. Sidney Corp MERC Dental Co 

BASTO, William Edwin. Deposit Corp 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 

BATALITSKI, Eugene C. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

BATH, Joseph E. N. Norwich Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Max 

6-19 (See Dec & Cit) 
BATTERSBY, Edward F. NY Sup Sgt 165 OS Nov 1-17— Feb 23-19 
BATTLE, Thos. J. NY Bglr 105 

BAUER, Charles. NY Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 25-17— Oct 28-19 
BAUER, Maurice A. NY Pvlcl 104 Eng OS June 19-18— Mar 19-19 
BAUMERT, William R. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
BAUMGARTNER, George. NY Bnd Ldr 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
BAUMGARTNER, Joseph A. Pv No official record 
BAUST, Jacob P. NY Wag 165 SCD Oct 16-17 
BEAGLE, Howard E. Sidney Sgt 105 

BEAKEY, Charles W. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
BEATTY, John J. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
BECK, Arthur C. NY Sgt 105 
BECK, John J. NY Sgt 52 Dep Brig 

BECK, William. NY Sup Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
BEDLE, Thos. F., Jr. NY Pvlcl 105 

BEETSON, Stanley S. Mt Vernon Pvlcl 165 OS Oct 31-17— Apr 21-19 
BEGES, Ralph S. NY Pvlcl 165 OS Oct 31-17— Apr 21-19 
BEHRMAN, Emanuel. NY Corp 105 OS Mar 21-18— May 21-19 
BELFORD, Thos. F. NY Pv 165 Deserted Aug 27-17 
BELL, Archibald T. NY Corp 

BELLINGS, Edward A. Pv 105 RSO 211 Oct 30-17 
BELLINGS, Otto A. Port Jervis Pv 105 SCD Dec 4-17 
BENJAMIN, John H. NY Pvlcl 105 OS June 30-18— Mar 11-19 
BENNETT, Carl M. NY Sgt 106 FA OS May 8-18— Mar 13-19 
BERG, August G. 165 

BERG, Emil J. NY Sgt Icl QMC OS Aug 14-18— Nov 21-19 
BERG, Max Barton. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
BERGER, Arthur. Pv No official record 
BERGER, David. NY Pvlcl 106 FA 
BERGHORN, Walter H. Pv No official record 



I 



410 71sT NEW YORK 

BERLIN, Alexander. NY Corp 165 W OS Oet 25-17— Jan 7-19 

BEELIN, Philip J. NY Pvlcl 165 OS Nov 6-17— Apr 25-19 

BERMINGHAM, Joseph T. NY Corp 338 Inf OS Oct 27-17— Apr 2-19 

BERRY, Walter F. NY Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Apr 21-19 

BERRY, William H. NY Pvlcl 106 OS May 10-18— Mar 6-19 

BESSEL, Lester R. NY 165 

BETHEL, Charles G. E. NY Wag 105 MG OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

BETTMAN, Joseph. NY Corp 165 W OS Oct 26-17— Mar 11-19 

BEYERS, Carl H. Hastings Corp 105 

BEZOLD, Christian F. NY Sgt 165 W OS Nov 5-17— May 1-19 

BIANCHE, Frederick. NY Mech 105 

BIBBEY, Harold H. NY Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Apr 18-19 

BIEL, Edward. NY Corp 311 MTC 

BIELEFELD, David C. NY Pvlcl 152 Dep Brig 

BIENSATTO, Alexander A. Pv No official record 

BILLINGS, Edward H. Jr. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 13-19 

BIRD, George H. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

BIRDSALL, Samuel H. NY Pv 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Oct 23-18 

BIRNBAUM, Joseph. NY Pv Hq Co 6 Bn FA 

BISHOP, Joseph. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 D of W rec in A Oct 3-18 s 

BISIGNANI, William. NY Sgt OS Aug 2-18— Apr 20-19 

BLACKER, Walter R. NY Sgt 54 OS July 26-18— Aug 1-19 

BLACKFORD, Robert A. Yonkers Sgt 165 OS Oct 31-17— Apr 21-19 

BLACKMAN, Joseph F. NY Corp 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 

BLACKMAR, William R. NY Pvlcl 106 FA OS May 18-18— Mar 11-19 i 

BLAIKIE, George. NY 1st Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

BLAINE, John J. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

BLAIR, Walter. NY Corp 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 

BLANCHETTE, Joseph A. Ferndale Pv 105 OS Aug 9-18— July 3-19 

BLESSING, William J. NY Sgt 111 Inf OS K in A Oct 18 

BLEWETT, Francis W. NY Pvlcl 106 Inf W OS May 10-18— Mar 6-19 i 

BLOCH, David. NY Corp 306 Inf OS Apr 13-18— Aug 25-19 

BLOCKLEY, Earle H. Pv 105 SCD Dec 19-17 . 

BLOHM, Theodore William. NY Pvlcl 2d Sep MG Bn USMC 1 

BLOMGREN, Ernest W. NY Pv 106 Inf OS May 10-18— Mar 6-19 (See i' 

Dec & Cit) 
BLOOMFIELD, Arthur W. NY Corp 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
BLUM, Raymond. Pv No official record 
BLUMENFELD, Maurice. Yonkers Sup Sgt 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 

13-19 
BLUMLEIN, John H. Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18— K in A Oct 17-18 
BOCK, William H. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
BOCKINO, Charles. Garrison Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Feb 15-19 
BOERNER, Frederick J. Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
BOERNER, Ralph. Sgt 54 105 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
BOERS, Herbert C. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 D of W rec in A Sep 

29-18 
BOHART, William. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
BOHL, Lester H. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 16-18 
BOISE, Edw. W. NY 1st Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
BOLAND, Louis J. NY Pvlcl 106 FA OS June 6-18 K in A Oct 31-18 
NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 



IN THE WORLD WAR 411 

BOLLES, Nathan W. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Feb 8-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
BOLZ, William J. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 
BONDY, Eobert H. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
BONESTEEL, George E. NY Pv 17 Bn FA 
BOPPLER, George Lawrence. No official record 
BOEAM, Edward F. NY Pv 105 W 08 May 17-18— Dec 27-18 
BORGES, Joseph A. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
BORGESON, Arthur C. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 26-18 
BORN, Edwin F. NY Corp 307 Cav 

BORTHWICK, George M. NY Pv 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
BOVITZ, Nathan. NY 106 FA 

BOWSKI, Maxwell Philip. NY Seaman 2 USN Apr 12-18— Mar 13-19 
BOYCE, Raymond. Homer Pv 52 P SCD Sep 4-18 
BOYD, John W. NY Bn Sgt Maj 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
BOYKIN, Samuel V. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
BRACKMAN, August W. Pv 105 SCD Feb 13-18 
BRACKEN, Thomas A. NY Sgt 105 OS May 10-18— Feb 19-19 
BRADBURY, Edward J. NY Corp 165 W OS Oct 21-17— Apr 25-19 
BRADFORD, Eugene G. Kingston Corp 165 W OS Oct 23-17— May 22-19 
BRADFORD, Frederick C. NY Corp 105 OS May 30-18— Mar 6-19 
BRADFORD, Reginald. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-18 
BRADY, Harry J. NY Corp 102 Eng OS June 30-18— Mar 11-19 
BRAND, George W. NY Pv 105 SCD June 14-18 
BRANDI, Anthony B. NY Corp 165 OS Oct 26-17— Apr 10-19 
BRANDOFF, George A. 165 
BRANDOFF, George A. NY Pvlcl 157 Dep Brig OS Oct 27-18— July 

12-19 
BRAVEMAN, Charles D. NY Sgt QMC 
BRENNAN, Bulger. NY Wag 105 W OS 
BRENNAN, Edward W. NY 105 SCD Oct 22-17 
BRENNAN, George L. NY 1st Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
BRENNAN, James A. Pv 105 W OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
BRENNAN, Joseph J. NY Corp 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 
BRENNAN, Matthew J. NY Corp 105 

BRENNAN, Pryor A. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
BRENNICK, Charles B., Jr. NY Cadet Sc o'f Mil Aeronautics 
BRESLIN, Frank A. NY Pv 165 OS Oct 15-17— Jan 11-19 
BRESSINGHAM, Henry L. NY Mec 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
BRESSLER, August A. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18— June 2-19 
BREWER, Dana E. NY Corp 54 OS Aug 31-18— Mar 26-19 
BREWER, William. Sag Harbor Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
BRICKWEDEL, Charles. NY Pv 105 SCD Feb 1-18 
BROCHELLE, Harry P. NY Pv 105 W OS 
BROCKWAY, Frank A. Brockway Pv 160 Dep Brig 
BRODERICK, John. NY Corp 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
BROWN, Edward W. Pv No official record 

BROMSON, Aaron. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
BROPHY, George J. NY Corp 165 OS Oct 28-17— Dec 16-18 
BROSCHART, David. NY Band Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
BROTHERSON, Harold W. NY Pv 165 OS Oct 29-17— Apr 26-19 
BROWD, William L. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 



412 71sT NEW YORK 

BEOWER, Calvin W, Pvlcl 106 FA 

BEOWN, Daniel P. NY Corp Aux Emt Dep 306 OS Sep 8-18— July 7-19 

BEOWN, Edward W. NY 105 Jan 17-18 SCD Jan 17-18 

BROWN, Frank J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

BEOWN, George J. Dis ED Sep 29-17 

BEOWN, George W. NY Pv SCD Sep 3-17 

BEOWN, James W. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

BEOWN, Joseph H. Pv No official record 

BEOWN, Joseph. Corp No official record 

BEOWN, Samuel N. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

BEOWN, Thomas E. J. No official record 

BEOWN, Vincent. NY Pv 105 OS July 26-18— July 3-19 

BEOWN, Wallace H. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dee 

& Cit) - 

BEOWN, William F. NY Pv 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 1 

BEOWNE, John (Jack). Pv No official record 

BEOWNE, Joseph H., Jr. NY Pv 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
BEUCKNEE, Joseph A. NY Pv 165 W OS June 20-18— July 8-19 
BEUECHEE, Walter F. Eve Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 16-18 
BEUEL, Hamilton C. NY Corp 105 OS Mar 22-18— July 11-19 
BEULEY, Walter C. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18^Mar 6-19 | 

BEUMM, Edwin W. NY Sgt 18 Am Tr f 

BRUNO, Gustavo. Hoboken Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
BRUNS, Charles F. Rosebank Ck 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 
BRUST, Charles F. Corp 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Aug 30-18 
BUCHANAN, Clarence A. Deposit Pv 105 SCD Jan 7-18 
BUCHANAN, George. NY Pv 102 Eng 

BUCKLEY, James J., Jr. NY Pvlcl 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
BUCKMAN, Thomas Henry. NY Wardroom Steward USN Feb 16-18— 

Mar 17-19 
BUESING, Harry W. NY Sgt Icl 21 Ret Co 
BULKLEY, Harry S. NY Sgt Icl Aux Rmt Dep 307 
BULL, Alexander W. NY Pv OTS 

BULLOCK, William R. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
BUNYAN, Matthew. NY Pv 105 

BURDETTE, Walter V. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18— Dec 10-18 
BURGGRAFF, Ernest R. Pv No official record 
BURKE, Charles. NY Pv 165 K in A 
BURKE, Edward J. Irvington Sgt QMC 
BURKE, Herman J. Pv 105 Dis frd enl Nov 29-17 
BURKE, Robert. Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
BURKE, Thomas E. Pv No official record 
BURKE, Stanley. Pv No official record 

BURLINSON, John V. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 26-18 
BURNS, Harold J. NY Pv 165 W OS Nov 21-17— June 28-19 
BURNS, J. E. Mus No official record 

BURNS, James F. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
BURNS, James V. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
BURNS, Joseph I. NY Bglr 105 OS May 17-18— Oct 9-18 
BURNS, Michael J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
BURR, Harvey. Pv No official record 

BURROWS, Daniel S. Chester Pv 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Oct 19-18 
BURSCH, Joseph H. NY Pv 53 Dep Brig 



IN THE WORLD WAR 413 

BUSCH, Andrew M. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
BUSE, Howard F. Yonkers D of compound frac of skull July 31-17 

(accident) 
BUSH, Warren. Hales Eddy Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
BUSHEY, Clinton E. Yonkers Pv 165 OS Oct 29-17 K in A Oct 15-18 
BUTLER, Joseph F. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
BUTLER, Paul A. NY Pv 105 Dis frd enl Jan 5-18 
BUTLER, Vincent J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
BUTTERMARK, Frank J. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
BYINGTON, Russell P. Ossining Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 

29-18 (See Dec & Cit) 
BYRNE, Charles J. NY Pvlcl 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 
BYRNE, Edw A. Middletown Corp 105 OS May 17-18— Dec 21-18 
BYRNE, Raymond Darling. NY USMC June 30-18— Feb 19-19 
BYRNE, Richard J. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
BYRNES, Alexander M. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— June 19-19 
BYRNES, Charles J. NY Pvlcl 102 Eng 

BYRNES, James A. NY Wag 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
BYRNES, Joseph N. NY Wag 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
BYRNES, Thomas A. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

CABOT, William A. NY Wag 165 OS Jan 16-18— Mar 2-19 

CADMUS, Warren R. NY 105 

CAHILL, Edward J. NY Pv 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Oct 13-18 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
CAHILL, Joseph M. NY Corp 105 W OS May 29-18— Dec 30-18 SCD 

Apr 5-19 (See Dec & Cit) 
CAHIR, Frank. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
CAIRNES, Alexander, Jr. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
CAIRNS, Frank. Pv No official record 

CAIRNS, James. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
CALLAHAN, Arthur J. Mamaroneck Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

(See Dec & Cit) 
CALLAHAN, Edison D. Rockdale Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
CALLAHAN, Edward T. NY Pv SCD June 26-17 
CALLAHAN, Joseph S. NY Sgt 105 OS May 5-18— July 28-19 
CALLAHAN, Thomas A. Pvlcl 105 
CALLAHAN, William E. Portchester Sgt 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Feb 

28-19 
CALLEN, William F. Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
CAMERSON, James. Middletown Pv 105 SCD Mar 13-18 
CAMERON, John I. Pv No official record 
CAMMANN, Henry J. 106 FA 

CAMP, Harold A. Mt Vernon Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
CAMPAGNA, Vincent A. Pv 54 

CAMPBELL, Frank X. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
CAMPBELL, Fred. Port Jervis Pv 105 SCD Dec 23-17 
CAMPBELL, John H. NY Sgt SCD Dec 31-17 
CAMPBELL, Melvin. Highland Mills Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 

23-18 (See Dec & Cit) 
CAMPBELL, William T. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
CANAHL, Frank de. Sgt No official record 



414 71sT NEW YORK 

CANEPI, John E. Yonkers Sgt 105 

CANTOE, David L. Corp CAC OS Oct 14-18— Feb 15-19 i 

CANTOE, Jacob. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

CAEEY, Joseph J. 105 

CAEHAET, Gustave G. NY Sgt 105 OS May 17-18 D of W Oct 22-18 

CAELIN, Atwood C. Pvlcl 105 

CAELSON, Frank D. Ossining Corp 106 FA OS June 6-19— Mar 13-19 

CAELSTEN, Charles A. NY Sgt Icl 105 OS July 15-18— July 2-19 

CAENEY, Daniel P. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

CAENEY, James P., Jr. Maspeth Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 26-18 

SCD Nov 7-19 
CAENEY, Joseph V. Pv 106 FA OS June 19-18— Mar 13-19 
CAENWEIGHT, George H. Saugerties 105 W OS May 17-18— Jan 31-19 
CAEPENTEE, Frank E. NY Pv 165 SCD Oct 7-17 
CAEPENTEE, George W. White Plains Pvlcl 105 MG OS May 18-18— 

Mar 6-19 
CAEPENTEE, Harry. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
CAEPENTEE, William H. A. NY Mus 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
CAEE, John Edward. Durlandville Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
CAEE, Thomas. Eegt Sup Sgt SCD Mar 30-17 

CAEEOLL, Albert E. Ossining Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
CAEEOLL, Eobert W. Pv No official record 

CAEEOLL, William J. NY Pvlcl 15 FA OS June 30-18— Mar 13-19 
CAETEE, Lake T. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Feb 21-19 
CASE, Herbert H., Jr. Chester Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Apr 25-19 
CASEY, Frank J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS Oct 4-18— Oct 12-19 
CASEY, Eaymond. NY 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
CASEY, William. Pv Dis Dep Eel Apr 20-17 
CASEY, William A. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— July 5-19 
CASSIDY, Alexander A. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 (Se" 

Dec & Cit) 
CASSIDY, Edward A. NY Sgt 105 OS July 15-18— July 7-19 
CASSIDY, John J. NY Pv 165 OS Oct 26-17— Apr 21-19 
CASSON, Michael W. NY Sgt 105 

CATALDO, Biago. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
CATLIN, William P., Jr. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 8-19 
CAVALIS, Peter. No official record 

CAVANAGH, John. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
CAVANAUGH, Benedict Joseph. NY Yeoman USN Mar 7-18— Feb 7-19 
CAVANAUGH, John S. 105 
CAWEIN, Ealeigh D. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18— D of W rec in A 

Sep 2-18 
CELDON, Lynnewood G. Spring Valley Pv 165 SCD Oct 11-17 
CEEMACK, Anthony W. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 30-18 
CHAD WICK, Harold. 102 Eng 

CHAMBEELAIN, Walter N. Santa Eosa Pv 105 SCD Jan 3-18 
CHAPON, Charles, Jr. NY Pv 105 SCD July 27-18 
CHAELES, Eric J. Franklin Pv 162 Dep Brig 
CHAETEES, William J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
CHATMAN, Wilbur J. 105 

CHEENIN, Max. Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
CHILD, William S. Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 



IN THE WORLD WAR 415 

CHISHOLM, John A. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

CHEISTFULLY, Arthur. Pv 165 K in A Mar 7-18 

CHRISTMAN, Felix W., Jr. Pvlcl 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 

CHEISTMAS, Charles W. NY Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Apr 27-19 

CHURCH, Arthur E. NY Pvlcl 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 

CHURCHILL, Edwin V. NY Corp 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 

CITARELLA, John F. NY Wag 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 

CLARK, Ernest E. NY Corp 165 OS Oct 26-17— Apr 21-19 

CLARK, Ervin F. NY Sgt Icl QMC 

CLARK, Hamilton R. Mess Sgt 

CLARK, Horace G. Pv No official record 

CLARK, William J. NY Pvlcl 105 

CLARK, William Stanley. Yonkers Pvlcl 152 Dep Brig OS Aug 31-18— 

July 13-19 
CLARKE, Herbert E. NY Corp 165 W OS Jan 18-18— Mar 19-19 
CLARKE, William C. NY Corp 105 

CLARKE, William F. NY Corp 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 
CLART, George L. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
CLART, Reginald F. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 
CLEEVE, Frederick W. NY Mess Sgt 
CLIFFORD, John L. NY Sgt QMC 

CLINE, Abram LeRoy. Piermont Pv 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Mar 11-19 
CLYNES, John M. 1st Sgt No official record 
COAKLEY, Joseph A. Yonkers Pv 105 SCD Jan 21-18 
COBBETT, George W. NY 1st Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
COCHRANE, Henry D. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
CODY, Joseph E. NY 1st Sgt 106 FA OS June 30-18— Mar 13-19 
COGLIANESE, Anthony T. NY 165 
COHEN, D. Pv No official record 

COHEN, Joseph Lewis. NY Bglr USN June 19-18— Feb 22-19 
COHEN, Leo. Corp No official record 
COHEN, Lester. NY Corp 321 FA 
COHEN, Morris O. Pv No official record 
COHN, Harry. Pv 105 SCD Dec 12-17 
COHN, Milton. NY Pv 106 FA OS July 1-18— Mar 13-19 
COHN, Ralph. NY Pv 106 FA OS May 25-18— Mar 13-19 
COIGNE, Frederick B. NY Corp 54 SCD Feb 13-18 
COLEMAN, Andrew A. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
COLEMAN, Posner. Pv No official record 

COLEMAN, Sylvester W. Briarcliff Manor Pvlcl 105 SCD Jan 15-18 
COLFER, Stephen J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
COLLIER, John J. NY Mus3cl 54 SCD Feb 4-18 
COLLINS, Andrew. Ck SCD Sep 23-17 
COLLINS, Gilbert A. Pv 105 Dis frd enl Nov 21-17 
COLLINS, James J. Troy Pv 105 OS May 17-18— Mar 15-19 
COLLINS, Leonard R. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
COLLINS, Patrick V. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Jan 19-19 
COLONY, Alfred Taylor. NY USMC W OS Sep 3-18— Apr 18-19 
COL WELL, Edward J. Kingston Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 2-18 
COMPTON, George J. NY Pv 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
CONDIT, Frank S. NY Corp 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Apr 26-19 
CONDON, Frank B. NY Pvlcl 105 
CONDON, Vincent J. Harmon Pv 165 W OS Oct 10-17— Mar 30-19 



416 71sT NEW YORK 



I 






CONKLIN", Lawrence S. Pv 105 

CONNELLAN, Martin James. Bayshore Pv 152 Dep Brig OS Aug 14-18 j 

— June 30-19 
CONKEES, John M. NY 

CONNERY, Francis R. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 12-18— June 26-19 
CONNORS, James M. Sidney Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
CONNORS, Thomas J. NY Pv D of drowning July 31-17 
CONNORS, William. Suffern Ck Deserted July 11-17 at Middletown NY 
CONRAD, Lowell W. Rutherford Pv 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 
CONRATH, John H. No official record 
CONROY, James J. NY 105 W OS May 17— Mar 6-19 
CONROY, John S. Deserted June 27-17 at NY 
CONROY, William J. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
CONSTANTINE, Alvin. NY Pv 152 Dep Brig 
CONSTANTINE, Leonard Ormsby. NY 1st Sgt USMC Apr 13-18— July 

5-19 
CONSTANTINO, Dominick F. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
CONTARINO, Thomas NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
COOGAN, Harry J. Albany Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18— Mar 15-19 
COOK, H. Gilbert. Yonkers Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 D of pneumonia and 

influenza Oct 30-18 
COOKE, James W. Ossining Pv 165 K in A July 28-18 
COOKE, Newton E. NY Pv 105 SCD Dec 31-18 

COOMAN, Thomas F. Yonkers Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
COOPER, William S. NY 105 MG Bn Sgt Maj 
CORN, Maxwell. Pv No official record 

CORBET, Valentine J. NY Ck 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
CORBETT, John J. Goshen Pv 165 W OS Apr 16-18— Mar 27-19 
CORLEY, John G. NY Sgt SCD Dec 10-17 
CORLEY, Thomas F. NY 1st Sgt 
CORLISS, Richard J. West New York Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Dee 

30-18 SCD Apr 8-20 
CORNELIUS. Pv No official record 
CORTI, Renato M. Mamaroneck Pvlcl 102 F Sig Bn OS May 17-18— 

Mar 15-19 
COSTA, Emilio. Wappingers Falls Sgt 105 OS Mar 22-18— dis Oct 10-19 

convenience of Govt 
COSTELLO, Thomas J. NY 105 

COTTER, George V. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
COTTER, William F., Jr. NY Pv 165 OS Oct 29-17— Apr 21-19 
COUPAL, John. NY Pvlcl 105 OS Mav 18-18— Mar 6-19 
COURTER, William J. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Oct 20-18 
COURTRIGHT, George E. NY Pv 165 Deserted Oct 3-17 
COUTANT, Ralph A. Ossining Pv 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Apr 2-19 
COWLES, Joseph G. NY Pv 48 Inf 

COX, Bart E. Hancock Pv 165 OS Oct 29-17— May 29-19 
COYNE, John. Sidney Sgt 105 

COYNE, William J. Riverdale Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
CRABTREE, Harry A. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
CRAFTS, Richard T. NY Pvlcl 124 TC OS July 14-18— Aug 28-19 
CRAIG, David L., Jr. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 15-19 
CRAIG, James J. 105 



IN THE WORLD WAR 417 

CEANE, Kobert. NY Corp 105 

CRAWFORD, Chester Ray. Cannonsville Pvlcl 106 FA OS June 6-18— 

Mar 13-19 
CRAWFORD, Robert L. NY 165 
CREAN, Nicholas F. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
CREAVY, Charles A. Tuckahoe Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
CROAKE, John T. NY Pv 102 Eng Dis frd enl Nov 22-17 
CROMPTON, Paul D. Newburgh Sgt 105 
CRONIN, John. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 2-18— Apr 13-19 
CRONIN, Maurice P. NY Pv 106 FA SCD Jan 21-18 
CROSSON, Matthew G. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 30-18 D of broncho-pneumonia 

Oct 7-18 
CROSTON, William R. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
CROTTY, Peter J. NY Sgt 165 OS Oct 18-17 K in A (See Dec & Cit) 
CROWLEY, Charles J. 105 
CULKIN, Thomas J. NY Pv 105 

CULLEN, George A. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 26-18 
CULLEN, John. NY Pvlcl 302 F Sig Bn OS May 10-18— Apr 30-19 
CUMMINS, Michael L. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
CUNEO, Andrew P. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
CUNNINGHAM, Thomas F. NY Pv 165 OS Oct 18-17— June 17-19 
CURLEY, Harry B. NY Sgt QMC 
CURRY, Thomas A. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 16-18 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
CURTIN, Alfred L. NY 165 

CURTIN, Patrick M. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
CURTIN, William L. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 26-19 
CUTLER, Morris. NY Pv 105 OS July 9-18— July 7-19 
CUTLER, Raymond T. NY Sgt 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
CZUKOR, Stephen. NY Pvlcl 105 Dis Dep Rel Oct 28-17 

DACEY, William T. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

DA COSTA, Sidney A. NY 1st Sgt 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Feb 16-19 

DAIMLER, Charles F. NY 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 

DALEY, Michael E. NY Pvlcl 310 Cav 

DALTON, John J. NY Corp Yet Tr Sch OS Oct 14-18— June 16-19 

DALY, James P. NY Corp FA OS May 8-18— Mar 13-19 

DALY, James W. NY Sgt 165 W Mar 21-18 K in A July 28-18 

DALY, John C. NY Pv 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Mar 11-19 

DALY, Patrick L. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

DALY, Thomas P. NY 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 8-19 

DAMBERG, Allen J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

DAMES, Edward P. NY Corp 105 (See Dec & Cit) 

DAMES, Ernest E. Pvlcl 105 

DAMOS, Arthur. Pv No official record 

DANIELS, Edward F. NY Pvlcl 106 OS May 10-18— Mar 6-19 

DAVIS, Frederick W. Mus3cl 

DAVIS, George. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec & Cit^ 

DAVIS, Harry A. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

DAVIS, Harry C. Ossining Pv 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 

DAVIS, Hubert V. NY 105 

DAVIS, Nathan R. Yonkers Sgt QMC 



418 71sT NEW YORK 

DAY, William F. H. Mess Sgt 

DE ANGELIS, Michael. NY Pv 165 Dish dis Apr 20-18 

DE BAUN, Walter, Jr. NY Pv 347 Inf OS Sep 3-18— Dee 30-18 

DEBOER, Jacob P. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

DE BOYEE, Louis. No official record 

DE CONCA, Frank. NY 1st Sgt 105 

DEDERICK, Peter J. Kingston Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 

DEE, Charles W. NY Sgt OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

DEFOREST, Walter. Mahopac Mess Sgt 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 

1-18 (See Dec & Cit) 
DEFRIETAS, Edward A. Pv 105 W OS June 28-18— Mar 6-19 
DEGNAN, John. NY Pv 343 FA OS June 28-18— June 6-19 
DE GROAT, Harold N. Piedmont Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
DEHM, Frank Charles. NY Seaman 2cl USN June 21-18— Jan 8-19 
DE KOHLER, Erwin Sigmund. NY Corp 62 P 
DELANEY, Joseph J. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
DELISLE, John. NY Pv AA MG Bn OS Aug 14-18— May 1-19 
DE MAR, Marvin. 165 

DE MARZIAN, Otto. NY Mess Sgt 105 OS June 25-18— Mar 6-19 
DEMOUGEOUT, Maurice. 105 

DEMPSEY, Joseph X. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 15-18 
DENTON, Thomas E. Mt Vernon Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
DERN, Henry J. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
DERTINGER, Gus C. NY Pvlcl 105 OS Nov 1-18— Nov 3-19 
DETWILER, Paul T. Middletown Corp 153 Dep Brig OS May 17-18— 

Jan 19-19 SCD Aug 9-19 
DE TORRIES, Manuel. Sgt No official record 
DEVER, David W. Sgt 105 

DEVERS, Edward J. Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
DEVINE, Frederick H. NY Pv 165 Dis frd enl Oct 12-17 
DEVLIN, Thomas J. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
DEVLIN, Walter A. Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec & Cit) 
DEWEES, Charles J. Jersey City Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
DEWITT, Albert H. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
DE WITT, Clyde Alton. Pv No official record 
DE WITT, Frank H. NY Corp 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Apr 26-19 
DIAMOND, James J. NY 308 Inf W OS Apr 6-18— Feb 9-19 
DIBELIIJS, Ehrhardt. NY Pvlcl 165 OS Oct 25-17— Apr 21-19 
DI BENEDETTO, Frank. Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
DICK, Albert. NY Corp 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Apr 21-19 
DICK, Benjamin S. Mt Vernon Corp 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
DICKINSON, Ehner K. 106 FA 

DICKINSON, William H. Tuxedo Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
DICKSON, Thomas, Jr. Corp 105 
DIEHL, Charles. NY Pvlcl 11 FA SCD Sep 19-17 
DIEHL, Charles. NY Pv 157 Dep Brig OS Oct 27-18— Mar 6-19 
DIENEMAN, Harry G. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
DIETZ, Joseph J. NY Pv 102 Am Tn OS June 14-18— Apr 23-19 
DIETZ, William, Jr. NY 105 Dis frd enl Mar 7-18 
DIETZEL, Henry. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 14-18 
DIFFLEY, Francis M. NY Pvlcl 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 
DILLON, John E., Jr. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
DILLON, John R. Mess Sgt 



IN THE WORLD WAR 419 

DILLON, Thomas G. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
DILLON, William V. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
DINGLEY, Gilbert B. Yonkers Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
DITTMAN, William E. Larclimont Corp 103 Eng OS May 19-18— Apr 

30-19 
DIXON, Thomas F. Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
DIXON, Vinton I. Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
DOBLIN, Paul F. NY Pv 23 Bn Kct OS Nov 13-18— July 19-19 
DODD, John C. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
DOHEETY, Stephen Pv 106 FA 

DOLAN, Herbert T. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
DOLAN, John. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
DOLAN, William F. NY Mess Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
DOLICKEE, John. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
DOLLINGER, George R. Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
DOMBROW, Walter J. NY 1st Sgt 152 Dep Brig 
DOMBROWSKI, John J. Florida Pvlcl 165 OS Oct 29-17— Apr 25-19 
DOMICA, Edward M. NY Pv 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
DONNELLY, Arthur M. NY Sgt 105 OS May 21-18— Mar 6-19 
DONNELLY, Frank J. NY Pv 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
DONNELLY, George H. 105 

DONNELLY, Robert. NY Sgt OS Oct 1-18— Apr 26-19 
DONOHUE, Jeremiah P. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
DONOHUE, John W. 105 

DONOVAN, Daniel J. NY Mess Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
DONOVAN, John J. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 
DOOLEY, George. NY Corp 165 W OS Oct 12-17— Mar 24-19 
DOOLEY, James A. NY Sgt 165 W OS Nov 31-17— Oct 12-18 SCD Feb 

27-20 
DORAN, Edmund. NY Pvlcl 165 OS Oct 29-17— Apr 2-19 
DORAN, Leo E. Salisbury Mills Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Jan 7-19 

Prisoner of war 
DORIAN, Thomas J. NY Pv 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 
DORN, Arthur. 1st Sgt No official record 
DOSS, Leo A. Goshen Pvlcl 165 W OS Nov 5-17— Apr 25-19 
DOUGHERTY, Dennis J. NY Pv 165 OS Jan 15-18— Apr 21-19 
DOUGHERTY, Willard Percy. NY USMC OS Nov 3-18— July 25-19 
DOUGHTY, Frank R. Liberty Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
DOUGHTY, John E. Pv No official record 

DOVAS, Peter A. NY Sgt 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 
DOWLING, William F. NY Pv SCD Mar 30-17 
DOWNER, Harold S. NY Sgt 165 OS Oct 24-17— Apr 25-19 
DOWNEY, Christy J. NY Pv 54 Dish dis Oct 27-19 
DOWNEY, Edward J. Pvlcl 106 FA OS June 2-18— July 13-19 
DOWNEY, Frank. NY Sgt 19 Eng OS Feb 27-18— Apr 27-19 
DOWNEY, Rollin C. NY Corp 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
DOWNING, James A. NY Pv 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
DOYLE, Christopher P. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 16-18 
DOYLE, Cornelius F. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
DOYLE, George H., Jr. NY Cfr 102 F Sig Bn May 18-18— Mar 15-19 
DOYLE, Richard F. Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
DOYLE, William J. NY Pvlcl 165 OS Oct 26-17 K in A July 28-18 



420 71sT NEW YORK 

DOYLE, WiUiam J. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 23-19 

DOYNO, John. NY Pv QMC OS Nov 12-18— Oct 12-19 

DRAMANT, M. C. Pv No official record 

DKASSER, John H. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

DRISCOLL, Edward P. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 

DRUMMOND, John V. New Rochelle Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Au^ 

14-19 
DUANE, William J. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
DUENSKIE, Joseph A. Wag 165 OS Jan 16-18— Mar 30-19 
DUESSELL, Emil. NY Pv 105 
DUPPEY, Prank. NY Pv 301 Eng OS July 14-18— June 13-19 
DUPPY, James M. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 D of broncho- 
pneumonia Mar 12-19 (See Dec & Cit) 
DUPPY, John B. NY Pv 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Peb 28-19 
DUPPY, William T. Newark Corp 105 SCD Jan 15-18 
DUG AN, Thomas E. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18 D of W rec in A Dec 

24-18 (See Dec & Cit) 
DUGARD, Charles P. NY 105 Dis frd enl Peb 19-18 
DUGGAN, Charles S. Goshen Pv 105 SCD Dec 18-17 
DUNDAS, Domanic J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 6-18 
DUNHAM, Marcus V. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— June 5-19 
DUNN Arthur J. Pv No official record 

DUNN, Charence M. NY Corp 54 OS June 30-18— Peb 21-19 
DUNN, Edward A. NY Pvlcl 105 MG OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 j 

DUNN, Edward J. Pv Dis frd enl Oct 4-17 1*;; 

DUNN, Walter J. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 '^l 

DUNNE, Richard A. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17— Dec 16-18 SCD May 

24-19 
DUNPHY, James J. Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
DWYER, James P NY Pvt 54 SCD Mar 22-18 

DWYER, John J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 27-18 
RWYER, John J. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

EASTMAN, Douglas E. Pv 105 Dis frd enl Jan 19-18 

EATON, Charles P. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
EBBITT, John P. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
ECHEVERRIA, Charles B. NY Sgt 165 OS Oct 29-17 D of W rec in A 

July 31-18 
ECKERT, Victor. NY Bn Sgt Maj 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
ECKMANN, John V. Goshen Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 
ECKRICH, Andrew H. Corp 106 PA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
EDELSON, Samuel. NY Pv 105 SCD Dec 19-17 
EDELSTEIN, Jack. NY Pv 165 W OS Nov 23-17— Nov 23-18 SCD Jan 

30-20 
EDEN, Van S. NY Ck 51 P OS July 26-18— Apr 23-19 
EDWARDS, Prank C. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
EDWARDS, Morris. Pv Dis frd enl Sep 27-17 
EDWARDS, Richard. 102 Eng 
EGAN, James H. NY Pvlcl SCD Sep 19-17 
EGAN, Philip. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
EGGERS, Charles R. H. NY Bglr 105 OS May 17-18— Dec 21-18 



IN THE WORLD WAR 421 

EHLEES, Gustave A. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 

EHRHAEDT, August W. NY Ck 165 OS Oct 26-17— Apr 21-19 

EILBACHER, Felix. NY Ck 105 

EILEE, Theodore R. NY Pvlcl 105 

EILEETSEN, Eilert C. NY Color Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 

EISLOEFEEL, Henry. Woodbury Falls Pv 54 

EITEL, William C. NY Corp 

ELDER, William J. Jersey City Corp 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 

ELIAS, Amanda. Pv Dis frd enl Sep 27-17 

ELIAS, William. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

ELLERY, William. 105 

ELLIOTT, Ernest J. Pvlcl 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 

ELLIOTT, Frederick W. Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

ELLIOTT, Harry W. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

ELLIOTT, Thomas A. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 

ELLWOOD, Elsworth S. 105 FA 

ELVIA, William J. NY 1st Sgt 54 OS July 9-18— July 7-19 

EMERY, Leonard Milton. NY Corp 53 P OS Aug 6-18— May 4-19 

EMOND, Gustave J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS Mar 20-18— July 16-19 

ENGELS, James J. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

ENGERT, Reinhart F. NY Corp 105 

ENGLEHARDT, Henry. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

ENGLMAN, Barney. Ck 

ENSIGNE, William H. Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

EPSTEIN, Herbert L. NY Pvlcl 3 Co Repl Dep Bn OS Oct 26-18— 

Aug 6-19 
EPSTEIN, Louis. Pv No official record 
ERB, Thomas J. NY Sgt 165 OS Oct 29-17 D of W rec in A July 29-18 

(See Dec & Cit) 
EEDMAN, Marcus E. NY 106 FA 
ERDMAN, Sidney. NY Pv 105 Inf 

ERICKSON, Arthur T. NY Corp Aer Sq OS Nov 22-17— Jan 22-19 
ERNST, John J. 165 Inf 
ERTZ, John H. NY Sgt 105 Inf 

ESSEX, Herbert B. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
ESSIG, John L. Pv 105 Dis frd enl Nov 3-17 
ESSMAN, Harold. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
ETOSH, Jack. NY Pv 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
EVANS, Royal R. 165 Inf 

EVENS, Harold W. NY Sgt Icl MD . , 

EXNER, Richard J. NY Corp 105 
EYSLER, Joseph. NY Pv 165 SCD Oct 8-17 

EAGER, Gustave B. NY Corp 105 OS Feb 27-18— Apr 27-19 
EAGER, Oscar A. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
FAHEY, Joseph F. Yonkers Pvlcl 108 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 27-19 
FAIRMAN, G. J. Pv No official record 
FALARDEAU, Cletus J. NY Pv 56 Ret Sq 

FALKENSTERN, Albert H. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
FALLS, James J. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
FALLS, John D. NY Pv 105 OS June 14-18— Mar 11-19 
FALLS, William J. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
FALZARANO, Michael. NY Pv 165 W OS Oct 25-17— Mar 21-19 



k. 



422 71sT NEW YORK 

FAELEY, Martin H. Oxford Pv 105 SCD Dee 27-17 
FAERELL, Frank. Irvington Pv 105 D result of accidentally inflicted gun- 
shot Mar 13-18 
FAEEELL, Frank P. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
FAEEELL, James A. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
FAEEELL, Joseph V. NY Bglr 105 

FAEEELL, William J. NY Mess Sgt 165 W OS to Feb 23-19 
FAEEINGTON, John H. NY 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
FASSIG, Thomas. NY Pv 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Mar 11-19 
FASTOFF, Alexander. NY Seaman 2el USN Apr 20-18— Sep 19-19 
FAUST, Peter J. NY Pvlcl 310 Inf OS May 19-18— May 29-19 
FAVATA, Salvatore. Pv No official record 
FAY, William F. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— July 7-19 
FEAEIS, Edgar C. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
FEEHAN, Paul. NY Corp 102 MPC OS May 18-18— Mar 11-19 
FEENEY, Bernard C. Ossining Pv 105 SCD Dec 20-17 
FEHEMAN, Paul C. NY Pvlcl 105 MG OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
FEHES, Carl W. NY Pvlcl 105 OS June 14-18— Mar 11-19 
FELD, Hyman. NY Pv 105 SCD Dec 12-18 
FELLOWS, Le Eoy D. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Oct 25-19 
FELLOWS, Wallace H. NY Pv 106 FA OS June 6-18— Feb 8-19 
FEENIE, William E. NY Sgt 165 OS Oct 31-17— Apr 21-19 
FEEEI, Anthony L. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Jan 19-19 
FEEEIS, Thomas J. NY Corp 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Apr 21-19 
FEEEY, David A. Saddler 102 Eng 
FEEEY, Edward G. NY Pv 105 Dis Dep Eel Feb 12-18 
FESTA, Sam. NY Pv 5 Cav * 

FETTEEEE, William J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
FETZEE, Alexander. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
FEY, Eaymond G. NY Corp 5 Eng Tng Eeg ( 

EIBOSCH, Henry. 102 Eng }: 

FIDELO, Angelo. NY Corp 105 OS July 15-18— June 29-19 | 

FIEBUSCH, Henry. NY Pv 102 Eng OS June 25-18— Feb 28-19 
FIEDLEE, William F. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
FIELDEE, Harold W. NY Pv 105 W T)S May 17— Feb 14-19 
FIELITZ, Oscar, Jr. NY 1st Sgt 54 OS Aug 26-18— June 23-19 
FILLET, Gustavo D. NY Pv MD 
FINBEEG, Alfred D. 165 
FINDLAY, John A. West New York Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— 

Mar 6-19 
FINKEENAGEL, Charles. NY Sgt 105 OS May 17-18— Jan 3-19 
FINKLE, Burr. Middletown Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Apr 25-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
FINN, Charles J. NY Pvlcl 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 
FINN, John J. New Eochelle Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17— Mar 6-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
FINN, Morris H. Florida Pv 165 OS Oct 26-17 D of Tuberculosis May 

31-19 
FINNEN, Thomas J., Jr. 105 

FINNIGAN, David P. Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-17— Mar 6-19 
FINNIGAN, Frank P. NY Pv 105 Dis cause unknown Feb 4-18 
FISCHEE, Arnold Ferdinand. NY Seaman 2cl USN Jul 1-18— Dec 18-18 



h 



IN THE WORLD WAR 423 

FISCHER, Jolin. NY Pv 165 OS Oct 25-17 K in A July 29-18 

FISHER, Frederick F. 165 

FISHER, George L. NY Corp 105 

FISHER, Harry. Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 9-18 (See Dec & Cit) 

FISHER, John J. Pv No official record 

FITZGERALD, Harrington. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 11-19 

FITZGERALD, Michael J. NY Pv 106 FA OS July 8-18— July 7-19 

FITZPATRICK, Edward P. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17— Mar 6-19 

FITZPATRICK, James F. NY Sgt Icl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

(See Dec & Cit) 
FITZPATRICK, William A. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 16-18 

(See Dec & Cit) 
FITZSIMMONS, James. Corp 165 W OS Oct 25-17— Apr 21-19 
FITZSIMMONS, James P. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
FLAHERTY, James J. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
FLAHERTY, William A. NY Pv 105 OS May 17-18 D of broncho-pneu- 
monia Oct 25-18 
FLANAGAN, Charles A. NY Mess Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
FLANAGAN, Edward A. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-19— Mar 6-19 
FLANAGAN, Frederick H. NY Pv SCD Mar 30-17 
FLATERY, Wm. Pv No official record 

FLEISCHER, Henry A. B. NY Corp 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
FLEISCHMAN, Daniel A. NY Sgt Maj 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
FLEMING, John S. NY Sgt 105 

FLETCHER, Paul M. NY Pvlcl 106 OS May 10-18— Mar 6-19 
FLINT, Wm. H. Pv No official record 
FLOOD, Harry J. NY Sgt 105 
FLOYD, James. Pv No official record 

FLYNN, Arthur F. NY Corp 165 W OS Oct 25-17— July 13-19 
FYLNN, John. Beacon Pv 105 

FLYNN, Thomas E. NY Pv 105 Dis frd enl Feb 16-18 
FLYNNE, Ashley C. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
FODEN, Frederick R. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
FOGARTY, Jeremiah J. NY Pv 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Oct 19-18 
FOLGER, Frederick S. NY Corp 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
FOLK, Herbert. Pv No official record 

FOODY, Leo John. NY Yeoman 3cl USN Mar 27-18— May 24-19 
FOOTE, Albert B. NY Pv 105 SCD Jan 9-18 
FORD, John A. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
FORD, William. NY Pvlcl QMC 

FORRESTER, Mark A. NY Wag 165 OS June 16-18— Mar 30-19 
FORTGANG, Morris. NY Pv 165 W OS Aug 25-17— Apr 2-19 
FOSTER, Hallet J. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
FOSTER, Herbert H. Sgt 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
FOSTER, Kenneth S. NY Corp MTC OS June 30-18— Sep 10-19 
FOWLER, John. NY Sgt 320 MTC OS Mar 30-18— July 10-19 
FOWLER, Lionel R. 165 
FOWLER, Paul J. Pv No official record 

FOWLER, Thomas B. Mt Vernon Sgt Icl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 15-19 
FOX, Arthur B. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec & Cit) 
FOX, Charles H. Croton-on-Hudson Pv 165 K in A Aug 28-18 
FOX, Frederick W. Sgt Icl 105 



424 71sT NEW YORK 

FOX, Walter J. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

FEANK, John C. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

FEANKEL, Bernard B. NY Corp 105 OS Jan 27-18— Jan 11-19 

FEANKLIN, James J., Jr. NY Pv 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Mar 11-19 

FEATTOLILLO, Frank. NY Pvlcl 154 Dep Brig 

FEEDEEICK, John A. NY Corp 165 W OS Oct 20-17— Mar 13-19 

FEEEDMAN, Abraham. 165 Inf 

FEEENE, Sidney A. Pv No official record 

FEEISEE, Abraham. 105 Inf 

FEEUDENTHAL, Thomas. NY Corp 105 OS July 15-18— June 28-19 

FEEYGANG, Charles J. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 26-18 

FEICK, Frederick A. Albany Bglr 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 

FEIEDMAN, Alexander. 165 Inf 

FEIEDMAN, Barney L. NY Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 25-17— Mar 30-19 

FEIEDMAN, Herbert. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

FEISTEE, Edward. NYXorp 105 OS May 16-18— Mar 6-19 

FEYE, Edward Veil. NY Corp 165 W OS Oct 24-17— Oct 11-18 

FUCHS, George L. NY Pv 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Mar 11-19 

FUCHS, Jacob. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— 

FULLEE, Earl L. NY 1st Sgt Ees Labor Bn 

FULLEE, James G. Tonnerville Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

FULLEE, Martin H. NY Pv 105 Dis frd enl Feb 20-18 

FUEKE, Thomas E. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

GADDEE, Joseph L. NY Pv 105 SCD Dec 7-17 

GAFFNEY, Hugh. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

GAGAN, George L. New Eochelle Pv 102 Eng W OS May 17-18— Mar 

11-19 
GALLAGHEE, Edw. P. NY 1st Sgt 54 
GALLAGHEE, Frank W. Eockville Center Pv 102 Eng OS May 17-18— 

Feb 28-19 
GALLAGHEE, Thomas M. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Oct 20-18 
GALLAGHEE, William J. NY Pv 105 SCD Dec 31-17 
GALLIC, Eaymond H. NY Sgt Maj 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
GALLO, Carmine. NY Pv 105 SCD Dec 20-17 
GALVIN, Francis. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
GALVIN, Walter J. NY Corp 165 OS Oct 31-17— Apr 26-19 
GAMBEET, Irving S. NY Pv 152 Dep Brig 
GAMBEET, Lester B. Pv No official record 

GAMBLE, Henry Parks. NY Com Stew USN July 5-18— Dec 19-18 
GAMMIE, Peter. 165 Inf 
GANNON, John P. NY 165 Inf 

GA NUN, Walter E. Brewster Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
GANUNG, LeEoy W. Ossining Corp 105 OS May 17-18 D of W rec in 

A Sep 29-18 
GAEBEE, Samuel David. NY Sgt 152 Dep Brig 
GAEDELLA, Andrew. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
GAEDNEE, Arthur A. Pv No official record 
GAEDNEE, Frank J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
GAEEY, James A. Jr. NY Pv Ord Corps OS Aug 3-18— Apr 30-19 
GAEIBALDI, Emil. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
GAEEIGAN, Peter J. NY Corp 106 FA SCD Dec 21-17 
GAEEISON, Morgan E. Arkville Sgt 105 



IN THE WORLD WAR 425 

GARTNER, Charles L. Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

GARVEY, Thomas V. NY Corp 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 

GASS, Lloyd K. NY Corp 106 FA OS June 30-18— Mar 13-19 

GASS, Waiter. NY Seaman USN Mar 1-18— July 15-19 

GAST, John J. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec & Cit) 

GAVALIS, Peter. NY Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Apr 21-19 

GATLEY, Raymond P. NY Sup Sgt 105 

GAUSER, Abraham. Pv No official record 

GAUSS, Clifton F. 106 FA 

GAVAGAN, William T. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

GEARON, Daniel C. 165 Inf 

GEASA, Edward. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18— Mar 15-19 

GEASA, Frank X. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

GEASA, Paul J. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

GEIER, Alexander J., Jr. NY 1st Sgt 54 OS Sept 30-18— Jan 16-19 

GETS, Walter F. NY Pv 165 W OS Oct 27-17— Jan 22-19 

GEISMAN, Henry R. 165 Inf 

GENSLER, Stanley B. Ossining Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

GEORGE, James D. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 26-18 

GERDES, William O. NY 1st Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
GERKEN, William. NY Pvlcl 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Mar 11-19 
GERLACH, Louis McK. NY Sgt QMC OS May 7-18— June 23-19 
GERLACH, Otto F. Ossining Corp 106 FA OS June 6-18— June 25-19 
GEROW, Chadwick. Blooming Grove Sup Sgt 105 OS May 17-18 K in A 

Sept 29-18 
GERVASI, Frank. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 16-18 SCD Oct 

24-19 
GETLER, Alfred. NY Sgt Icl QMC 
GIAMAKOPOULOS, Nicholas. NY 106 Inf 
GIBBONS, John Daniel. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
GIBSON, James H., Jr. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Oct 19-18 
GIBSON, William. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Feb 11-19 
GILDEA, Charles B. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
GILL, William W. NY Sgt 

GILLIES, William J. NY Pv deserted July 16-17 
GILLIG, John. NY Sup Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
GILLIGAN, James N. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18— D of W rec in A 

Oct 9-18 
GILLMAN, George I. NY Corp 165 OS Oct 31-17— Apr 21-19 
GILMORE, John J. NY Pv 105 SCD Dec 21-17 

GILPRIN, Martin O. Mt Yernon Bglr 105 W OS May 17-18— Dee 26-18 
GINEY, Joseph M. Pv No official record 
GINGRAS, Jean L. NY Sgt Icl MD 

GINSBERG, Stanley. NY Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 26-17— Apr 2-19 
GINTY, Joseph M. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
GLATTERMAN, Moe. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
GLENNON, Thomas W. Elmhurst Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
GLESS, Richard H. NY Wag 54 

GLICK, Harry. NY Pv 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
GLICK, Samuel. NY Corp 21 Ret Co 
GLISMAN, Philip. NY Pv 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Aug 7-18 



426 71sT NEW YORK 

GLOVIN, Philip. Pv No official record 

GLUCKSMAN, Frederick E. Pv No official record 

GLYNN, Andrew. NY Sgt 105 

GLYNN, John. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec & Cit) 

GLYNN Joseph M. Poughkeepsie Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

GOBLE, Howard. Slate Hill Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 29-17— July 22-19 

GODFEEY, James. NY Pvlcl 105 

GODWIN, Walter J. NY Pvlcl MD OS June 30-18— Mar 23-19 

GOEBEL, John C. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

GOECKING, Charles B. NY Pv 165 OS Oct 31-17— Feb 15-19 

GOELLNITZ, Walter. NY Pv 105 SCD Feb 15-18 

GOLDBERG, Alexander H. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

GOLDBERG, Jesse. NY Corp 102 Eng W OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 

GOLDEN, H. N. Pv No official record 

GOLDMAN, Carlton D. NY Pvlcl 11 FA OS July 14-18— June 10-19 

GOLDSTEIN, David. Pv 105 Frd enl Oct 18-17 

GOLDSTEIN, Jerome. NY Mess Sgt 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Apr 21-19 

GOLEBWSKI, Anthony J. Wag 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

GOLL, Frederick. NW Wag 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

GOLUB, Harry. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 

GOODE, John J. Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

GOODMAN, Frank V. NY Pvlcl 106 OS May 10-18— Mar 6-19 

GOODWIN, Charles E. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 

GOODWIN, Harold A. NY Pv 305 Brig TC OS Mar 1-18— Mar 17-19 

GOODWIN, Henry N. NY Pvlcl 106 FA 

GOOSS, Hugo F. NY Sgt 54 W OS June 30-18— Feb 11-19 

GORDON, George A. 165 A \ 

GORDON, Jackuthiel. NY Bglr 106 FA l 

GORDON, Joseph. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
GORE, Frederick L. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
GORISH, Otto. Florida Sgt 105 

GORMAN, Thomas J. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18 K in A Aug 1-18 
GORMLEY, James T. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
GORSLINE, Ira. Kerhonkson Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 SCD 

July 11-19 
GOSS, John A. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 1818— Mar 6-19 
GOUGH, Winant P. NY Corp 106 FA SCD Feb 25-18 
GOULD, James H. NY Sgt Motor Mech Reg OS July 7-18— July 12-19 
GOURDIER, Arthur. NY Sgt 105 
GRAFF, Charles A. 105 

GRAHAM, Floyd. Hardenburg Pvlcl 165 OS Oct 29-17 K in A July 29-18 
GRAHAM, Guy B. NY Pvlcl 105 

GRAHAM, Jesse L. Middletown Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 . 
GRAHAM, John A. NY Corp 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 « 

GRAHAM, Thomas E. Corp 105 * 

GRAHE, Charles A. NY Pv 105 
GRANSBURY, Harry V. Hambletville Pvlcl 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 

13-19 
GRANT, Alan B. NY Corp 105 OS May 10-18— Mar 6-19 
GRANT, Francis T. NY 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dee & Cit) 
GRAULE, John S. NY Pvlcl 
GRAY, Henry P. NY Pvlcl 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 



IN THE WORLD WAR 427 

GRAY, Herbert. NY Pv 145 Inf Dis frd enl Sep 6-17 

GRAY, Robert F. NY Pvlcl 165 W OS Jan 18-18— Feb 7-19 

GRAY, W. P. NY Color Sgt 71 

GRAZIANI, Vincent. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 26-19 

GREENBURG, Morris. Pv No official record 

GREENE, William. NY 102 Eng SCD Nov 21-17 

GREENE, William A. Bayonne Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 16-18 

GREENEWALD, John G. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

GREGORY, John E. NY Corp 105 

GRELLER, Philip. NY Corp 165 OS Oct 26-17 K in A Sept 12-18 

GRENAWALT, George J. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

GRESS, George. NY Sup Sgt 54 P OS Aug 28-18— June 26-19 

GRIFFIN, Elmer E. Poughkeepsie Pvlcl 23 Inf W OS Sep 7-17— Aug 

3-19 
GRIFFITH, Lindsay J. NY Sgt 105 Inf 
GRIMMER, John W. Bronxville Sgt Icl 105 W OS May 17-18— Jan 19-19 

SCD May 23-19 (See Dec & Cit) 
GRIMSHAW, Charles. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
GRISWOLD, Frederick M. NY Corp 165 OS Oct 29-17 D of pneumonia 

June 14-18 
GROB, Louis. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 28-18— June 23-19 
GROFF, James T. Sup Sgt No official record 

GROSS, Simon. NY Pvlcl 53 Dep Brig OS July 30-18— May 25-19 
GROSSMAN, Alexander. NY Sgt 105 
GROTH, Frederick. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 16-18 SCD Apr 

23-20 
GRUNDY, Charles. NY 1st Sgt 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Feb 28-19 
GRUNEWALD, Stephen H. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
GIJARDIA, John E. Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
GUARINIELLO, Louis. Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 5-19 
GUGLER, Norman. Pv No official record 

GUGLIE^E, James J. Pv 165 OS Oct 26-17 K in A July 30-18 
GUIDO, Frank. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Jan 19-19 
GUILFOYLE, Edward D. NY Sgt lei 326 F Sig Bn OS Aug 14-18— 

June 27-19 
GUILFOYLE, Frank W. Pv 105 Inf 

GUILFOYLE, John Patrick. NY Seaman 2cl USN Jan 10-18— Dec 17-18 
GUINAN, Edward J. NY Stable Sgt 54 P OS Aug 28-18— June 26-19 
GUITON, William E. NY Corp 105 Inf 

GUNTHER, Harry D. NY Corp 165 W OS Oct 25-17— Nov 22-18 
GUSSMAN, Herman. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
GUTFLEISOH, Joseph William. NY Corp 51 P OS July 26-18— July 

6-19 
GUYER, Milo. Thompkins Pvlcl 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 

HAAS, Joseph B. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

HAAS, Walter. NY Pv 105 Inf 

HADLEY, Rex S. Sandy Creek Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 D of W rec in 

A Aug 28-18 
HADDEN, Rawson. Pv No official record 

HAESER, Joseph G. NY Pv 106 FA OS July 10-18— Apr 19-19 
HAGEMAN, Edward D. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— July 13-19 



!■ 



428 71sT NEW YORK 

HAGEN, Charles E. Pv No official record 

HAGEN, Howard J. Irvington Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Feb 17-19 

SOD Apr 8-20 
HAGSTEDT, Gustav J. NY Pv 54 D of pneumonia Oct 9-18 
HAHN, George J. NY Mess Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
HAIGHT, Charles W. Garrison Corp 16 Serv Co SC OS June 1-18— Sept 

2-19 
HALIK, Frederick. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Feb 24-19 SCD July 

22-20 
HALL, Kenneth C. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Dee 18-18 
HALPER, Joseph W. NY Sgt 165 OS Oct 26-17— Apr 21-19 
HALPERN, Benjamin. NY Pvlcl 102 Eng W OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 
HALSTED, William A. NY Pv 105 MG SCD Dec 14-17 
HAAR, William. Pv No official record 

HAMEL, Henry. NY Sgt Base Hosp 214 OS Sep 18-18— July 15-19 
HAMILTON, Frank E. Otego Pv 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
HAMILTON, James J. NY Sgt 165 OS Oct 29-17 K in A July 15-18 
HAMILTON, James J. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
HAMM, Anthony J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 2-18 
HAMMAN, Thomas N. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
HAMMOND, Bradley. NY Sgt 106 FA W OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
HAMMOND, Dewey. 165 Inf 

HANDSCOMB, Frederick C. NY Corp 165 OS Oct 25-17— Nov 1-18 
HANLEY, John L. Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
HANNIGAN, Daniel J. Stony Point Pv 105 OS May 18-18 D of menin- 
gitis May 12-19 
HANNON, John P. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
HANRAHAN, David A. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 
HANRATTY, Thomas L. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 21-18 
HANSEN, Percy S. NY Sgt 52 FA OS June 30-18— Mar 13-19 
HARDENBERGH, Chester Andrew. NY Seaman USN Apr 22-18— Dec 

18-18 
HARDY, Edward B. Pv No official record 

HARLAN, Thomas R. NY Wag 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
HARRISON, Morgan R. No official record 

HARRISON, William G. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
HART, James W. Corp 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Oct 19-18 
HART, Joseph A. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 31-18. (See 

Dee & Cit) 
HART, Joseph F. NY Pv 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
HARTFORD, William J. NY Pv K by train July 10-17 
HARTJEN, Geo. B. NY Sgt Icl 105 
HARTOGENSIS, Alwyn. Corp No official record 
HARVEY, John. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
HARVEY, Thomas A. NY Pv 105 SCD Mar 30-18 
HASSELBERGER, Henry P. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
HASSETT, Thomas G. NY Pvlcl OS June 14-18— Mar 11-19 
HAUG, Frederick W. NY Sgt 152 Dep Brig OS May 19-18— May 20-19 
HAVLOCK, Charles. Winfield Pv 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 
HAWK, George G. NY 105 SCD Feb 14-18 

HAWKINS, Eugene. Port Jervis Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dee 23-18 
HAWKINS, Norman. Beerston Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
HAWTHORNE, Daniel G., Jr. NY 165 Inf 



I 



IN THE WORLD WAR 429 

HAYDEN, Kichard. NY Sgt 105 Inf W OS 
HAYWAED, Clarence B. NY Stable Sgt 54 

HEADY, William E. NY Sgt Maj 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
HEALY, James J. NY Corp 165 W OS May 17-18— Mar 23-19 
HEATH, Frederick J. NY 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
HEATH, Wm. E. Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
HEBEL, Francis W. NY Corp 165 OS Oct 26-17— Apr 21-19 
HEDBERG, Sylvester E. NY Pvlcl 106 W OS May 10-18— Mar 6-19 
HECK, Leo. NY Pvlcl 105 SCD Feb 20-18 
HECTOE, William J. Pv Icl 105 Inf 

HEDBEEG, Vincent A. NY Pvlcl 106 OS May 10-18— Mar 6-19 
HEDDY, Eaymond. 165 
HEEEEN, Ernest E. NY Sgt 54 

HEEEEN, Gustave E. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 16-18 
HEFFEEMAN, Cornelius. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18— Jan 19-19 
HEFFEENAN, John J. 105 
HEIGEED, Hugh D. Pv No official record 

HEILEMAN, Charles H. NY Corp 105 W OS May 1-18— June 19-19 
HEIN, Alfred William. NY Seaman USN Dec 20-17— Oct 15-19 
HEINEMAN, Benjamin. NY Saddler 106 FA W OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
HEINEICHS, Alfred. Yonkers Pv 165 OS Oct 31-17— May 30-18 
HEISEE, Herman F. A. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
HEISS, William. Annadale Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
HELD, Marcy P. NY Corp 105 OS Mar 22-18— July 12-19 
HELLEIEGEL, Philip H. NY Sgt 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Dec 21-18 
HENDEESON, James C. NY Corp 165 W OS Oct 3-17— Dec 1-18 
HENION, William E. Port Jervis Pv 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Sep 8-18 
HENEEHAHAN, David. Pv No official record 

HENEY, Clarence J. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sept 29-18 
HENSHAW, John G. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 D of broncho-pneu- 
monia and influenza Oct 30-18 
HEPPEE, Alfred H. B. NY Corp 316 MG OS July 31-18— June 20-19 
HEEBECK, Chas. M. NY Sgt 35 Eng OS Feb 27-18— May 30-19 
HEEING, Francis W. NY Eeg Sup Sgt 61 P 
HEEMAN, Frederick F. NY Pv 105 SCD Mar 8-18 
HEEEICK, Howard L. Utica Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
HEEEEN, E. R. Icl Mus No official record 

HEEEMANN, Frank A. NY Sgt 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
HEESHFIELD, L. J. Pv No official record 
HEETFELDEE, Hubert C. NY Pv 105 W OS May 29-18— Dec 26-18 

SCD June 9-19 
HEETLE, James F. NY Corp 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 
HEETZOG, Emile F. NY 1st Sgt 105 
HESS, Frank J. NY Corp 105 

HESS, Lester. NY Pvlcl 165 D of W rec in A Oct 14-18 
HETTEICK, Augustine F. NY Corp 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Dec 24-18 
HEUCK, Herman W. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 14-18— Jan 7-19 
HEUEE, Henry O. Spuyten Duyvil Pv 165 OS Jan 25-18— Apr 21-19 
HEYDE, Edw. W. Ossining Corp 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
HICKEY, Joseph F. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
HICKEY, Eoy Frank. NY Pv 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
HICKOK, Lawrence A. Binghamton Sgt 2 MM Reg OS Mar 4-18— May 
29-19 



430 71sT NEW YORK 

HILDEBRANDT, Paul. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

HILDEETH, Chester H. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

HILL, Charles P. Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

HILL, Roland P. Pvlcl 105 OS May 27-18— May 6-19 

HILLS, Albert A. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 30-18— June 26-19 

HILLWINKLE, Julius H. 165 

HIMSEL, Frank William. NY Seaman USN June 5-18— Dec 19-18 

HIND, James U. Halesite Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

HINES, Arthur J. NY Pv Dis frd enl Apr 1-19 

HIRSCH, Ernest J. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 

HIRSCH, Harry. NY 105 Dep Rel Dis Jan 25-18 

HIRSCHBERG, Arthur. Pv No official record 

HLIVYAK, Theodore J. NY Pv 105 OS Aug 3-18— Mar 6-19 

HOBBS, Edward. NY Pvlcl 102 Am Tr OS June 15-18— Mar 11-19 

HOBERT, Wm. W. NY Sgt Maj 107 OS May 10-18— Mar 6-19 

HOCKER, William James. NY Pvlcl 305 Inf OS Apr 16-18— Apr 24-19 

HODGINS, Leonard E. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

HOFFMAN, Alexander. NY Pvlcl 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 

HOFFMAN, Edward. Watervliet Corp 165 OS Oct 29-17— Dec 2-19 

HOFFMAN, James J. NY Sgt 105 

HOFFMAN, William R. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 16-18 

SCD Mar 20-20 
HOFSEAS, William. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
HOGAN, Andrew. NY Pv 105 SCD Jan 15-18 
HOGAN, Arthur J. NY Pvlcl 51 P OS July 26-18— July 3-19 
HOGAN, Geo. J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
HOGAN, John J. NY Pv 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Mar 27-19 
HOGAN, Martin. NY Saddler 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
HOGAN, Thomas J. NY Pv 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Mar 11-19 
HOGSTROM, Andrew. NY Corp 165 OS Oct 25-17— Apr 24-19 
HOLLAND, John J. NY Corp 105 

HOLMES, Ralph. NY Sgt 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Apr 26-19 
HOLMES, Robert W. NY Corp 165 W OS Nov 1-17— Nov 18-18 
HOLMSBERG, L. C. Pv No official record 
HONAHAN, James E. NY Sgt 105 SCD Aug 4-18 
HONES, Wm. R. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
HOOD, William H. Pv 105 SCD Oct 25-17 

HOOKER, Roger F. New Rochelle Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dee 23-18 
HOOKER, Warren F. NY Corp 105 
HOOPER, Frederick. Wag 165 

HOPKINS, Chas. J. NY Pv 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 
HORTON, Hubert L. White Plains Corp 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Apr 25-19 
HORTON, William H. NY Pv 106 FA SCD May 1-18 
HORVATH, Julius. Pvlcl 165 OS Oct 31-17— Apr 21-19 
HOULDEN, Alonzo. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
HOULIHAN, Christopher. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
HOVEY, Justus A. NY Pv 105 Dis RSO 275, Dec 5-17 
HOWARD, James E. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 19-18 
HOWARD, Russel. NY Pvlcl 165 OS Oct 29-17— Apr 25-19 
HOWE, Edward. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
HOWE, Frederick W. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Nov 8-18 SCD Sept 

13-20 



I 



IN THE WORLD WAR 431 

HOWE, Theodore. NY Sgt 105 SCD Mar 20-18 

HOWELL, David W. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 14-18— May 1-19 

HOWLETT, James E. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 16-18 

HOYLE, Harold Percy. NY Sup Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 

HOYT, John H. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18— Mar 15-19 

HUECK, Herman. Pv No official record 

HUETHER, Joseph A. NY Wag 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 19-19 

HUGHES, Frank P. NY Sgt 105 OS May 17-18 D of W rec in A Sep 

30-18 
HUGHES, Joseph A. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Feb 19-19 
HUGGARD, Victor A. NY Corp 165 W OS Oct 25-17— Dec 22-18 
HUNT, Christopher J. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 26-19 
HUNTER, John W. Corp No official record 

HUSSEY, Edward J. NY Sgt 165 OS Oct 27-17 K in A Oct 28-18 
HUSTACE, Allerton M. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
HUTCHINGS, Hugh H. 105 Inf 

HUTCHINGS, Louis J. Irvington Pv 102 Eng OS May 17-18— June 29-19 
HUTTON, Cecil F. NY Pv 105 OS May 17-18 D of W rec in A July 

28-18 
HYAMS, Lewis. Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
HYLAND, Christopher J. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
HYLAND, Joseph P. NY P\^lcl 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 27-19 

IRVIN, Allen A. NY Pv 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 

IVERSON, Valentine J. NY Pvlcl 105 

IZAN, Ernest M. NY Pvlcl 106 W OS May 10-18— Mar 6-19 

JABICK, Albert. Pv 105 

JACKSON, Arthur P. NY Corp 105 

JACKSON, Arthur Thomas. Bn Sgt Maj 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 

JACKSON, Edward L. NY Pv 106 FA SCD Dec 7-17 

JACKSON, Frederick E. NY Pvlcl 105 OS June 14-18— June 11-19 

JACOBS, Joseph. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 D of broncho-pneumonia 

Nov 2-18 
JACOBS, Louis. NY Pv Deserted Aug 26-17 
JACOBS, Samuel. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sept 2-18 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
JACOBSON, Samuel M. NY Corp Sig Corps 
JAHN, Walter H. Wag 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
JAKUBEK, Arthur. NY Corp 34 FA 
JAMES, Alfred. Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
JAMESON, Harry S. NY Pvlcl 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Mar 11-19 
JANSEN, Eugene P. NY Pvlcl 165 OS Oct 31-17 K in A Sep 12-18 
JARBOE, Harold H. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
JENISON, James C. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 18-18 
JENKINS, Edw. W. NY Asst Bnd Ldr 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
JESELSON, Raymond V. NY Pv 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Oct 18-18 
JEWETT, William R. Canaan Sgt 105 

JOHNSON, Calvin E. NY Pvlcl 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Mar 11-19 
JOHNSON, Geo. I. NY Mess Sgt 54 OS Sept 30-18— Jan 16-19 
JOHNSON, Herbert Waldo. NY Sgt QMC 
JOHNSON, James F. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 



432 71sT NEW YORK [] 

JOHNSON, Lloyd H. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 il 

JOHNSON, Eobert. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 ^ 

JOHNSON, Willard A. NY Pv 105 SCD Jan 3-18 
JOHNSTON, Edw. A. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
JOHNSTON, Joseph F. Pv 105 Dis Nov 18-17 SO 230-27 Div * | 

JOHNSTON, Stewart W. Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 I 

JONES, Dana. NY Cadet Se Mil Aeron Hon dis Aug 9-18 
JONES, Frederick. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
JONES, George. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec & Cit) 
JONES, William A. NY Corp 105 SCD Dec 14-17 
JONES, Wm. E. Corp 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
JOEDAN, Edwin C. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
JOEDAN, Howard W. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
JOEDAN, John F. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
JOEDAN, Patrick. Pv 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sept 27-18 
JOEIO, Eichard. Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
JOSENHANS, Arthur. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
JOUENAUD, Marcel A. Sgt 306 MP OS Mar 22-18— Nov 25-19 
JUNGINGEE, John G. NY Pv 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
JUEGENSEN, Albert W. NY 1st Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
JUEGENSEN, Julius F. NY Sup Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— Jan 26-19 
JUSTICE, Albert. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

KAAS, William. NY Pvlcl 165 OS Oct 31-17— Mar 27-19 

KADLEC, Charles. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 26-18 SCD June ; 

23-20 
KALISH, Edward M. NY Pv 165 SCD Apr 19-19 (See Dec & Cit) 
KALLOCK, G. W. Mech No official record 

KAMBEE, Sidney. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
KANDEL, Charles T. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
KANE, Andrew. Jeffersonville Pv 105 SCD Apr 1-18 
KANE, Arthur J. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
KANE, James M. NY Sgt 105 Hon dis Oct 19-17 
KANE, Howard B. Corp No official record 

KANE, Thomas D. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
KANE, William P. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
KANOWITZ, Herman. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 
KANZLEE, Fred F. NY Pv 105 OS May 17-18 D of W rec in A Aug 8-18 
KAPFEE, G. N. NY Pvlcl QMC 
KAEP, Eobert L. NY Pv 105 SCD Dec 17-17 

KAESTEN, Albin E. Middletown Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
KASNEE, David J. NY Pvlcl 102 Eng OS May 17-18 D of pneumonia 

Oct 18-18 
KATZ, Michael. NY Pv 105 SCD Mar 8-18 
KAUFMAN, Louis L. NY Pvlcl 165 OS Oct 29-18— Apr 21-19 
KAYE, Frederick W. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 3-19 
KAYE, Leonard C. NY Sup Sgt 42 Inf 
KAYSEE, Eaymond C. Pv No official record 
KEAENEY, Albon A. W Hoboken Pvlcl 102 Eng W OS May 17-18— Feb 

28-19 
KEAENEY, James J. NY Pv 836 Aer Sq OS Apr 16-18— Dec 4-18 
KEELAN, Joseph A. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
KEENAN, Owen. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 



IN THE WORLD WAR 433 

KEENAN, Peter J. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
KEENE, Walter. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
KEHOE, John J. NY Pv 165 W OS Oct 25-17— Mar 15-19 
KELLER, Mordecai S. Pv No official record 
KELLY, Alfred F. NY 1st Sgt 71 
KELLY, Daniel F. NY Corp Dis dep rel Sept 26-17 
KELLY, Eugene D. NY Sgt 48 Inf W OS Sept 19-17— Aug 1-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
KELLY, James F., Jr. NY 19 Eng OS Mar 6-18— Apr 20-19 
KELLY, James J. Katonah Corp 105 OS May 17-18— D of W rec in 

A Oct 16-18 
KELLY, John C. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
KELLY, John F., Jr. NY Pv 106 FA SCD Nov 27-17 
KELLY, John J. Kingston Pv 105 OS July 10-18— July 7-19 
KELLY, John M. NY Pv 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 
KELLY, John T. NY Pvlel 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Oct 21-18 SCD June 

26-19 
KELLY, Patrick M. NY Pvlcl 105 

KELLY, Samuel J. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 19-19 
KELLY, Valentine T. Sup Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 19-19 
KELLY, Walter A. NY 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
KEMP, Harold F. NY Sgt 105 
KENELMN, Eden. Sup Sgt No official record 

KENNEDY, Dennis J. NY Pvlcl 105 MG OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
KENNEDY, Frederick. NY Sup Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
KENNEDY, James G. Haverstraw Pv SCD Jan 24-18 
KENNEDY, Joseph M. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
KENNELLY, James. NY Pvlcl QMC 
KENNELLY, Wm. NY Pv SCD Mar 30-17 
KENNY, James. Pv No official record 
KENNY, John B. NY Pvlcl OS Nov 13-18— July 3-19 
KENNY, John H. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
KENNEY, Vincent. Corp Dis Dep Rel Sep 18-17 
KENT, Clarence W. NY Corp 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
KENT, Howard E. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
KERINS, Martin H. NY Master Eng Sr Gr 105 OS June 14-18— June 

21-19 (See Dec & Cit) 
KERN, Edward J. NY Reg Sgt Maj 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
KERN, Valentine. NY Pv 105 Deserted June 12-19 
KERNAN, Richard J. Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Jan 7-19 
KERR, Howard. Mamaroneck Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
KERR; Raymond S. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 3-19 
KERRIGAN, Dennis W. Pvlcl 165 OS Oct 31-17— Apr 26-19 
KIELY, John M. NY Pv 102 Eng SCD Mar 19-18 
KIERNAN, Augustine R. NY Pv 105 FA OS June 30-18— Mar 13-19 
KIERNAN, Bernard F. NY Corp 105 W. OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
KIERNAN, Daniel A. NY Sgt 105 W OS May i8-18— Mar 6-19 
KIERNAN, Geo. W. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
KILLMER, Edw. F. NY Sgt 105 OS July 9-18— Mar 6-19 
KING, Benjamin J. NY Pvlcl 251 MP OS Mar 28-18— June 26-19 
KING, John H. NY Pv 308 Inf OS Apr 6-18— Apr 28-19 
KING, Louis W. Haverstraw Pvlcl 165 D of meningitis Apr 13-18 



i 



434 71sT NEW YORK 

KING, William T. NY Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 14-17— Mar 15-19 

KINKEAD, Thomas M. NY Corp 105 

KINNE, Frederick. Corp 105 

KINSLEY, James F. NY Corp 105 SCD Oct 5-18 

KIPP, Charles S. Piermont Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dee 

& Cit) 
KIRK, Michael M. Pv No official record 
KIRSCH, Harry. Wag 165 OS Oct 29-17— May 16-19 
KLEIN, Edward M. NY Sgt Icl 105 

KLEIN, Samuel. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
KLINE, William B. NY Pv 105 OS June 14-18— Mar 11-19 
KLINE, William J. NY Pv 105 
KLINGE, Walter. NY Corp 105. (See Dec & Cit) 
KLOPF, Paul. Pvlcl 105 

KLOSENBERG, Samuel. NY Pv 165 D of W rec in A July 28-18 
KNAPKA, George H. J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
KNIGHT, Edward F. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Jan 7-19 
KNIGHT, William E. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
KNOTH, William O. White Plains Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
KNOX, George J. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
KOCH, Otto. NY Pv 105 OS May 17-18 D of W rec in A July 15-18 
KOCH, Rudolph. NY 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
KOCHERSBERGER, William E. Creedmore Pv 105 OS May 17-18 D of 

bronco-pneumonia Nov 4-18 
KOCK, O. Ck No official record 

KOEBERICH, Lawrence C. NY Sgt 105 FA OS June 30-18— Mar 13-19 
KOEHLER, George F. NY Farrier Vet C OS Apr 16-18— July 25-19 
KOEHLER, Herbert W. Pvlcl 102 Eng W OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 
KOENER, Frank. NY Pv 105 OS Mar 22-18— July 13-19 
KOENIGES, Martin. NY Pv 102 Eng OS Aug 5-18— Apr 27-19 
KOERNER, John. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
KOERT, Cornelius C. Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec & Cit) 
KOLTS, Harry. Kingston Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
KOMMEL, Nathan. NY 165 
KOPF, Solomon. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18 D of W rec in A Sep 3-18 

(See Dec & Cit) 
KOSSE, Samuel. Pv No official record 

KOSTER, Henry G. Sgt 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
KOUSKY, Julius. NY Corp 106 FA 

KOVACS, Frank. Kingston Pv 62 Inf OS Oct 29-17— Feb 9-19 
KOVATCH, John B. Greenport Pvlcl 105 
KRAFFT, George M. Livingston Manor Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 

6-19 
KRAMER, William J. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
KRANCER, Herbert. NY Pv 105 Dis frd enl Oct 28-17 
KRASNANSKY, Martin. NY Pvlcl 105 

KREUTZ, Wm. P. NY Corp 105 OS Feb 27-18— Apr 23-19 
KROESSIG, Joseph F. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
KUBELLE, Conrad. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Aug 20-19 
KUBIK, Charles. Pv 105 Dis frd enl Nov 10-17 
KUCHENMEISTER, William, Jr. NY Pv 105 Deserted May 18-18 
KUNKEL, Joseph L. NY Corp 104 FA OS June 30-18— Mar 13-19 
KUNTZMAN, Walter H. NY Sgt 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Feb 10-19 



I 



IN THE WORLD WAR 435 

KURZMAN, Harold M. NY Pvlcl 306 Inf OS Apr 13-18— Apr 25-19 
KUSS, Charles H. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
KUTCHER, George J. NY Pv Edgewood Arsenal Md 

LACEY, George H. NY 165 

LACEY, Thomas Edward. NY USN June 16-18— Sep 25-19 

LACKNER, Frank J. NY Pv 165 OS Oct 26-17 D of W ree in A July 

29-18 
LADDEN, Timothy M. NY 105 

LADEMANN, Otto P. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
LAFFEY, Patrick J. NY Corp 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 
LAGRANGE, Jean W. NY Pv Dis July 16-17 Dependency 
LALLY, William B. NY 1st Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
LAMB, Charles A. NY Sgt 105 OS May 8-18— Nov 6-19 
LAMOREAUX, Frank P. Liberty Mess Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 

6-19 
LAMOUREE, Adelbert. Tuxedo Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Oct 17-18 
LANDAUER, David. NY Seaman USN Sep 10-18— Jan 21-19 
LANE, David B. NY Pvlcl 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
LANE, Harry. Middletown Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 27-18 
LANE, John J. Corp 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Apr 25-19 
LANG, Gustav P. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18 D of W rec in A Sep 29-18 
LANG, H. A. Pv No official record 
LANG, William B. NY Corp QMC 

LANGTON, William J. NY Pv 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 
LANZNER, Charles. Asbury Park Sgt 165 OS Oct 27-17 D of W rec in 

A July 17-18 
LARKIN, Patrick F. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 20-18 
LARUFFA, Anthony. NY Corp 165 OS Oct 31-17 D of W rec in A 

Oct 24-18 
LAUDEN Patrick E. Pv No official record 
LAUMAN, Eugene H. NY Regt Sgt Maj 22 Inf 

LAVELLE, Walter D. Long Eddy Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
LAWLESS, Joseph P. NY Pv 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
LAWLOR, Andrew J. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
LAWLOR, Edward T. Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Nov 6-18 
LAWLOR, James J. Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
LAWRENCE, Arthur B. Liberty Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
LAWSON, Charles. NY Pv QMC 

LAWSON, James H. Thompkins Corp 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
LAYMAN, Thomas F. W. Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
LEA, Robert E. NY Sgt 53 Dep Brig 
LEAHY, Alexis W. NY Corp 105 

LEAHY, Michael. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
LEAHY, Walter H. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
LEAVY, Daniel A. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
LE BLANC, Charles C, Jr. 105 

LEDERER, Winfield C. NY Pv 105 SCD Dec 22-17 
LEE, Walter G. Rochester Sgt 303 Eng OS May 26-18— June 6-19 
LEERS, Paul R. Corp 105 SCD Dec 28-17 
LEHMAN, Charles. Pv 105 Dis frd enl Dec 13-17 
LEHMAN, William. NY Corp 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 



I 



436 71sT NEW YORK 

LEHMEE, Norman. NY Pvlcl 106 Inf 

LEIBERMAN, Morris. NY Pv 105 

LEIBOWITZ, Meyer. NY Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 26-17— Dec 24-18 

LEISTER, Charles. NY Sgt 165 OS Oct 31-17— Apr 21-19 

LEITZER, Edward A. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

LENAHAN, John P. Sup Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 

LENIHAN, John P. NY Ck 

LENZ, John P. NY Bglr 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 26-18 

LEONARD, John A. NY Sup Sgt 105 OS May 20-18— Dec 26-18 

LEONARD, Maurice J. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

LEONARD, William J. NY Corp QMC SCD Apr 9-18 

LEONETTI, Charles. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

LESER, Charles A. NY Sgt Rmt Dep 307 OS July 1-18— July 2-19 

LESSER, Herman. NY Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Apr 25-19 

LETTIERI, Joseph F. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

LEVEL, John A., Jr. NY Corp 105 

LEVENSON, Louis S. NY Pv 165 SCD Oct 11-17 

LEVEQUE, A. Pv No official record 

LEVY, Albert Lazarus. Montclair USMC Aug 4-18— July 30-19 

LEVY, Jerome Clark. NY Seaman 2cl USN June 12-18— Dec 21-18 

LEVY, Julius A. Corp 153 Dep Brig 

LEVY, Louis. Corp 105 OS Mar 21-18— Apr 4-19 

LEWIS, George F. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

LEWIS, Jack. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

LIGHTFINE, Harold L. NY Sgt 

LILLEY, Charles J. Monroe Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 16-18 

LIND, John V. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

LINDEMAN, George. NY Corp 105 OS June 30-18— Mar 11-19 

LINDHEIMER, Jerome H. NY Pv 165 OS Oct 26-17— Dec 31-18 

LINDOW, Edward G. NY Sgt 54 

LINDQUIEST, Eric G. NY Sgt 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 

LINK, William R. NY Corp 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 

LINN, John A. NY Sgt Stretcher bearer YMCA K in A 

LINZ, Arthur. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 D of W rec in A Oct 20-18 

LIPSCHUTZ, Isadore. Pv 165 OS Mar 30-18 K in A Oct 15-18 

LISSNER, Sylvester. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

LITCHFIELD, Oscar R. NY Pv 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 

LIVINGSTON, James. Piermont Sgt M Mec Reg OS July 15-18— June 

29-19 
LLOYD, James. Pv 102 Eng W OS May 17-18— Mar 11-19 A 

LOCICERO, Felix. Ck 105 OS Apr 17-18— Mar 6-19 ^ 

LOCKE, Charles J. NY Sgt Cent Rec Office Bn OS Aug 25-18— Aug 30-19 
LOCKHART, Howard. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
LOCKHART, William H. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
LOEFFLER, Albert L. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
LOGAN, Robert M. NY Pvlcl Mtcl Co OS Mar 29-19— Nov 3-19 
LONGNECKER, Walter. NY Icl Sgt 105 FA 
LOOMIS, Guy L. Pvlcl 165 OS Jan 15-18— Apr 26-19 
LOONEY, Daniel J. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
LOPATINE, S. Pv No official record 
LOPEZ, John J. NY Sgt 105 

LOPEZ de VICTORIA, Jose. Pv No official record 
LOPEZ, John J. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 



# 



IN THE WORLD WAR 437 



LOED, John D. Pvlcl 105 Disc dep rel Nov 22-17 

LOUCKS, Howard C. Canton Corp 105 FA OS June 6-18— June 27-19 

LOUDEN, Patrick. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

LOUGHLIN, Joseph C. NY Pvlcl 105 (See Dec & Cit) 

LOUGHLIN, James J. 165 Inf 

LOUGHMAN, Stephen M. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

LOUNSBURY, George I. NY 1st Sgt 54 OS Aug 28-18— June 26-19 

LOVEEIDGE, Edgar H. Pv 105 SCD Feb 20-18 

LOWERY, Albert. NY Pv 105 SCD Dec 26-17 

LUBERMAN, Morris. Pv No official record 

LUCAS, Henry J. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

LUCKHARDT, Carl H. NY Pvlcl 105 

LUCHASIE, Harold. NY Corp 165 OS Oct 25-17— Apr 21-19 

LUCHTENBERG, Carl O. Sgt 105 

LUMSDEN, Milton G. Mt Vernon Corp 106 FA OS May 8-18— Mar 13-19 

LUND, Daniel E. Corp 105 

LUND, Harold M. NY Corp 344 Bn Tank C OS Sep 24-18— Mar 17-19 

LUND, Walter A. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

LUND, William F. Newburgh SCD Aug 18-17 

LUSTIG, Harry. NY Pv 105 SCD Feb 1-18 

LUTZ, Joseph. NY Pvlcl 

LYNCH, George A. Concord Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

LYNCH, George G. Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 15-19 

LYNCH, John E. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

LYNCH, John J. Pv No official record 

LYON, John W 3d. NY Corp 105 FA OS June 30-18— Mar 13-19 

MAAR, Ronald D. NY Pv SCD Feb 15-18 

MACK, Philip G. NY Pv 165 W OS Oct 25-17— Feb 9-19 

MACKENZIE, George R. Glen Spey Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 

6-19 (See Dec & Cit) 
MACKEY, Harold Francis. NY Seaman 2cl USN Jan 30-18— Feb 4-20 
MACKIE, Benjamin. NY 2cl Mus 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
MACKIN, William F. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
MACKINNON, William R. Color Sgt Dis dep rel Nov 10-17 
MACLACHLAN, Everett. Tarrytown Sgt Ord Dep OS May 27-18— 

June 9-19 
MAGER, Harold K. Hoboken 105 PS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MAGIS, George. NY Pvlcl 105 OS Mar 23-18— Mar 23-19 
MAGNUS, Richard P. NY 165 
MAGUIRE, Robert P. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
MAHAR, Daniel H. Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec & Cit) 
MAHER, Joseph E. Pv No official record 

MAHER, Joseph M. NY Corp 165 W OS Oct 27-17— Oct 21-18 
MAHONEY, Daniel A. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— Mar 11-19 
MAHONEY, Wm. J. NY Pvlcl 52 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
MALINKA, William E. NY Corp 165 

MALITO, James A. NY Mess Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
MALJEAN, Marius. 102 Eng 

MALLOY, Frank J. Jr. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
MALOY, John P. NY Sgt 105 
M AMMAN, Frederick A. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 



438 71sT NEW YORK 

MANG, Chas. E. NY Corp 165 OS Oct 25-18— Apr 21-19 
MANGASSASIAN, Rouper. NY Ck 105 OS May 18-18— Dec 20-18 
MANIET, John P. Middletown Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— June 20-19 
MANN, Horace E. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 21-18 
MANNES, Murray. NY Pv MD 
MANNING, James K. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
MANSELL, Armand Maurice. NY Seaman 2cl IJSN Apr 15-18— Jan 8-19 
MANY, William G. NY Pv 165 OS Oct 29-17— Feb 22-19 
MAPELSDEN, Eoland M. NY Pvlcl 105 
MARCIANO, James F. NY Pvlcl 105 OS July 8-17— July 7-19 
MARCUS, George J. NY 165 

MARCUS, Nathan. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 18-18 
MARDOS, Otto. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MARGIOTTA, Vincent. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MARKS, Jacob. NY Pvlcl 105 "W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
MARKS, Leo. NY Ck Amb Serv OS June 13-18— May 1-19 Awarded 

Italian War Service Ribbon 
MARKSON, David. NY Pv 105 Dis frd enl May 10-18 
MARSCHAT, Albert Joseph. Pv No official record 
MARSH, Frederick A. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MARSHALL, Robert. New Rochelle Pv 165 W OS Nov 5-17— May 2-19 
MAROUSEK, Gustave C. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MARTIN, Albert A. NY Pv 105 OS June 7-18— Mar 6-19 
MARTIN, Frank. Scarsdale Pvlcl 105 ,:J 

MARTIN, Frank. NY Pv 54 SCD Feb 5-18 II 

MARTIN, George. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
MARTIN, Harry P. Tompkins Grove Pvlcl 102 Eng OS May 17-18— 

Feb 28-19 
MARTIN, James A. Mamaroneck Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
MARTIN, John D. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MARTIN, John P. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
MARTIN, Luke. Rockaway Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
MARTINES, Jaspar. 165 
MASLIN, Samuel. NY Pv 13 Cav 

MASON, Alfred J. NY^ Corp 106 FA OS July 15-18— May 10-19 
MASON, James T. A. NY Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 25-17— Apr 21-19 
MASON, Julius. Pv 165 OS Sep 28-17— June 7-19 
MASSARO, John J. NY Pv 151 Dep Brig 

MASSETT, Chester S. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MASUCCI, Alfred C. Sparkill Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
MATHEWS, Frederick H. NY 105 

MATSON, Leon R. Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 17-18 (See Dec & Cit) 
MATSUKES, Theodore L. NY Sgt 165 
MATTHEWS, Archibald H. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 26-18 

SCD May 9-19 
MATTHEWS, John S. NY Pv 105 SCD Dec 18-17 
MATTISON, George A. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
MATZINGER, Edward H. NY Corp 54 OS Aug 31-18— Feb 1-19 
MAUGHISE, F. Pv No official record 
MAUS, Joseph A. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 



IN THE WORLD WAR 439 

MAXCEY, John J. NY Pv SCD Jan 23-18 

MAXHEIMEK, Edwin J. Mt Vernon Pvlcl 105 OS June 30-18— Mar 23-19 

MAXWELL, Blaine. Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

MAXWELL, Frank. NY Sgt 105 

MAXWELL, William J. NY Corp 105 OS May 16-18— May 28-19 

MAY, Frank F. NY Corp 165 

MAY, George. 105 

MAY, Gustave. NY Pv 30 CAC 

MAYEE, Frederick C. NY Sup Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

MAYEE, Maurice. NY Sgt 2 FA OS Sep 23-18— Mar 13-19 

MAYESKI, Peter V. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

MCADIE, John. Pv SCD Sep 27-17 

MC ALLISTEE, Charles A. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

MCAULIFFE, John P. NY Sgt 105 SCD Oct 14-17 

MC AVOY, James E. Pv 165 W OS Oct 25-17— Jan 30-19 SCD Apr 29-20 

MC AVOY, William J. NY, Pv 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Oct 8-18 SCD Mar 

13-19 
MCBEIDE, Patrick J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MCBUENIE, John. Sgt SCD Aug 22-17 

MCCABE, Chas. V. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MC CABE, James P. NY Mus 3cl 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Feb 22-19 
MC CAFFEEY, Patrick J. Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MC CAHILL, James L. NY 1st Sgt 61 P 
MCCANN, Christopher J. NY Pv 105 SCD Dec 21-17 
MC CAEEON, Thomas J. Pv 105 SCD Apr 26-18 
MCCAETHY, Frank E. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MCCAETHY, John. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
MC CAETHY, Walter. NY Corp 52 P OS Aug 3-18— Apr 13-19 
MCCAULEY, Oliver J. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
MC CLELLAND, George F. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 8-18— Mar 6-19 
MC CLUSKY, John J. 106 FA 
MC CONNON, Elmond F. NY Pvlcl MD 

MCCOEMACK, Edward J. NY Sgt 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Mar 23-19 
MC COEMACK, Frank J. 165 

MC COEMACK, Harry F. Farrier 149 FA OS June 10-18— Apr 25-19 
MC COEMACK, Eichard B. Manitou Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MC COEMICK, William E. NY Bglr 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
MCCOENAC, Charles. Pv No official record 
MC COUET, Harold J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MC COWAN, Eichard. NY Pv SCD Aug 28-18 
MCCOY, David W. NY Corp 165 W OS Oct 26-17— July 18-19 SCD 

Oct 31-19 
MCCEEADY, John B. NY Pv 106 FA SCD Aug 4-18 
MCCEEESH, Eaymond S. NY Corp 105 OS May 16-18— Mar 6-19 (See 

Dee & Cit) 
MC CULLEN, Orren. Pv No official record 

MC CULLOUGH, James A. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 18-18— Dee 21-19 
MCCUEDY, George D. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 23-18 
MODEEMOTT, Arthur J. NY Corp 285 MPC OS May 10-18— Oct 28-19 
MCDEEMOTT, Charles F. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
MCDEEMOTT, James J. NY Cfr Icl 154 Aer Sq OS Feb 16-18— 

Jan 22-19 
MC DEEMOTT, John E. NY Pvlcl QMC 



440 71sT NEW YORK 

MCDONALD, John J. NY Pv 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Mar 11-19 

MG DONALD, John J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

MC DONALD, Michael T. NY Pv Deserted June 18-17 ' 

MG DONALD, Patrick F. NY Sgt 165 SCD Oct 14-17 

MG DONALD, Vincent A. NY Pvlcl 105 

MGDONNELL, George F. NY Pvlcl 105 

MCDONNELL, Edmond J. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
MCDONNELL, Eugene F. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MCDONOUGH, Edmund F. NY Pvlcl 157 Dep Brig 
MG ENTAGERT, Phillip E. NY Pvlcl 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
MC ENTEE, Frank. Union Hill Pv D of gunshot W accidental May 16-17 
MC EVOY, George L. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
MG GARRIGLE, Edward J. NY 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 23-18 
MCGAREY, Joseph E. NY Pv 165 OS Jan 25-17— Apr 21-19 
MG GARTY, Joseph. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
MCGINLEY, James. Pv 54 SCD Feb 21-18 
MG GINN, James J. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
MC GIRR, James A. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Jan 19-19 
MCGIRR, William H. Nt Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MCGLINCHEY, Frank A. NY Pv 105 SCD Dec 13-17 
MC GOLDRICK, Patrick J. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
MC GOVERN, Charles J. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
MC GOVERN, Frank. NY Pv 165 W OS Oct 26-17— Mar 11-19 SCD 

Mar 12-20 
MC GOVERN, Joseph W. NY Sup Sgt 105 

MC GOVERN, Joseph W. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MC GRATH, Charles H. Liberty Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 17-18 

SCD July 31-19 
MC GRATH, John E. NY Corp 105 

MC GRATH, Joseph V. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
MC GRATH, Lawrence V. NY Corp Tank C OS Sep 1-18— Mar 18-19 
MC GRATH, William B. Liberty Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 30-18 
MC GRATH, William B., Jr. NY Pvlcl 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
MC GRAW, R. P. Pvlcl No official record 
MC GUINNESS, James C. Corp 105 

MC GUIRE, Michael A. Saho Pv 105 SCD Nov 30-17 'iy: 

MG HUGH, James. NY Pv 105 Dis frd enl Feb 26-18 ** 

MAC IVOR, Edmund J. NY Sup Sgt 

MCKANE, William L. Port Jervis Pvlcl 105 OS Feb 27-18— June 6-19 
MCKAY, A. Corp No official record 

MC KENNA, Thomas J. Pv 105 OS Oct 9-18— July 18-19 
MG KENNA, William J. NY Corp 105 
MC KINNEY, John. NY 105 

MCLAUGHLIN, George B. Monroe Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MC LAUGHLIN, James F. Pvlcl Deserted July 16-17 
MCLAUGHLIN, Peter. Pv No official record 

MG LAUGHLIN, Thomas J. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Jan 19-19 
MCLOUGHLIN, Albert E. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 16-18 
MC MAHON, Herbert J. NY Corp 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Apr 1-19 
MCMAHON, John J. T. NY Pv 105 OS May 17-18 D of W rec in A 

Oct 1-18 



IN THE WORLD WAR 441 

MC MAHON, Joseph. Pv No official record 

MC MAHON, Eobert J. Pv No official record " 

MCMANUS, Frank J. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

MC MULLAN, Francis C. Pv No official record 

MC NALLY, Patrick. Pv No official record 

MC NAMAEA, John A. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

MC NAMEE, Thomas J. NY Wag 105 

MC NEIL, LeEoy V. Maspeth Pvlcl 165 OS Oct 29-17 K in A July 28-18 

MC NEILL, Eichard. NY Sgt 165 W OS Nov 6-17— Apr 25-19 

MC NICHOL, James C. 105 

MCNICHOL, Walter A. NY Pv 104 Eng OS June 19-18— Feb 10-19 

MCNULTY, John T. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

MC PEAK, James J., Jr. NY Pv 105 SCD Dec 18-17 

MAC PECK, Edmund, Jr. Pv No official record 

MACPHEESON, Walter. NY Corp 312 FA OS July 14-18— May 25-19 

MC QUADE, Vincent E. NY Pv-cl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

MACSAVENY, William A. NY Sgt 

MCSHEEEY, Edward P. NY Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Mar 30-19 
(See Dec & Cit) 

MEADE, Edward E. NY Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 25-17— Sep 22-19 

MEADE, John. Pv No official record 

MEAENS, David. Monticello Corp 165 OS Oct 26-17— Apr 21-19 

MEASAEIOS, Alexander. Corp Field Bkry SCD July 25-17 

MEEHAN, Leslie A. NY Sgt 105 

MEEKS, Thomas C. NY Pvlcl Base Hosp Camp Upton 

MEENAN, Charles G. NY Pv 105 OS May 17-18 D of W rec in A Sep 
29-18 

MEHNEET, Howard. NY Pv 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Mar 11-19 

MEINSINGEE, George C. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 15-19 

MEIEOWITZ, Nathan. NY Pv 301 Inf OS July 6-18— Feb 12-19 

MEIXNEE, Andrew. NY Pv SCD Jan 27-18 

IVfELLON, Joseph A. NY Corp 105 W CS May 17-18 D of broncho-pneu- 
monia Oct 29-18 

MENCKE, Wm. H. Pv No official record 

MEEEILL, Kenneth G. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 

MEEEITT, James A. NY Pvlcl 306 FA OS Apr 24-18— Apr 29-19 

MEEWIN, Charles B., Jr. Pv No official record 

METCALP, Joseph. NY Pv 165 OS Nov 6-17 K in A Oct 15-18 

METZGEE, Julius C. NY Pv 165 W OS Oct 29-17— May 14-19 

METZLEE, Walter A. NY Sup Sgt SCD Jan 27-18 

MEYEE, Edwin W. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

MEYEE, George S. Pv 106 FA SCD Dec 10-17 

MEYEE, Jerome. No official record 

MEYEE, William H. Middletown Pv 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Feb 14-19 

MEYEES, Jacob G. NY Corp 105 

MICHAEL, Joseph F. NY Pv 105 SCD Dec 28-17 

MICKLE, John K. NY Pvlcl FA COTS Ky 

MILKMAN, Edwin H. Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 

MILLAE, Douglas G. Pv No official record 

MILLEE, Frederick J. NY Pvlcl OS June 6-18— Mar 12-19 

MILLEE, Charles. Pv No official record 

MILLEE, Gabriel. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 



442 71sT NEW YORK 

MILLER, Henry C. NY Mec 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
MILLEE, Henrv E. 107 Inf 

MILLER, James E. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
MILLER, John J. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
MILLER, John W. Pv SCO Mar 30-17 
MILLER, Morris. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MILLER, William C. NY Mec 54 OS Aug 29-18— Apr 23-19 ji 

MILLIGAN, Raymond V. NY Sgt Mg Tng Center ^ 

MILLS, Walter H. 102 Eng > 

MILTON, Ward. Pv No official record 

MISELL, Newton B. NY Seaman 2cl USN Apr 9-18— Dec 12-18 
MITALLER, Emil J. Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MITCHELL, Lawrence V. 165 
MITCHELL, William J. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 10-18 SCD 

Aug 12-19 
MOFFITT, Louis. NY Pv Deserted Aug 17-17 

MOFFITT, Michael J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Oct 18-18 
MOLLOY, James F. NY Pv 106 Inf OS May 10-18— July 21-19 
MOLLY, Arthur A. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MONAHAN, Harry J. NY Corp 105 OS May 8-18— Mar 8-19 
MONAHAN, Thomas F. NY Pv 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 
MONAHAN, William. Pv Dis frd enl Oct 4-17 

MONGUZZI, Charles J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 27-18 
MONTEMAGNO, Charles J. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
MONTFORT, Joseph. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
MONTGOMERY, Charles S. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MONTROSS, Franklyn. Ft Montgomery Mec 105 W OS May 17-18— 

Jan 19-19 
MOON, Richard N. NY Sup Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
MOONEY, Wm. J. NY 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MOORE, Harold. NY SCD Feb 28-18 

MOORE, Horace R. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 
MOORE, Howard P. NY Corp 105 OS Feb 27-18— May 9-19 
MOORE, Jesse Sumner. NY Seaman 2cl USN May 31-18— Dee 23-18 
MOORE, John B. Goshen Ck 105 OS May 18-17— Dec 21-18 
MOORE, Pierce. NY Ck 165 OS Oct 26-17— Apr 21-19 ^ 

MORAHAN, George W. 105 

MORAN, Bernard P. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
MORAN, David J. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 26-18 SCD 

May 5-20 
MORAN, George F. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MORAN, Howard C. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MORAN, James L. NY Sgt 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Apr 21-19 
MORAN, Joseph C. NY Sgt 70 Art CAC OS July 15-18— Feb 22-19 
MORGAN, John J. Goshen Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MORGAN, Leon. Chester Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
MORGAN, William T. NY Sgt 105 SCD Dec 20-17 
MORMANDO, John. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
MORRIS, Douglas D. NY Pvlcl 102 Eng 
MORRIS, John J. Pv No official record 

MORRISON, Charles J. NY Regt Sup Sgt 54 OS July 26-18— July 6-19 
MORRISON, John J. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 



IN THE WORLD WAR 413 

MORRISON, Joseph Aloysius. NY Ck 2 cl USN Jan 25-18— Apr 23-19 

MORRISON, Robert J. NY Sgt 105 OS Feb 27-18— June 1-19 

MORTON, Robert L. NY Corp 106 FA 

MORRON, Frank. Pv No official record 

MORSCHAUSER, George N. NY Corp 165 OS Oct 25-17 K in A July 

28-18 
MOSCE, Thomas C. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MOSES, Bertram O. Huegenot Park Sgt 159 Dep Brig 
MOSIER, Clifford M. Scottville Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 16-18 
MOYLAN, William A. NY Pv 165 K in A Mar 7-18 
MUESSE, Fred H. NY Pvlcl 3 65 OS Oct 29-17 K in A July 28-18 
MUGAVIN, Thomas G. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Feb 12-19 
MULBAUER, Frederick M. Pv 105 OS June 30-18— Sep 18-18 
MULCARE, George W. NY Pvlcl 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 3-19 
MULFORD, Lloyd R. NY Pv 105 OS July 5-18— Mar 6-19 
MULFORD, Ralph S. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MULLER, Charles E. Winfield Wag 165 OS Oct 29-17— Apr 21-19 
MULLER, Frank A. NY Pv SCD Mar 30-17 
MULLER, Harry L. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MULLER, Henry C. NY Pv 165 Deserted Aug 25-17 
MULLER, Oscar T. NY 106 FA 

MULLER, William J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MULLIGAN, Bernard. Pv No official record 
MULLIN, Eugene. NY Sgt 165 OS Oct 25-17— Apr 21-19 
MUNCE, Gordon F. Corp 106 FA 

MUNSON, William J. NY Pv 165 W OS Oct 25-17— Mar 25-19 
MURPHY, Edward J. NY Sgt 54 OS June 30-18— Feb 21-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
MURPHY, Eugene. NY Pvlcl 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
MURPHY, Frank J. NY Horseshoer 102 Eng OS May 17-18 D of broncho- 
pneumonia and influenza Nov 1-18 
MURPHY, James H. NY Pvlcl 105 SCD Dec 13-17 
MURPHY, James M. NY Pv Deserted July 16-17 
MURPHY, John A. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MURPHY, John F. Pv No official record 
MURPHY, John J. Hastings-on-Hudson Pv 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Mar 

25-19 
MURPHY, John J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 D of W rec in A Sep 

8-18 
MURPHY, John R. NY Pv 105 OS June 30-18— Mar 11-19 
MURPHY, Joseph F. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
MURPHY, Peter M. NY Pv 165 W OS Oct 29-17 K in A Oct 14-18 
MURPHY, Walter J. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Jan 19-19 
MURRAY, Archibald. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
MURRAY, James A. NY Pv 105 OS Hay 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MURRAY, John J. NY Pv 105 Dis frd enl Feb 18-18 
MURRAY, Thomas V. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 16-18 
MURREE, Fred. NY Ck Dis dep rel Sep 18-17 
MURTHA, Frank P. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
MUSZYNSKO, Adam J. Garrison Sgt 105 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 



444 71sT NEW YORK 

NAAR, William J. NY Pv 11 Cav Dish dis Apr 19-19 

NADASHY, Eugene S. Yonkers Pv 105 SCD Dec 19-17 

NADLER, George F. NY Pvlcl 106 MG OS June 15-18— Mar 11-19 

NAGLE, Cornelius F. O. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— May 18-19 

NAGY, Julius. NY Pvlel 105 

NASH, Arthur R. Pv No official record 

NASH, John F. NY Pvlcl 106 FA OS Oct 5-18— July 13-19 

NASH, William. Mt Kisco Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

NATELLE, Anthony J. Pv 165 OS Oct 31-17— Apr 21-19 

NAUGHTON, Frederick J. NY Sgt 105 MG OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

NAUGHTON, Thaddeus. Pvlcl 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 

NAUMAN, Godfrey. Pv No official record 

NEAFSEY, James I. NY Sup Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 

NEARY, James P. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
NEE, Michael J. Wag 165 OS Oct 25-17— Apr 21-19 
NEFF, George. NY Pv 165 D of suicide Sep 17-17 
NETS, William. Pv No official record 
NEUJAHR, William. NY Ck 

NEVINS, Cornelius J. NY Pvlcl 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
NEWBAUER, Peter. NY Wag 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
NEWBERGER, Henry A. NY Pv 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Mar 11-19 
NEWBURY, Charles. NY Pv 314 Aer Sq OS July 15-18— Dec 4-18 
NEWMAN, Charles H. Port Jervis Corp 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Apr 17-19 
NEWSTADTER, Theodore. Pv 165 

NICASTRO, John A. NY Pv 165 OS Oct 29-17— Dec 31-18 
NICHOLS, Harwood Sterling. NY USMC Aug 7-18— Jan 10-19 
NIES, William H. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 23-18 
NINTZEL, Charles H. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 10-18— Mar 6-19 
NOACK, Hugo E., Jr. NY Sgt 165 W OS Oct 25-17— Apr 2-19 
NOLAN, Lawrence L. NY Pv 102 Eng W OS May 17-18— Dec 30-18 SCD 

Sep 6-19 
NORMAN, Leo. NY Corp 105 OS July 9-18— June 25-19 
NORMAN, Victor. Pv 165 OS Oct 28-17— Feb 13-19 
NORTH, Edward Roscoe. NY USMC June 14-18— May 31-19 
NORTON, Alexander F. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 16-18 
NORTON, John Robert, Jr. NY Sgt Icl 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
NORTON, Peter J. NY 105 

NOVARA, Alcimar. NY Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 29-17— July 15-19 
NOVY, William J. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Aug 31-18 
NUGENT, Benjamin F. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 16-18 
NUGENT, George W. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
NULTY, James E. NY Pvlcl 105 FA OS June 30-18— Mar 13-19 
NUSBAUM, Ferdinand, NY Sgt 152 Dep Brig 

OAKLEY, John T. NY 1st Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
OBREITER, Harry. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
O'BRIEN, James A. Ridgefield Park Corp 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 

13-19 
O'BRIEN, John A. NY Sgt OS Aug 30-18— Dec 11-18 
O'BRIEN, John J. NY Pv 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 
NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Jan 7-18 



IN THE WORLD WAR 445 

O'BRIEN, Terence J. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
OCHS, Shea. 105 

O'CONNELL, John J. NY Bn Sgt Maj 54 OS Sep 30-18— Jan 16-19 
O'CONNOR, James A. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
O'CONNOR, John J. NY Sgt 105 OS Sep 5-18— May 23-19 
O'CONNOR, Patrick F. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
O'CONNOR, Philip F. Pv 106 FA Deserted Spartanburg S. C. Oct 16-17 
O'CONNOR, Philip G. NY Corp 54 OS Aug 28-18— June 26-19 
O'DELL, Harry D. NY Color Sgt 71 
O'DONNELL, Michael S. Jersey City Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18 D of 

lobar pneumonia Mar 11-19 
O'DONNELL, William J. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Jan 22-19 
OEHLMANN, Arthur H. M. NY Pv D struck by train June 5-17" 
OETTINGER, Fred. NY Corp 165 W OS Oct 26-17— May 4-19 
OFFENHEISER, Charles G. NY Pv SCD Mar 30-17 
O 'FLAHERTY, John T. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 26-18 

SCD Dec 11-19 
OGDEN, George. Middletown Pv 106 FA OS June 30-18— Mar 13-19 
O 'GRADY, William H. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
O'HEA, John A. Rutherford Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
OHLHAUSEN, George N. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 

(See Dec & Cit) 
OKTAVEC, Charles F. NY Pv 105 
O'LEARY, Humphrey J. Irvington Mech 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

(See Dec & Cit) 
O'LEARY, Jeremiah J. NY Corp OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
O'LEARY, John A. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
O'LEARY, William B. NY Pv 105 SCD Feb 7-18 
OLIFIERS, John Antoine. NY Sgt 105 OS Mar 30-18— June 9-19 
OLIVER, William P. Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
OLMSTED, Arthur F. So Fallsburg Sgt 105 OS May 17-18 K in A 

Sep 29-18 
OLMSTED, Harry C. Pleasantville Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
OLSEN, Charles A. NY Sgt 105 OS May 17-18— Mar 13-19 
OLSEN, Edward A. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Jan 30-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
OLSEN, Lawirtz. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 30-18— June 26-19 
OLSON, Arthur E. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
O'MARA, William. NY Corp 165 OS Oct 27-17— Apr 21-19 
O'MEARA, John W. NY Sgt 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 30-18 
O'MEARA, Maurice D. NY Pv 165 W OS May 25-17— Mar 31-19 
O'NEIL, Bernard F. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 SCD 

Dec 19-19 
O'NEIL, Roland J. Pvlcl 165 OS Dec 10-17— Sep 2-19 
O'NEIL, Samuel J. Yonkers 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
O'NEILL, Paul E. 106 FA 
O'ROTJRKE, Joseph F. NY Pv QMC 

ORTH, George J. White Plains Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 26-18 
O'SHEA, Edward J. NY Pvlcl 54 OS Aug 30-18 D of cerebro spinal 

meningitis Mar 5-19 



446 71sT NEW YOEK 

O'SHEA, George A. NY Pv 105 OS May 17-18— Mar 11-19 
O 'SHEA, John R. Yonkers Pv 105 Dis dep rel Feb 6-18 
OSTENDORF, Andrew G. Steinway Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
OSTEEN, James. Pv MG Bn SCD Dec 14-17 

OSTERHOUDT, Earl. Kerhonkson Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
O 'SULLIVAN, Michael F. NY Corp 105 OS June 14-18— Mar 11-19 
OSWALD, William V. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 16-19 
O 'TOOLE, Daniel P. Pv 54 SCD Feb 18-18 
OTT, Charles J. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Jan 4-19 
OTT, George. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Jan 1-19 SCD Sep 27-19 
OTTENHEIMER, Joseph Sidney. NY Sgt 62 P 
OTTINGER, George W. Orange Pv Dis dep rel Jan 22-18 
OWENS, George W. Port Jervis Pvlcl 105 OS May 2-18— Mar 6-19 
OWENS, Henry F. NY Pv 105 Deserted July 9-18 Camp Hill, Va. 
OWENS, Levi. Port Jervis Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 D of influenza Nov • 
5-18 .; 

i, 

PACKARD, William O. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 | 

PAGE, Arden E. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 1 

PAGE, Howard J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dee 

& Cit) 
PAILCA, John H. NY Pv 187 Inf OS June 30-18— Mar 11-19 
PALMER, George. NY Pv 105 SCD Feb 25-18 

PAPPARLARDO, Rudolph. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
PARK, James Wilfred. Pv No official record 
PARKER, George T. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
PARKER, John D. NY Pvlcl MD Base Hosp 44 OS July 6-18— Apr 20-19 
PARKER, John E. Wag 165 OS Oct 29-17— Apr 25-19 
PARKER, Ira L. Pv No official record 

PARSONS, Charles H. NY Pv 103 Eng W OS May 18-18— Apr 30-19 
PARTLAND, Bernard J. NY Ck 105 OS May 17-18 D of broncho-pneu- 
monia Oct 28-18 
PATCHELL, Thomas P., Jr. NY Pvlcl MD Gen Hosp 5 
PATTERSON, Enoch. Pv No official record 

PATTERSON, William J. Wappinger Falls Pvlcl 339 Gd & Fire Co 
PAYE, William I., Jr. 105 Inf 

PAYEZ, Joseph A. NY Sgt Icl 105 OS Aug 30-18— June 26-19 
PEARMAN, Joseph B. NY 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
PEARSALL, Philip. Mus No official record 

PEASLEE, Irvin B. Kelsey Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
PECARSKY, Abraham. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
PENDLETON, Edward G. NY Sup Sgt 54 OS Aug 28-18— June 26-19 
PENDLETON, Theodore N. NY Pv 105 Dis frd enl Oct 28-17 
PEPEL, Philip Andrew. NY Fireman 3cl USN July 5-18— Feb 19-19 
PEPPER, Charles. NY Corp 165 W OS Oct 27-17— Feb 3-19 SCD May 

15-20 
PERCY, John C. NY Pv 165 OS Oct 31-17— Apr 21-19 
PERKINS, John L. NY Pvlcl 105 OS Mar 22-18— Oct 31-19 
PESCH, Christopher W. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
PESCOSOLIDO, Vincenzo. NY Pvlcl 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
PESKIN, Michael. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
PETER, Richard J. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Jan 6-19 
PETERSEN, Eugene H. NY Corp 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Apr 21-19 



IN THE WORLD WAR 447 

PETEESEN, Harry P. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
PETEKSON, Andrew. E. Kingston Mee 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
PETEESON, Frederick E. NY Sgt 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Jan 3-19 
PETEESON, Howard E. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Oct 17-18 

(See Dec & Cit) 
PETTEESON, Enoch. Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
PETTIT, Eugene G. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
PFANNMULLEE, Frederick. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
PHILLIPS, Clarence. NY Pv 165 OS Oct 20-17— Apr 26-19 
PHILLIPS, Dewey D. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
PHILLIPS, Henry A. 105 
PHILLIPS, Ealph E. NY Pvlcl 102 Eng 
PICKEEING, George N. 105 

PIEEEE, Bertrand H. NY Corp 165 W OS Oct 29-17 Dish dis Oct 16-18 
PLACIDO, Michael. NY Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 26-17— Apr 21-19 
PLEW, Eodney B. Salisbury Mills Pv 165 SCD Oct 15-17 
PLUNKETT, Eichard A. NY Pv 165 W OS Oct 30-17— Apr 20-19 
POETCH, George W. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
FOLEY, Alfred L. Liberty Mus Icl 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
POOLE, Albert V. NY Corp 165 OS Oct 25-17 D of W rec in A Aug 4-18 
POENES, Edward L. NY Pv 105 

POET, Harry. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dee 23-19 
POETEE, Frederic. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
POETEE, Horace, Jr. Stony Ford Pvlcl 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
POTTEE, Morgan. Tuxedo Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
POTTS, John E. L. NY Pvlcl 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
POWEE, Lorenzo Joseph. NY QM USN 2cl June 22-18— Aug 20-19 
POWEES, Patrick. Goshen Wag 165 W OS Oct 28-17— Apr 20-19 
POWEES, William J. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
PEESCOTT, William A. Lacona Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
PEESSFEEUND, Edwin S. NY Corp 106 PA OS June 4-18— Mar 13-19 
PEICE, Asa E. NY Mec 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
PEICE, Elbert C, Jr. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
PEIOE, Jas. W. Pv No official record 
PEOCHASKA, Joseph. NY Pv 105 W SCD Aug 26-19 
PEUDENT, Edward J. NY Mess Sgt 54 OS Aug 30-18— June 26-19 
PUECELL, Harold J. NY Pv 105 SCD Dec 4-17 
PUEDY, Arthur F. NY Pvlcl 106 SCD June 15-18 
PUTEAU, Joseph J., Jr. Norwich Pv 105 OS Aug 29-18— July 4-19 Dish 

dis Feb 7-20 
PUTZ, Arthur. NY Corp 105 OS May 19-18— Apr 30-19 (See Dec & Cit) 
PUTZ, Francis P. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep ^9-18 (See 

Dec & Cit) 

QUIGLEY, Daniel H. NY Corp 165 W OS Oct 26-17— Apr 21-19 
QUINN, James H. NY Pvlcl 106 OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
QUINN, Leonard B. NY 1st Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
QUINT, Milton E. NY Sgt Icl Salvage Unit 308 OS Aug 14-18— May 

20-19 
QUIEK, George C. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 26-18 SCD 

Nov 13-19 



448 71sT NEW YORK 

QUIRK John J. Florida Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Apr 25-19 
QUIST, Peter William. Pv 105 SCD Dec 29-17 

RAAB, Harry. NY Pv 34 Serv Co Sig C OS June 13-18— Jan 3-19 
RAFTER, Edwin J. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec 2 

& Cit) 
RAFTER, Harry J. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Feb 20-19 
RAFTERY, Thomas J. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mai* 6-19 
RAKE, Edward M. Jersey City Bglr 105 SCD Feb 18-18 
RAMPE, William J. Liberty Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
RAMSEY, James S. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
RASBACH, Frank E. Brewster Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
RASCAL, Alfred J. NY Horseshoer Dis dep rel Sep 25-17 
RATZKY, Abraham. NY Pv 165 W OS Oct 29-17— July 17-19 
RAUGHT, Lester H. Phihnont Corp 105 OS May 17-18 D of meningitis i 

Sep 27-18 
RAY, Michael J. NY Corp 307 Inf OS Jan 15-18— June 19-19 
RAYMOND, Elwood. NY Corp 165 OS Oct 29-17— Apr 2-19 
READ, Albert C. NY Corp 105 

REAM, A. A. Pv No official record 4 

REARDON, John J. Wag 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 ' 

REDMAN, Charles H. Rochester Pvlcl 826 Aer Sq OS Aug 3-18— June 

12-19 
REDMOND, Denis J. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
REDMOND, John. NY Pv 105 OS May 23-18 K in A Sep 29-18 
REED, James B. Elizabeth Pvlcl 165 OS Oct 29-17 D in Line of duty, 

cause unknown Feb 16-18 
REED, James F. NY Pv 165 Dis frd enl Oct 4-17 
REED, John. NY Pvlcl 102 Eng 

REED, Willis H. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
REEH, Gottlieb I. NY Pv 105 SCD Dec 28-17 
REES, Robert G. NY Sgt MD 

REGA, Alfred W. NY Sgt 63 FA k 

REGAN, Thomas. Pv No official record ^<^ 

REICHENSTEIN, Charles M. NY Pv 316 MG OS July 31-18— June 

20-19 
REHM, Alfred A. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
REID, Richard J. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
REILLY, Frank A. N Tarrytown Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
REILLY, Harold V. Hackensack Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

(See Dec & Cit) 
REILLY, John A. Ossining Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
REILLY, John F. NY Pvlcl 105 

REILLY, John J. NY Pv 105 OS May 17-18— Mar 27-19 
REIMANN, William A. NY Pv 105 MG SCD Jan 10-18 
REIN, Michael J. NY Pv 54 SCD Feb 26-18 
REISMAN, Harry. Pv No official record 

RELIHAN, Edward J. Troy Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
REMICK, Irving. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 23-18 
REPP, Henry. NY Pvlcl 105 

REUMANN, John A. NY Pv 105 OS May 16-18— June 1-19 
REVET, Daniel A. NY Pvlcl 102 Eng W OS May 17-18 (See Dec & Cit) 
BEXMAN, Albert. Pv No official record 






IN THE WORLD WAR 449 

EEYNOLDS, Edwin G. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-18 

REYNOLDS, Leslie B. NY Sgt 165 

EEYNOLDS, Peter F. NY Pvlcl 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 

REZZOALI, Louis J. NY Pv Ord Tng Camp OS July 9-18— Feb 2-19 

RHODES, Frank B., Jr. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

RHODES, William S. Norwich Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

RICE, Charles. NY Pv 165 W OS Oct 10-17— Feb 22-19 

RICE, George. Pvlcl 

RICE, Mathew. NY Corp 165 W OS Oct 25-17— Apr 21-19 

RICHARDS, Frederic R. Port Jervis Corp 165 W OS Oct 25-17— May 

23-18 
RICHARDSON, Harvey A. NY Pv 105 Deserted Apr 25-18 
RICHTER, Charles H. NY Corp 106 FA OS June 30-18— Mar 13-19 
RIELLY, John F. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
RIGNEY, William J. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
RILEY, Frank M. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
RILEY, John J., Jr. Newburgh Corp 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
RIMMER, Harry H. NY Pv 165 Deserted Oct 10-17 
RING, Robert E. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 5-19 
RINGKLIB, Karl H. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Jan 6-19 SCD 

Jan 17-20 
RISSER, Samuel Sidney. NY Mus Icl USN Apr 16-18— Mar 10-19 
RITTOW, David. NY Pv 165 W OS Oct 25-17— Sep 27-18 
RIVERA, Raymond M. NY Corp Prov Ord Bn 
RIXON, William J. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 23-18 
RIZZATTI, Timothy. NY Corp 51 P OS July 26-18— July 6-19 
RIZZI, Joseph C. NY 106 FA 

ROACH, David. Pv 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Feb 22-19 
ROBB, Alexander M. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
ROBB, James. NY Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Apr 21-19 
ROBERTS, J. A. NY Mess Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
ROBERTSON, Angus. Yonkers Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

(See Dec & Cit) 
ROBERTSON, Thomas A. NY 1st Sgt 

ROBESON, Richard J. NY Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 25-17— Jan 3-19 
ROBINSON, Benjamin. NY Corp 607 MTC OS Mar 29-18— Aug 20-19 
ROBINSON, Edward. Poughkeepsie Pv 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Jan 30-19 
ROBINSON, Leo. NY Wag 165 Inf 

ROCHE, Edward Thomas. NY Wag 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
ROCHE, Francis A. NY Corp 165 Inf 

ROCHE, James F. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS June 7-18— Mar 6-19 
ROCKFELLER, Clarence C. Pv No official record 
ROCKER, William H. NY Pvlcl 105 

ROCKLEIN, John P. NY Corp 165 OS Nov 6-17— Apr 26-19 
RODE, Fred G. NY Corp 105 W OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
RODE, John H. Deposit Corp 10 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
ROGERS, James A. Corp 54 SCD Feb 9-18 

ROGERS, Joseph F. NY Pvlcl 52 P OS Aug 2-18— Apr 13-19 
ROHR, Charles A., Jr. Pv 105 SCD Dec 21-17 
ROIG, Ventura. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
ROKEE, John. NY Cfr 165 OS Oct 25-17— July 5-19 



450 71sT NEW YORK 

EOLANDELLI, Antillio Geo. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
EOLLBUEGH, Sidney A. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
EOMNACK, William. NY Pv 165 W OS Oct 25-17— Mar 19-19 
EONAN, John P. Pvlcl 105 

EOONEY, Dennis F. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
EOONEY, Joseph J. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
EOSCOE, Louis. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 D of W rec in A Aug 31-18 
EOSE, Leon G. Cortland Corp QMC OS Apr 9-18— July 13-19 
EOSE, Eichard J. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
EOSENBEEG, Arthur. No official record 
EOSENBEEG, Henry G. NY Pv 305 SCD Oct 5-18 
EOSENBEEG, Karl. NY Pv 42 Inf 
EOSENBLUM, Murray. NY Pv 105 
EOSENFELD, Nathan. Pv Dis frd enl Sep 21-17 
EOSENTHAL, Louis. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
EOSENTHAL, Walter S. NY Pv NG TNG Center 
EOSEWATEE, Maurice E. Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 3-19 
EOSHOLDT, Erling C. NY Sgt Icl 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
EOSS, Elias. NY Sgt 152 Dep Brig 
EOSS, George L., Jr. NY Pv 165 SCD Oct 8-17 
EOST, Karl O. NY Corp 105 

EOTE, Frederick. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
EOTGEE, Joseph. 105 

EOTH, John P. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
EOTHWELL, Benjamin J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
EOULFS, Harry E. NY Sgt 

EOUEE, Joseph Manuel. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
EOVEE, Harry J. NY Corp 105 OS May 16-18— Mar 6-19 
EOWE, Thomas V. NY Sgt 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 1-18 
EUBIN, Harry. NY Corp 165 OS Oct 31-17— Apr 21-19 
EUBINOW, William G. NY 102 Eng 
EUCKDESCHEL, Frank J. 106 FA 

EUCKDESCHEL, Eobert A. Pv 106 FA SCD Dec 12-17 
EIJDDEN, William J. NY Pvlcl 209 Eng 
EUDOLPH, Ealph. White Plains 105 
EUFF, Charles A. Whitestone Sgt 307 Emt Dep 
EUGAE, William H. Florida Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 16-18 
EUNDEL, Eaymond J. Kingston Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Feb 23-19 
EUNNEE, Eemy J. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
EUSEE, Augustus, Jr. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
EUSSELL, Scofield. Pv Hon dis Sep 29-17 
EYAN, Alan C. NY Pvlcl 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Mar 1-19 
EYAN, Frank. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec & Cit) 
EYAN, George P. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 
EYAN, J. J. Pv No official record 

EYAN, John M. NY Mec 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
EYAN, Kenneth E. 102 Eng 
EYAN, Michael F. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
EYAN, Stephen M. Pv No official record 
EYAN, Thomas B. NY Wag 105 OS June 4-18— Apr 23-19 



IN THE WORLD WAR 451 

RYAN, Thomas C. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18 D of W rec in A Sep 

26-18 
RYAN, William T. NY Corp MG Co 

RYER, Harry W. Hawthorne 1st Sgt 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Mar 28-19 
RYNDERS, Harry G. NY Pv 28 Inf OS Oct 25-18— Sep 3-19 

SACHS, Abraham. NY Corp D of injuries sustained in accident May 16-17 
SALES, John H. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
SALES, Thomas E. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
SALLEY, Earl Raymond. NY Machinists Mate 2cl USN Apr 17-18— 

Mar 15-19 
SALOMON, Alfred B. NY Pvlcl 106 Inf W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
SANDS, John. Corp 105 

SANDS, Louis. NY Seaman 2cl USN July 8-18— Mar 25-19 
SANFINO, Casper. NY Pv 105 SCD Dec 7-17 

SANFORD, Maurice. Canastota Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
SANGER, Eugene B. NY Sgt 165 W OS Oct 30-17— Feb 23-19 
SARGENT, Edward B. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18— K in A Aug 7-18 
SARGENT, Frank. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 8-19 
SARGENT, John T. Pv 105 W OS June 30-18— Mar 6-19 
SATURNO, Leo Y. Pv Dis Sep 22-17 
SAUER, PAUL. Corp No ofBcial record 

SAUNDERS, Marvin Edward NY Seaman 2cl USN May 8-18— June 26-19 
SAVAGE, Harry A. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17— Mar 6-19 
SAVARESE, Peter. NY Ck 165 OS Oct 29-17— Apr 21-19 
SAWIN, Walter H. NY Corp 105 

SAX, Arthur C. NY Corp 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 
SCANLON, Patrick. NY Pv 301 FA OS July 16-18— Jan 5-19 
SCELSI, Guido J. NY Pvlcl 105 SCD Dec 27-17 
SCHADLER, Harry J. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Jan 7-19 
SCHAEFFER, Thomas H. Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
SCHAFER, Howard. Pv No official record 

SCHALLE, Ernest. Winfield Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Feb 17-19 
SCHEFF, Bertram R. NY Pvlcl 105 
SCHEINKER, Jacob. 165 
SCHEN, Andrew. No official record 

SCHENCK, Louis. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— July 13-19 
SCHERER, Arthur A. NY Pv 53 Dep Brig OS Nov 10-18— Nov 21-19 
SCHERER, Chas. A. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 15-18— Mar 11-19 
SCHICK, Valentine F. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Oct 17-18 
SCHICK, William F. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
SCHIFFER, Ernest. NY Sgt Icl 105 
SCHIPS, Frank L. Portchester NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

(See Dec & Cit) 
SCHLAM, Joseph. Pv No official record 

SCHLATT, Paul. NY Pvlcl 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 14-19 
SCHLEIFER, Jacob J. NY Pvlcl 105 MG OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
SCHMID, Henry. NY Pv 165 W OS Nov 5-17— Mar 23-19 
SCHMIDT, Frederick W. NY Sgt 105 
SCHMIDT, Randall. 165 

SCHMIDT, William F. NY Pv D of typhoid pneumonia June 26-17 
SCHMITT, Walter J. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Feb 9-19 
SCHNACKENBERG, John R. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 



452 71sT NEW YORK 

SCHNEIDEE, John J. Congers Pvlcl 102 Eng W OS May 17-18— Feb 

28-19 
SCHOENBLUM, Herbert B. Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
SCHOENDORF, Charles S. NY Pv 165 OS Oct 29-17— Apr 21-19 
SCHOENFELDER, Anthony B. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18 K in 

Sep 29-18 
SCHOENFELDER, William R. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— July 5-19 
SCHOFIELD, James H. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
SCHOONMAKER, Irving L. Poughkeepsie Pv 102 Eng OS May 17-18— 

Feb 18-19 
SCHOTOFF, George J. 165 

SCHROEDER, Henry F. NY Pv 165 OS Jan 31-18— Jan 6-19 
SCHOSLAND, Otto. Corp 105 

SCHOVAERS, Marcel H. NY Pvlcl 102 Eng OS Feb 22-18— July 12-19 
SCHRIEFER, George L. NY Pv 54 SCD Feb 4-18 
SCHRAFFER, George L. NY No official record 
SCHREIBER, Harry J. Pv No official record 

SCHROEDER, Carl A. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 23-18 
SCHROEDER Carlton J. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
SCHROEDER, Henry F. NY Pv 165 OS Jan 31-18— Jan 6-19 
SCHROEDER, William H. F. Pv 105 SCD Dec 19-17 
SCHUESSLER, George E. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 

(See Dec & Cit) 
SCHULMERICH, Charles P. NY Pvlcl 165 OS Oct 3-17 K in A Oct 28-18 
SCHULTZ, George J., Jr. NY Pv 105 Dis Mar 1-18 

SCHWARTZ, Albert. NY 105 * 

SCHWARTZ, Herbert. NY USMC June 30-18— June 23-19 j 

SCHWARTZ, 1 T. Pv No official record i 

SCHWARTZ, Myron. NY Pv 165 OS Oct 31-17— Aug 3-19 
SCHWEDERSKY, Andrew J. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
SCHWEDERSKY, Herve. NY 105 OS Mar 30-18— June 9-19 
SCOTT, Albert W. NY Pv 105 OS May 10-18— Feb 15-19 
SCOTT, David S. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
SCOTT, Gradon W. Deposit Mus Icl 107 Inf OS May 10-18— Mar 9-19 
SCUDELLARI, John J. NY Sgt 105 
SCULLY, Leo C. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
SCULLY, William F. Pv SCD Sep 27-17 
SEELY, Frank. Ft Montgomery Pvlcl 105 W OS June 14-18— Mar 6-19 
SEERY, Daniel G. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
SEITZ, Joseph C, Jr. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Oct 16-18 
SELKOWITZ, Joseph. Pv Dis frd enl Oct 10-17 
SELTENECK, Charles. NY Corp 165 OS Oct 31-17— Apr 21-19 
SELTENECK, Harold. No official record 
SEMPLE, Andrew C. NY Sgt 105 OS May 8-18— Apr 3-19 
SENFF, Fred. NY Corp 307 Cav 
SENSON, E. F. Pv No official record 
SENTER, Isadore. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Aug 31-18 

(See Dec & Cit) 
SERLING, Samuel S. NY Pvlcl 308 Fid Sig Bks OS Aug 7-18— Aug 1-19 
SESS, Daniel. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
SESSIONS, Walter D. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 13-19 
SEXTON, John J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 



i 



9 • 



IN THE WORLD WAR 453 

SFAKANOS, John N. NY Corp I A Hq OS Mar 22-18— Sep 5-19 

SHANEY, William P. Pv 105 SCD Nov 19-18 

SHANNON, James J. Pv 105 Dis Dee 17-17 

SHAEMAN, William. NY Corp 106 PA OS May 8-18— Mar 13-19 

SHAEP, George A., Jr. 105 

SHAEP, John J. Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec & Cit) 

SHAEPE, Edward V. Pvlcl 105 

SHAY. Pv No official record 

SHAY, Lester J. NY Pvlcl 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Mar 15-19 

SHEA, Archie E. NY 1st Sgt 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 

SHEA, Harold A. NY Pvlcl 105 

SHEA, Harry T. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

SHEA, John M. NY Pvlcl 106 FA OS Oct 10-18— June 22-19 

SHEA, Joseph. NY Pv 32 CAC 

SHEA, Thomas, Jr. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

SHEAN, David. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
SHEAEEE, John J. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 23-18 
SHEEHAN, James J. NY Pvlcl 165 W OS Nov 7-17— Apr 27-19 
SHEEHAN, Louis. NY Wag 165 OS Jan 11-18— Mar 8-19 
SHEID, Arthur J. 105 

SHELDON, Frederick A. Corp 165 OS Nov 5-17— Jan 1-19 
SHEPAED, William J. NY Pv 54 SCD Mar 1-18 
SHEEET, Egbert C. Albion Pvlcl 108 Inf OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 

29-18 
SHEEIDAN, Arthur F. E. Sup Sgt 54 OS Aug 14-18— Jan 26-19 
SHEEIDAN, Thomas F. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 26-18 
SHEELINE, Joseph J. Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Jan 19-19 
SHEEMAN, Donald P. NY Sup Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
SHEEEY, John J. Pv No official record 
SHEEWOOD, Earl D. Sgt 105 

SHIEL, Thomas V. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
SHIELDS, Charles A. NY Pv 165 W OS Nov 1-17— Mar 25-19 SCD Apr 

17-20 
SHIELDS, Thomas F., Jr. NY Pv 307 Emt Dep OS Aug 13-18— June 

30-19 
SHOEMAKEE, Charles. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18 K in A July 31-18 
SHOET, Albert L. Cottekill Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 30-17— Oct 15-18 SCD 

Jan 6-20 
SHOET, Harlan W. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 9-19 
SHOET, W. H. Pv No official record 

SHOET, William M. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Jan 9-19 
SHUGEUE, George A. NY Pvlcl 105 

SIBLEY, Malcolm. Manhasset Pv 105 OS May 3-18— Dec 5-18 
SICKLICK, George C. NY Sgt 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Apr 25-19 
SIEGEL, Morris. Pv 165 OS Oct 31-17— Jan 24-19 
SIEGEL, Sam. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 25-19 
SIETZ, Joseph. Pvlcl No official record 
SILBEEEISEN, Fred W. Portchester NY Corp 105 OS Feb 27-18 D of 

pneumonia Feb 2-19 
SILESTEN, William E. NY Sgt Icl F & G 333 
SILLECK, Henry E. NY Sgt 309 FA 
SILVEE, Harry. NY Pv 165 OS Oct 26 17 K in A July 28-18 



454 71sT NEW YORK 



I 



SILVERMAN, Samuel. Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
SILVERSON, Walter L. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
SIMMONS, Frank T. Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 D of influenza Nov 4-18 ( 
SIMON, Jerome A. Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
SIMONEY, Oscar G. NY Sgt 165 W OS Oct 31-17— July 20-19 
SIMPSON, Donald. NY 1st Sgt 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Dec 23-18 
SIMPSON, George L. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
SIRAKIDES, Stavros Hristos. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS June 15-18— Mar 6-19 i 
SITTENBERG, Lawrence. NY 108 W OS May 10-18— Mar 6-19 
SIVERSON, Christopher. 102 Eng ^ 

SLATER, Francis J. Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 M 

SLATTERY, John. Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Aug 17-19 
SLATTERY, Timothy. 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
SLATTERY, Vincent J., Jr. NY Pv US Army Amb Ser Sec 560 OS June 

13-18— May 1-19 
SLAWSON, Howard. Tarrytown Corp 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 1-18 \ 

(See Dec & Cit) 
SLEVIN, Patrick J. NY Sgt 106 FA OS Oct 13-18— June 30-19 
SLOVER, William. Port Jervis Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Feb 15-19 
SMALL, Maurice J. NY Pv 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Mar 31-19 
SMITH, Alexander D. NY Sgt 165 
SMITH, Basil L. Dumont Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Oct 20-18 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
SMITH, Charles. NY Corp 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 
SMITH, Edward F. NY 165 

SMITH, Edward J., Jr. NY Pv 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
SMITH, Edwin G. Pv No official record 

SMITH, Frank H. Sgt 307 Aux Rmt Dep OS July 1-17— June 29-19 
SMITH, George. Pvlcl 105 D of lobar pneumonia Jan 16-18 
SMITH, George H. Pvlcl 165 OS Oct 31-17— Apr 21-19 
SMITH, Harry H. NY Corp 102 Eng W OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 
SMITH, Herbert E. NY Pvlcl 343 FA OS June 28-18— June 6-19 
SMITH, Holmes S. NY Sgt 105 
SMITH, James T. NY Pvlcl 105 
SMITH, James W. NY Corp 105 Dis dep rel 

SMITH, John. Woodbury Falls Pvlcl 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
SMITH, Joseph A. NY 105 

SNYDER, Irvin L. Long Eddy Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
SNYDER, Robert. NY Pvlcl 165 K in A Mar 7-18 
SOHMER, William. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
SOLOMON, Abraham. Pv No official record 

SOLOMON, Benjamin. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
SOLOMON, Clifford L. Pv 105 MG OS May 18-18— Mar 18-19 
SONDHEIM, Arthur F. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
SOTERKOS, James P. NY Pv 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Oct 18-18 
SOUDERS, Harry O. P. Kingston Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 1-18 

SCD Mar 24-19 
SOUKUP, Joseph W. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
SPAETH, Charles T., Jr. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 1-18 
SPAHR, Frederick W. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
SPANNAGLE, Harry. NY Wag 165 OS Oct 30-17— Mar 3-19 
SPARKS, Robert. Pv 106 FA Dis frd enl Jan 4-18 
SPARLING, John C, Jr. Kingston Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Feb 24-19 



IN THE WORLD WAR 455 

SPERLING, Gilbert. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 16-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
SPERLING, Herman J. NY Pv 105 SOD Dee 19-17 
SPICER, George. Pv No official record 

SPIELHOLTZ, Morris. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
SPONY, Albert. NY Sgt 105 

SPOR, Chris. NY Pv 165 W OS Oct 28-17— Dee 15-18 
SPRAGUE, Kenneth. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Dee 26-18 
SPRINGER, Joseph. NY Corp '43 FA 

SQUAZZO, Joseph. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— May 30-19 
SROKA, Philip. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
STACK, Charles E. NY Corp 105 MG W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
STABLER, William M. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
STAHL, Francis S. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dee 

& Cit) 
STALEY, Edw. C, Jr. Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Dee 21-18 
ST ALTER, Thomas M. Haverstraw Pv 54 SCD Feb 14-18 
STANLEY, Thomas F. 105 
STARK, Louis. Corp No official record 

STEARNS, Jerrold. NY Sup Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
STEARNS, Ralph. NY Sup Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
STEED, Robert L. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18 D of pneumonia Oct 
23-18 — gassed in action 

STEGMAN, Rudolph. No official record 

STEIN, Eric. Sgt No official record 

STEINDLER, Percival J. Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

STEINIGER, Charles. NY Pv SCD Feb 14-18 

'STEINKE, August. Pv No official record 

STENERNAGEL, Wm. Pv No official record 

STEPHENSON, Frank R. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Jan 31-19 
SCD May 27-20 

STEPHENSON, Richard. NY Corp 105 

STERN, Albert D. NY 1st Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

STERNBERGER, Leon A. NY Pv 165 W OS Oct 27-17— Feb 22-19 Pris- 
oner of war 

STEVENS, Herbert B. Mt Upton Pvlcl 106 FA 

STEVENS, James C. Pv 105 SCD Dec 17-17 

STEVENSON, Richard H. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— June 16-19 

STEWART, Charles W. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

STEWART, Walter S. NY Bn Sgt Maj 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 

STIEN, Julius. Pv Dis frd enl Oct 4-17 

STIER, John F. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dev & Cit) 

STILLWAGON, Eugene G. NY Pv 165 OS Oct 5-17— Jan 20-19 

STILLWELL, John C. NY Corp 105 Dis dep rel Apr 13-18 

STINE, John W. Pv No official record 

STINES, Edward. NY Pv 106 FA OS June 6-18— Aug 3-19 

STITT, William H., Jr. NY Color Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

STIVES, Wm. Joseph. Pv No official record 

STOCK, Harold L. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

STOCKER, Morgan W. NY Corp 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 

STOEHR, Arthur D. 106 FA 

STOLLMEYER, August. NY Pv 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 

STONE, Harold E. NY Sgt 105 



456 71sT NEW YORK 

STONE, James W. NY Pv 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 

STONE, Morris. Ck 

STONEHAM, Michael L. NY Sgt 105 OS May 12-18— Feb 19-19 

STOEEY, Albert A. Pv 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 ; | 

STOREY, John H. NY Pv 105 Dis frd enl Mar 15-18 

STORY, John V., Jr. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
STEECKFUS, Victor H. Syracuse Sgt 2AA MG Bn OS June 30-18— 

Feb 22-19 
STRICKLER, Charles S. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
STRISSEL, William E. NY Corp 105 OS July 15-18— June 29-19 
STRUNK, Joseph. NY Pvlcl 105 MG SCD Jan 10-18 
STUBBS, Edwin J. NY Pv 165 W OS Oct 25-17— Sep 27-18 SCD Feb 

13-19 i 

STUCE, John B. Pv No official record 
STYKOS, Nicholas A. Pv No official record 

SULLIVAN, Arthur Deacon. NY Seaman 2cl USN June 4-18— Feb 20-19 • 
SULLIVAN, Frank J. NY Pvlcl Hq Tr 27 Div OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 i 
SULLIVAN, J. F. Pv No official record 
SULLIVAN, James F. NY Ck 105 OS May 17-18 D of oedema of lungs ^ 

Oct 3-18 
SULLIVAN, John T. Pv 105 Inf 

SULLIVAN, Thomas W. NY Pvlcl QMC OS Sept 7-18— Oct 2-19 
SULLIVAN, William J. NY Corp 105 

SULZER, Edward. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
SUNDBERG, Herbert A. NY Corp 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 
SUSSMAN, Louis. Pv 165 SCD Oct 8-17 

SUTHERLAND, Harry D. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 i 
SUTHERLAND, John L. NY 1st Sgt 105 W OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
SVOBODA, Charles. Pv No official record i 

SWAIN, George S. NY Pv 102 Eng OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 27-18 ! 
SWANSON, Albert D. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Feb 2-19 ' 

SWEENEY, Edward J. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
SWEENEY, James. Pv No official record 

SWEENEY, Thomas William. NY Seaman 2cl USN Mar 12-18— Dec 22-18 
SWEET, Theodore W. NY Pv 165 OS Oct 29-17 K in A July 15-18 
SWEITZER, Louis E. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 10-18 

TAHENY, Thomas. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

TALLMAN, Edwin H. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

TXLMADGE, Charles E. Goshen Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

TALMADGE, John M. Middletown Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

TARELLO, James J. NY Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Apr 21-19 

TARICA, Jaques M. NY Pv 106 FA SCD Mar 3-19 

TAUB, Philip A. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

TAXTER, Andrew J. Irvington Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

TAYLOR, Charles A. Sgt 

TAYLOR, Frank R. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
TAYLOR, Henry T. NY Pv 165 W OS Oct 27-17— Apr 21-19 
TAYLOR, James F. Port Jervis Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
TAYLOR, John A. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 



IN THE WORLD WAR 457 

TAYLOR, Sylvester F. NY Pvlcl 165 OS Oct 29-17— Apr 26-19 
TAYLOR, Thomas H. NY Sgt 165 OS Jan 13-18— Apr 21-19 
TAYLOR, William J. NY Pv 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Apr 2-19 
TEOPILIAN, Aram. NY Pv 22 Inf 
TEVLIN, John E. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
THARP, Alfred. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
THEALL, Walter K. Mt Vernon Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
THEN, Frederick. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
THOMA, John W. 105 

THOMAS, Albert Wilke. NY Pvlcl 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 
THOMAS, Joseph J. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 26-18 
THOMAS, Joseph Kerr. NY Corp 106 FA W OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
THOMAS, Roy. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Aug 26-18 
THOMAS, William N., Jr. NY Pvlcl 165 OS Sep 27-17— Apr 24-19 
THOMAS, William W. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
THOMPSON, George F. NY 1st Sgt 

THOMPSON, William J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
THOMSON, Edward N. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
THOMSON, Samuel S. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— May 5-19 
THORN, Robert McC. Pittsburgh Pa Pv 105 OS May 17-18— May 6-19 
THORNTON, Frank P. NY Sgt 105 

THORNTON, James M. Irvington Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
THITRSTEN, Tryer. Pv No official record 

THYSELIUS, John G. NY Corp 105 OS Aug 30-18— June 26-19 
TIHANYI, Paul T. NY Pv SCD Mar 30-17 

TINSLEY, Gervase R. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— May 6-19 
TISDALE, Charles F. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
TODARO, Domenico. New Rochelle Pv 312 Inf OS May 20-18— June 

25-19 
TOMASELLI, Humbert J. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
TOMASELLI, Louis. NY Corp 165 

TOMPKINS, Robert S. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 9-19 
TONKIN, James. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
TONKIN, Joseph. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Jan 22-19 
TOOTELL, Augustus L. Hudson Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
TORMEY, Martin J. New Rochelle Pv 105 SCD Jan 29-18 
TORPEY, Henry V. NY Pvlcl 105 
TOTTEN, Arthur C. NY Sgt 165 W OS Oct 25-17— Nov 9-18 SCD Mar 

29-20 
TOWNSEND, Edward J. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
TOWNSEND, Richard J. Pleasant Plains Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— 

Jan 4-19 
TRACEY, Martin J. NY Pvlcl 106 FA 
TRACY, Thomas. Woodside Pvlcl 105 
TREEING, Conrad. NY Corp 105 

TRINKNER, Edward F. NY Pv 106 FA OS May 17-18— Mar 15-19 
TROHN, Lewis C. New Rochelle Pvlcl 105 OS July 9-18— July 7-19 
TROY, Thomas A. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
TRUEMAN, Joseph H. NY Sgt 165 OS Oct 31-17— Dec 31-18 
TUCKER, Robert R. NY Pvlcl 102 Eng W OS May 17-18— Dec 26-18 
TULLY, John. NY Pv 105 SCD Dec 31-17 



458 71sT NEW YORK 

TURNBULL, John S. Larchmont Sgt 306 OS Aug 14-18— Mar 18-19 
TURNER, Walter J. Garrison Corp 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Mar 11-19 
TURSCHMID, William E. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
TWIGGS, Cecil DeVoe. NY USMC Apr 30-18— June 24-19 
TYCHOLIS, Marvan. Poughkeepsie Pvlcl 105 
TYLER, Prank W. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
TYRRELL, Walter F. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Feb 9-19 

UNTENER, Frank E. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
UPRIGHT, Harry R. NY Sgt 53 P OS Aug 6-18— May 6-19 
UTTER, Joseph W. NY Corp 105 

VAN AUKEN, John E. Goshen Sgt 106 FA OS Apr 2-18— Aug 20-19 
VAN BRAMER, Frank. NY Pvlcl 165 OS Oct 31-17 K in A July 28-18 
VAN BRUNT, George A. NY Corp 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 
VAN BUSKIRK, Harold. NY Pv 165 OS Oct 29-17 K in A July 28-18 
VANCE, Bussey H. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
VANDERBECK, George. Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
VAN DUSEN, Joseph W. Mamaroneck Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 

6-19 (See Dec & Cit) 
VANECEK, Charles. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec 

& Cit) 
VANETTEN, Charles A. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 16-18 
VAN GORDER, Charles N. Port Jervis Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 

6-19 
VAN HOLLAND, Henry. NY Corp 105 

VAN KIRK, Emmett. Johnsons Pv 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
VAN REED, Arthur. So Plainfield NJ Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18— Jan 

30-19 
VAN SCHAACK, Alexander T. NY Pv 106 FA OS June 7-18— Apr 28-19 
VAN SCHOONHOVEN, John, Jr. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
VARLEY, John J. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18-^Mar 6-19 
VEIT, Joseph J. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
VERILE, Nicholas. 105 

VERNON, Harold M. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
VICAT, John F. Ozone Park Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
VINT, William G. Goshen Pv 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Mar 8-19 
VIZET, Harry G. NY 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
VOLK, Henry. NY Pvlcl FA Repl Dep OS Aug 7-18— Sep 26-19 
VOLKNER, Augustus. Goshen Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 30-17— Mar 25-19 
VON BULOW, Hans Magnus. NY Seaman 2cl USN Mar 4-18— Dec 9-18 
VOTERETSAS, Victor T. NY Pvlcl W OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
VUOLO, Nicholas. Middletown Pv 105 OS May 18-18— June 30-19 Dish 

dis June 16-19 GCM 

WAGNER, A. Pv No official record 

WAGNER, Abram. NY Sgt 46 CAC OS Oct 14-18— Feb 11-19 

WAGNER, Charles J. NY 105 

WAGNER, Peter. NY Corp 105 OS Apr 27-18— Feb 26-19 

WALD, Herman. NY Ck USN Aug 28-18— Dec 13-18 



IN THE WORLD WAR 459 

WALDEN, Edward F. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18— Mar 15-19 
WALKER, Alexander. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
WALKER, Harold H. Walden Pvlcl 106 Inf OS May 10-18— Mar 6-19 
W^ALKER, Jerome A. NY Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
WALKER, Walter W. Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
WALKER, William J. NY Pvlcl 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Mar 15-19 
WALL, Charles H. Middletown Pv 105 SCD Feb 1-18 
WALL, John W. Goshen Pv 105 SCD Jan 21-18 

WALL, William Joseph. NY Mach Mate 2cl USN Dec 14-17— June 18-19 
WALLEY, Robert S. Woodside Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
WALSH, George B. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18— Dec 27-18 
WALSH, Harry J. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 16-18 SCD 

May 15-19 
WALSH, Herman J. Pv SCD Mar 30-17 
WALSH, John T. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
WALSH, Joseph A. NY Regt Sgt Maj 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
WALSH, Thomas J. NY Pvlcl 154 Dep Brig 

WALTERS, Albert Byron, Jr. NY Corp USMC Apr 19-18— Apr 12-19 
WALTERS, Frank J. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
WALTHERS, Edward. NY Corp 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
WALTON, Charles C. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sep 29-18 
WALTON, William F. White Plains Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 16-19 
WANDLER, Samuel. Pv No official record 
WANDLESS, Walter A. NY Pvlcl 165 OS Oct 29-17 D of W rec in A 

July 31-18 
WARD, John. NY Pvlcl 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
WARDWELL, Lewis E. NY Pv 105 OS June 16-18— May 12-19 
WARNOCK, William C. NY Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Dec 22-18 
WASHBURN, Eugene P. NY Corp 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
WASHER, Ross. Pv No official record 

WATERHOUSE, Lester K. NY Sgt 53 P OS Aug 6-18— May 3-19 
WATERS, Bertram M. NY Sgt 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
WAVERLA, Joseph, Jr. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See 

Dec & Cit) 
WEALTHDALE, Bert. New Rochelle Sgt 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
WEALTHDALE, Frank. NY Corp 105 OS May 17-18— May 27-19 
WEBB, Chester E. NY Pv 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
WEBB, Frederick F. Mus 3cl 

WEBB, Frederick M. NY Mec 106 FA OS May 5-18— Mar 13-19 
WEBB, John T. 165 

WEBER, Christopher N. NY Ck Prov Reg Ord Ing Cp 
WEBER, Ernest O. NY Reg Sgt Maj 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
WEBER, John P. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Apr 28-19 
WEBER, Joseph. NY Corp 105 OS July 15-18— Mar 24-19 
WEBSTER, Churchill P. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18 D of pneumonia 

Oct 23-18 
WEBSTER, Levy P. NY Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
WEBSTER, William V. NY Corp 105 MG OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
WEIGERT, Charles Otto. NY Plumber USN May 24-18— June 30-19 
WEIGMAN, Herman B. Jersey City Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
WEILER, William Conrad. NY Seaman USN Dec 8-17— Mar 14-19 
WEIMAN, Joseph. NY Pv 165 W OS Oct 30-17— May 2-19 



460 71sT NEW YORK 

WEIMER, William A. NY Pv 105 SCD Feb 20-18 

WEINERT, Edward. NY Pv Deserted July 22-17 

WEINSCHENK, Edward R. NY Pvlcl Dis Sep 17-17 

WEINZ, Charles J. NY Pv 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Apr 21-19 

WEIR, Robert A. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 16-18 

WEISENBERGER, Charles. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

WEISMAN, Max. Florida Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 

WEISS, George F. 165 

WELCH, Bernard. Poughkeepsie Corp 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Dec 8-18 

WELCH, George. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

WELCH, William J. NY Pv 42 Inf 

WELCH, William V. NY Pvlcl 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 

WELD, Frederick C. NY Bn Sgt Maj 53 Dep Brig 

WELKER, Albert E. NY Pvlcl 102 Eng W OS May 17-18— Mar 11-19 

WELSH. Pv No official record 

WELSH, James. NY Wag 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 

WELSH, James J. NY Wag 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

WELTY, Martin J. NY Pv 13th Cav 

WENDT, John H. NY Mess Sgt 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 

WENK, Frank A. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

WENZ, Joseph J. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18 K in A Oct 18-18 

WERCKLE, Adolph A. NY Sgt 54 SCD Nov 26-18 

WERDANN, Gustavo E. Sup Sgt 105 

WERMES, Leo H. NY Coip 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

WERNER, Frederick G. NY Pv 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sept 29-18 

WEYER, Harry. NY Corp 105 W OS May 18-18- Mar 6-19 

WHALEN, John J. NY Corp 106 OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 

WHALEN, John J. Bat Sgt Maj No official record 

WHALEN, Walter A. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Jan 28-19 SCD 

June 6-19 
WHALEN, James E. 165 

WHITE, Bernard J. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 16-18 
WHITE, Frank E. NY 102 Eng 
WHITE, Harry. NY Pv SCD Mar 30-17 
WHITE, Robert F. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
WHITE, William J. NY Corp Prov Rep Unit CAC W OS Oct 30-17— 

Feb 13-19 
WHITLOCK, Milledge G. NY Pv 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Apr 25-19 
WHITMORE, Lester. Middletown Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
WHITTAKER, James C. NY Pv 106 FA SCD Dec 21-17 
WICKHAM, Richard E. NY Pv 51 P OS July 26-18— July 3-19 
WIDDEN, William J. NT Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
WIEDER, Joseph. NY Pvlcl Hon dis Hq ED Nov 4-18 
WIEDERSPAHN, Otto. NY Sgt 106 FA 
WIEMMER, William A. NY Pv 105 SCD Feb 14-18 
WILDE, Harold C. NY Mess Sgt 105 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
WILDE, John A. NY Sgt 165 OS Oct 3-17— Apr 2-19 
WILDER, Earle D. Pvlcl 165 OS Oct 25-17 K in A Oct 14-18 
WILDFOSTER, Ewald E. Mt Kisco Pv 105 SCD Feb 26-18 
WILCOX, Wallace. Ossining Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Jan 7-19 
WILLIAMS, George N. Middletown Sgt 105 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
WILLIAMS, Henry. NY Sgt 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sept 1-18 
WILLIAMS, John J. NY Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 



IN THE WORLD WAR 461 

WILLIAMS, Joseph A. NY Pv 165 SCD Oct 11-17 
WILLIAMS, Joseph F. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
WILLIAMS, Silas H. Horseshoer 102 Am Tr 
WILLIAMS, W^allace. NY 105 

WILLIAMSON, Henry. NY Pv 54 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
WILSON, James D. NY Sgt Icl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
WILSON, James G. NY Hs 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Feb 28-19 
WILSON, Eichard William. NY Pv 46 Inf 
WINDELS, Elmer G. NY 53 Dep Brig 
WINES, Harris. Pv No official record 

WINSEE, Norman J. NY Sgt Icl San Det OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
WINSOCK, Joseph A. NY Corp 114 Inf OS June 13-18— May 6-19 
WINTEEFIELD, Samuel. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
WISEMAN, Eobert C. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
WISMEE, Emil. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
WISTEAND, Clifford E. Irvington Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 21-18 
WTSTEAND, Gustavo A. Irvington Ck 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
WITTNEE, Harry. NY Corp 157 Dep Brig 
WOHLFAETH, William C. NY QM Sgt QMC 
WOJTUSIAK, John J. Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
WOLCOTT, Edmund, Jr. NY Sgt 165 OS Oct 26-17— May 1-19 
WOLFE, Howard E. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
WOLFEEST, Charles W. NY Pv 105 OS May 17-18 K in A Sept 29-18 
WOLFF, Paul W. NY Sgt 105 OS Aug 29-18— June 26-19 
WOLLEN, Jess C. NY Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 26-18 
WOLLSTEIN, Alfred. NY Seaman USN July 9-18— Feb 11-19 
WOOD, Eichard G. Garrison Pv 102 Eng OS May 17-18— Mar 11-19 
WOODS, Patrick E. NY Bn Sgt Maj 105 OS May 18-18— Aug 20-19 
WOODS, Wm. A. No official record 

WOODWAED, Behnont H. NY Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
WOLLEY, Arthur E. NY Sgt 106 FA OS May 5-18— Mar 13-19 
W00LFT:NDEN, William. NY 1st Sgt 105 

WOOSTEE, Charles H. Sidney Pv 106 FA OS June 6-18— Mar 13-19 
WOOSTEE, Winfield S. Sidney Pv 106 FA OS June 6-18— March 13-19 
WOEF, Andrew J. Kingston Pv 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 
WOEMES, Leo H. Corp No official record 

WEIGHT, James C. Warwick Pv 165 W OS Oct 27-17 K in A Oct 15-18 
WEIGHT, James J. Gardiner Pvlcl 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 
WEIGHT, Eobert E. NY Pv 102 Eng W OS May 17-18— Mar 11-19 
WTJLF, Louis B. 105 

WYNNE, George S. Pvlcl 105 W OS May 17-18— Dec 30-18 SCD July 
25-19 

YAEEINGTON, Eoland. Hastings Pv 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

YEAGEE, Eaymond F. 165 

YEO, Charles E. NY Corp 105 W OS 

YOCKEES, Harold J. NY Corp 165 W OS Oct 31-17 K in A July 28-18 

YOHN, William L. NY Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 

YOEK, Carleton Edward. Pv No official record 

YOUNG, George H. NY Pv 165 W OS Oct 31-17— Mar 24-19 

YOUNG, William L. Ossining Pvlcl 106 OS June 6-18— Mar 14-19 

YOUNGLING, Henry W., Jr. Corp 105 W OS May 17-18— Mar 6-19 



462 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 

ZABICKI, John. Ck 105 SCD Apr 21-19 

ZAUN, Francis J. Pv Dis frd enl Oct 4-17 

ZEEK, Harold R. NY 105 

ZEIDMAN, Samuel. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 

ZEISLER, Zoltan. NY Reg Sup Sgt 102 Eng OS May 16-18— Feb 2-19 

ZELLNER, Murray. 165 

ZEIGLER, Arthur. NY Pv 105 SCD Feb 21-18 

ZION, Irving. Pv No official record 

ZIRT, Abraham. NY Corp 105 OS May 18-18— Mar 6-19 (See Dec & Cit) 

ZONDERVAN, Benoit. Pv 165 OS Oct 25-17— Jan 19-19 

ZOOLE, Charles D. NY Pvlcl 165 W OS Oct 29-17— Mar 31-19 

ZUGNER, Frank A. NY Pvlcl 105 OS June 30-18— Mar 13-19 

ZWETOW, Alvin P. NY Pvlcl 306 FA OS Apr 24-18— Apr 29-19 

ZWILLING, Gustave. NY Pv 105 MG Deserted Dec 2-17 




Colonel J. Hollis Wells. 
Commanding Officer 71st Infantry from 1917. Major, Spanish- 
American War. 



HISTORY 

OP THE 

SEVENTY-FIRST INFANTRY, NEW YORK GUARD 

March, 1917-June, 1919 



Robert Stewart Sutliffe, 
Historian. 



TOGETHER 

WITH A SUMMARY OF THE HISTORY OF THE 

SEVENTY-FIRST INFANTRY, N. G. N. Y. 

1899-1917 

By 

Colonel William Graves Bates 



The Seventy-first Infantry, New York Guard, was actively 
engaged in war work from its birth to the date of the armistice. 
It did not go overseas, nor, as an organization, become part of 
the United States army. But it did discharge over 600 officers 
and men into the army and navy, and many of these men, directly 
due to the thorough training they received in this guard regi- 
ment, rendered service overseas conspicuous in its value. 

Section 120, Chapter 41, Laws of 1909, The Military Law of 
the State of New York, provides : 

''When a regiment . . . shall be in the actual service of the 
United States, the Governor shall organize depot units, as fol- 
lows : A battalion to take the place of a regiment. "... 

The old regiment had returned from the Mexican Border in 
September, 1916, and during the winter of 1916-1917 had re- 
sumed its routine work at the armory. In March, 1917, Special 
Orders No. 50, Adjutant General's Office, Albany, was issued, 
from which the following is quoted: 

"XVII. In preparation for the possible mobilization of the 
National Guard necessitating the recruiting of all organizations 
to the maximum strength prescribed by the Act of Congress 
of June 3. 1916, a Recruiting Bureau is hereby established for 
the entire National Guard of the State. 

"Colonel William G. Bates, 71st New York Infantry, in addi- 
tion to his other duties, is hereby detailed as Recruiting Officer 
for the National Guard and will have charge of the Recruiting 
Bureau. ' ' 

This was followed by Special Orders No. 71, March 25, 1917, 
mobilizing the 71st for guarding railroad property in the State 
of New York which was the beginning of continuous war service 
for the old 71st until it returned home from the battle-fields of 
Europe. 

When the old 71st marched out of the armory, never to return 
as a regiment, it left behind a recruiting committee, the armory 

464 



71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 465 

furnishings owned by it and some of the distinctive full-dress 
uniforms. It had been itself very short of uniforms and equip- 
ment, owing to the rapid recruiting of its ranks for several weeks 
before leaving New York, and was actively after additional men. 



What might be called the birth-certificate of the new 71st 
Regiment appeared in the form of Special Orders No. 77, Ad- 
jutant General's Office, Albany, March 30, 1917, as follows: 

**XVI. Lieutenant- Colonel James H. Wells, R.L., is hereby 
detailed to duty with the Depot Battalion, 71st New York In- 
fantry, for a period of ninety days, and will at once assume 
command thereof. ' ' 

When the old 71st left for the Mexican Border, a depot unit 
had been duly organized under M. L. 120, and functioned until 
the return to the armory. It then ceased to exist, apparently 
without any official action on the subject. The officers and men 
were not discharged but were carried in service with an inactive 
organization. That organization was sufficiently alive, however, 
to permit of the transfer from its ranks to the newly formed 
unit. Captain C. D. Van Wagenen, Surgeon; Captain J. Wes- 
ley Lyon; First Lieutenant B. G. Wager, Battalion Adjutant; 
and Second Lieutenant Frank F. Groff, Supply Officer, were at 
once detailed to the new organization. 

Every organization has its pioneers, and the new unit was 
most fortunate in having among its very first officers men of 
unlimited enthusiasm and large capacity for work. Colonel 
Wells gave his entire time for many months, day and night, to 
war workj living at the armory and divorcing himself entirely 
from private business; and his newly appointed staff had no 
regular hours at their places of business. 

Following is a report of the strength of the new organization, 
dated May 1, 1917, showing 12 officers and 10 privates. Colonel 
Wells winds up with the statement: 

' ' We have been busy here and have sent up about 100 men to 
the Regiment in the field and are still recruiting for them." 



466 71sT NEW YORK 

DEPOT UNIT 

HEADQUARTERS, SEVENTY-FIRST 
NEW YORK INFANTRY 

PARK AVENUE AND THIRTY-FOURTH STREET 
NEW YORK 

1 May 1917 
FROM Lieutenant Colonel Commanding Depot Unit, 71st 

N. Y. Inf. 
TO General George R. Dyer, Asst. to the Adjutant 

General. 
SUBJECT Personnel of Depot Unit. 

1. Answering your letter of April 30tli, the personnel of the_ 
Depot Unit at this time is as follows: 

Lieutenant Colonel : J. Hollis Wells. 

1st Lieutenant, Bn. Adjutant: Burton G. Wager. 

2nd Lieutenant, Supply Officer : Frank F. Groff . 

Captain, C. D. Van Wagenen, Surgeon. 

Captain, Company A : James A. Chard. 

1st Lieutenant, Company A : Charles W. Kirby. 

Captain, Company B : J. W. Lyon. 

1st Lieutenant, Company B: John W. Goff, Jr. 

2nd Lieutenant, Company B : Wm. De L. Firth. 

Captain, Company C : John F. Ranges. 

2nd Lieutenant, Company C : E. V. Reinhold. 

2nd Lieutenant, Company C : Eugene J. Orsenigo. 

Ten Privates. 

J. Hollis Wells. 

Colonel Wells had been so busy working for the old regiment 
that he had not had time to work for his new organization. 



The new organization continued to recruit for the old regi- 
ment until it arrived at Van Cortlandt Park in August, and also 
acted as the New York Agency of Colonel Bates for a thousand 
and one matters that came up during the early summer. 

Conditions in the city had assumed a very serious aspect. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 467 

The armory because of its central location became a strategic 
point in the plans for the defence of the city and because of its 
importance and its liability of attack by the enemy it became 
necessary to have it guarded day and night. On December 3rd, 
1917, Regimental General Orders No. 3, provided for a guard 
consisting of Major Lyon, one corporal and seven privates. 

Captain Button's History of the First Provisional Regiment 
gives a graphic picture of the situation in New York : 

"The City of New York had occupied an important position 
before the entry of the United States into the World's Conflict. 
It assumed a position, the importance of which is impossible to 
overestimate, following the entry of the United States. Through 
its port went the great shipments that made the preparation for 
the American armies possible; from it transport after transport 
steamed out to sea with khaki-covered decks. It was the cen- 
ter around which the great preparations of the nation orbited. 
It was the great embarkation port of the nation because it was 
strategically best adapted to the purpose. 

''From early in the Great War, practically from August, 1914, 
until the end of the conflict. New York was the center of the 
great German-made web of propagandism and espionage in this 
country. 

''It was not without cause that United States Secret Service 
agents committed nightly burglary in a Broadway office, next 
door to an office which they had rented as a base from which to 
watch the New York treasurer-fence of Germany in this country. 
Night after night these shadows of Justice burglarized, searched 
and decoded, reading in the German memorandum descriptions 
of themselves and their histories back to the days when William 
J. Flynn, the Great Eagle of the brood, played ball in the lots 
of Harlem. So it was that the Secret Service learned of the 
great organization of reservists that was being formed in the 
City of New York, of the stored machine guns, the stacks of 
arms and ammunition that were to stand ready for Der Tag 
on American soil. 

"Germany was to strike and to strike hard. . . . Chaos was 
planned for New York. The mailed hand of the Beast ever 
clutched for the very heart of the world. Riots, explosions and 
destruction were to usher in the disaster which would halt the 



468 71st new YORK 

flow of troops and munitions overseas from the great port and 
at one stroke paralyze the Atlantic seaboard. Ever the testing, 
the trying and the preparation went on. In the winter of 1917- 
18 over one hundred fires in the City of New York in one day 
showed a majority of suspected incendiary origin. To the 
rattle of machine guns in the hands of well organized and well 
armed reservist rioters ; to the roar of explosions in streets dark- 
ened by the crippling of the power lines, there was to be added 
the might of man's great friend but most powerful enemy — 

FIRE. 

*'By order of William Rex the torch was to be placed at the 
heart of New York with cataclysmic result. Fire in the crowded 
districts, sweeping the tenements of the east side in huge broad 
sheets of flame. ... A mighty conflagration, seething unchecked 
because the water supply of the great city was to be destroyed 
on the stroke that gave the signal for the loosing of hell on the 
heart of the world. 

' ' Between the City of New York and such chaos stood but one 
real insurance, the aqueducts of the north — Catskill and Croton. 
with a flow of over 500,000,000 gallons daily, and the hydrant 
pressure that meant salvation. 

' ' And because this great water system was vulnerable through- 
out its line, the shadow of participation in the European con- 
flict had barely made itself certain, when, as Bernstorff was given 
his passports in February of 1917, the National Guard of the 
State of New York was called out into the storms of winter to 
cover the vital artery. 

*'The safety of the Catskill Aqueduct was so important to the 
nation and the state that from the first certainty of war until 
three months after the armistice was signed it was guarded 
along its entire length ; it was so important that it was the last 
great public utility in the country to be covered by armed 
troops as the great war came to an end. Its safety meant the 
safety of the City of New York from the torch that was to be 
laid at its breast. The safety of the Port of New York meant the 
uninterrupted flow of that mighty stream whose crest reached 
Chateau-Thierry just in time in the summer of 1918. The safety 
of the Catskill Aqueduct meant safety to the thing vital to the 
success of the AUied Armies/' 



IN THE WORLD WAR 469 

The country was found to be filled with enemy agents. Gen- 
eral Orders No. 58, Adjutant General's Office, November 22, 
1917, states: 

''New York State today confronts not only the same local 
problem as every other state, namely that of safeguarding the 
lives and property of its citizens, during the absence of the 
National Guard, its volunteers to the federal army and its con- 
scripted soldiers, but also New York has the added responsi- 
bility of guarding its railroads and waterways over which the 
entire United States is sending to the great port of New York 
large quantities of supplies for shipment abroad to our soldiers 
and our Allies." 



In August, 1917, recruiting for the new organization began 
at a lively rate. Members of the theatrical profession offered 
their services. Old members of the regiment rushed to the colors. 
The spirit of the New York people was magnificent. It breathed 
sacrifice and co-operation. The personnel of the new regiment 
comprised four classes; men who had volunteered for the war 
service and were waiting a call; men subject to the draft and 
waiting a call ; those not subject to the draft, but ready to make 
any sacrifice in case of a second call; and men who, for some 
slight reason, were not acceptable for the army and naA^ but 
who felt an irresistible impulse to do military work. Private 
interests became of secondary importance and the business of 
winning the war became paramount. 

Of course "Young America" — very young America — rushed 
to the armory to enlist. There is nothing much more impres- 
sive than the lad of fifteen or sixteen, filled to the brim with the 
American spirit and with the idea, more or less, that army life 
is a glorious adventure, appearing before a recruiting officer and 
trying to get into the service. They would have the manly bear- 
ing, but in spite of every camouflage, their youth would assert 
itself, and pretty soon a fine youngster would be in tears be- 
cause we refused to believe his lie that he was eighteen. As long 
as the youth of America shows the splendid spirit that it did in 
the Boy Scouts and other junior organizations during the war 
the future of the country and the Guard will be assured and 
no one believes that this spirit will ever fade. 



I 



470 71sT NEW YORK 

PERSONNEL, 71ST INFANTRY, NEW YORK GUARD, VARIOUS DATES 

Date Officers Enlisted Men Companies Organized 



May 1, 


1917 


12 


10 


A.B.C. 


Aug. 24, 


<( 


11 


173 


D. 


Sept. 28, 


it 


13 


347 




Oct. 26, 


tc 


23 


488 


E.F. 


Nov. 30, 


tc 


26 


626 


H. MG. 


Dec. 28, 


tt 


35 


659 


Band. G. 


Jan. 25, 


1918 


45 


717 


K.L. HC. 


Mch. 1, 


tt 


53 


786 


I. M. 


Mch. 29, 


ti 


53 


821 


Supply Co 


May 3, 


tt 


56 


960 




June 4, 


tt 


52 


982 


Hq. Co. 


July 2, 


tt 


51 


980 




July 30, 


tt 


52 


987 




Aug. 27, 


(t 


53 


992 




Sept. 3, 


tc 


54 


1046 




Sept. 6, 


tt 


51 


1051 




Sept. 13, 


(( 


52 


1160 




Sept. 20, 


it 


52 


1226 




Sept. 27, 


tt 


54 


1284 




Jan., 1919 


Total Strength 


1397 




Feb., 1919 


n n 


1322 




Mch., 1919 


C{ (C 


1204 





OFFICER PERSONNEL AT THE CLOSE OF 1917 

Colonel J. Hollis Wells Rank Mch. 30, 1917 

Lt. Colonel Edward B. Bruch Rank Oct. 18, 1917 

Major J. W. Lyon Rank Oct. 11, 1917 

Major J. P. Ranges Rank Nov. 1, 1917 

Major B. G. Wager Rank Nov. 22, 1917 

Captain E. J. Orsenigo Rank Oct. 11, 1917 

Frank F. Groff (Supply Officer) . .Rank Oct. 11, 1917 

Albert E. Downes Rank Oct. 11, 1917 

George D. Morris Rank Oct. 11, 1917 

H. C. Perley Rank Oct. 26, 1917 

F. C. Kuehnle Rank Oct. 26, 1917 

Hedley H. Cooper (Chaplain) . . . .Rank Nov. 9, 1917 

A. J. Bleecker Rank Nov. 22, 1917 

George W. Russell, Jr Rank Nov. 22, 1917 

Wm. B. Short (I. S. A. P.) Rank Nov. 23, 1917 



i I 



IN THE WORLD WAR 471 

Captain D. H. McAlpin 2nd Rank Dec. 11, 1917 

A. N. Keener Rank Dec. 24, 1917 

A. J. Hanford Rank Dec. 24, 1917 

1st Lieutenant A. B. Chase (Bn. Adjt.) Rank Oct. 11, 1917 

F. G. Hubbard Rank Oct. 11, 1917 

R. S. O. Lawson (Bn. Adjt.) Rank Oct. 18, 1917 

A. W. Pierce Rank Oct. 20, 1917 

Chalmers Dale (Bn. Adjt.). Rank Nov. 1, 1917 

Nelson Harding Rank Nov. 1, 1917 

Geo. N. Rehm Rank Nov. 9, 1917 

J. G. Bates Rank Nov. 20, 1917 

E. A. Palmer Rank Nov. 23, 1917 

J. Prentice Kellogg Rank Dec. 11, 1917 

Wm. B. Boulton, Jr Rank Dec. 11, 1917 

Wm. De L. Firth Rank Dec. 24, 1917 

2nd Lieutenant M. E. Serling Rank Oct. 11, 1917 

L. D. Stickles Rank Oct. 18, 1917 

J. N. Braden Rank Oct. 20, 1917 

H. C. Perrin Rank Nov. 9, 1917 

J. C. Lilienthal Rank Nov. 15, 1917 

H. W. Bonwit Rank Nov. 20, 1917 

G. T. Brokaw Rank Dec. 11, 1917 

J. M. Byers Rank Dec. 24, 1917 

W. E. G. Gaillard Rank Dec. 24. 1917 

In the early part of 1917 Home Defense units from Sloatsburg, 
Spring Valley, and Suffern, New York, were attached to the 71st, 
and it was proposed to recruit a company at Port Washington 
for the regiment. Later all of these units were detached and 
attached to other organizations. 

OFFICERS COMMISSIONED OR COMMISSIONED WITH NEW RANK JANU- 
ARY, 1918, TO JUNE 30, 1919 

Lieutenant Colonels 
John G. Bates, James Eben. 

Majors 
Edgar W. White (M. C), F. C. Kuehnle. 

Captains 
C. W. Boyntan A. N. Keener B. F. Kiernan 

J. A. Chard R. C. Heather C. K. Scovil, Chap- 

Ralph Ryan (M. C.) J. M. Byers lain 



472 



71sT NEW YORK 



J. P. Kellogg 
W. D. Hennen 
(M. C.) 

J. L. Nicholaus 

(M. C.) 
M. E. Sterling 
B. A. Hinman 
J. N. Braden 
G. A. Firmes 
J. J. Horgan (M.C.) 
Stuyvesant Fish, Jr. 
Victor Godwin 

H. M. Hall 
H. F. Hofer 
Charles C. Martens 
Raymond Carter 



Captains — continued 

A. B. Chase H. L. Towle 

Wm. De L. Firth 



First Lieutenants 
J. H. Gandolfo 
h. L. Eben 
P. R. Stillman 
J. A. H. Prum 
W. P. Buckner 
J. H. Meinte 
Henry Eagle 
H. C. Perrin 



W. E. G. Gaillard 

(Bn. Adjt.) 
L. D. Stickles 
B. W. Lillard 
J. G. Hahlo 
S. C. Disbrow 



Second Lieutenants 
T. E. Casey A. E. Canterbury 

A. D. Reutershan C. G. Duffy 
James Le Doux Albert L. George 

Le Roy Cook C. P. Holzderber 



Early in August, 1917, General Orders No. 37, Adjutant Gen- 
eral's Office, Albany, organized the New York Guard: 

' ' I. The organizations of the Militia of this State, formed the 
provisions of Section 120 of the Military Law and heretofore 
known and designated as Depot Battalions and Depot Units of 
the National Guard, are hereby designated and will hereafter be 
known as the New York Guard. 



''II. Organizations of the New York Guard will consist of a 
battalion of four companies to take the place of each regiment 
of the New York National Guard now in the service of the United 
States, except where express authority is obtained from the 
Governor, through this office, for additional companies. . . . 

Special Orders No. 275, AG. October 29, 1917, provided : 



'' VII. Authority is hereby granted for the organization of the 
71st Infantry, New York Guard, as a regiment to consist of a 
total strength of not to exceed 600 officers and men." 



IN THE WORLD WAR 473 

But before October 29, 1917, there were over 600 men on the 
rolls. Colonel Wells, who had been commissioned Colonel on 
October 17th, with rank from March 30th, 1917, was in the posi- 
tion of having builded too well. With every promise of having 
a full regiment within a reasonably short time, he appealed to 
the authorities for permission to go ahead with the recruiting of 
a regiment that would be worthy of the designation ''71" both 
in strength and efficiency. Sufficient it is to say that the Gov- 
ernor did not believe in penalizing strength in war times and 
the work went on until, in September, 1918, 1284 officers and 
enlisted men were on the rolls. 

Many unique methods were adopted in recruiting for the 71st. 
The Mayor's Committee on National Defence had formulated a 
comprehensive plan for recruiting for all of the regiments and 
while the 71st took part in its progi^am the number of recruits 
received by it from this source was negligible. 

The greatest success in recruiting was due to a liberal use of 
posters and other printed matter and to a regular, daily cam- 
paign in the streets of the city. A generous friend donated the 
use of a large truck and another friend a piano. Captain Or- 
senigo and Lieutenant Barrell were placed in charge of a re- 
cruiting squad containing a number of well known song writers 
and men from the vaudeville stage. These men, reinforced by 
others who were good singers, held meetings at important points 
in the city. One day a week was set aside by the Minute Men 
of America as a 71st Regiment Recruiting Day. Mr. W. T. 
Wetmore, Chairman of the Minute Men, enthusiastically entered 
into recruiting for the 71st. Officers would attend these meet- 
ings and their appeals and the songs of the singing squad would 
never fail to get results. 

The Recruiting meetings were filled with interesting occur- 
rences and were not without occasional friction with German 
sympathizers. The following articles, which appeared in the 
New York papers at various times during August and Septem- 
ber, 1917, so well picture the scenes that they seem worthy of a 
place in this history : 

*'A huge motor truck upon which was emblazoned 'Join the 
Seventy-first and be among the first to fight' entered Times 



474 71sT NEW YORK 

Square early last evening, crowded with members of the regi- 
ment bent on adding to an already long list of recruits. A piano 
had been installed in the body of the truck and an impromptu 
glee club attracted a large crowd with the strains of 'Pack up 
your troubles in your old kit bag and smile, boys, smile.' One 
man in the crowd which listened wasn't smiling at all. In fact, 
his manner was far from pleasant. 

"Lieutenant E. J. Orsenigo, one of the recruiting officers of 
the Seventy-first, when the last notes of the song died away began 
an impassioned address to attract recruits from the large crowd 
that surrounded the auto. 

'' 'The Germans are still capable of much,' he said, 'and un- 
less the army of the United States is equally as large and as 
dependable as the German}^ Army was at the outset of war we 
will have a repetition of the episode of the U-53, which put in 
at Newport last October. Only this time they might come with 
Zeppelins. ' 

"According to those who stood next to him this man with the 
unfriendly manner then cried out in broken English: 

' ' ' They ain 't beaten yet by a damn sight ! ' 

"A private of the Seventy-first who later lost himself in the 
crowd took exception to this, as did a little Italian who stood 
beside the man with the accent. The Italian got there first and 
the chase began." 

"Guardsmen of the 71st Regiment joined with several hundred 
Harlemites last night in an attack upon a speaker, Smith by 
name, who was holding forth on Harlem's 'crazy corner,' 125th 
Street and Lenox Avenue, on socialism in general and pacifism 
in particular. 

' ' A motor truck full of Guardsmen lumbered up to the corner. 
As part of a recruiting scheme of the 71st Regiment to raise more 
men for its depot battalion, the machine backed up to a spot a 
few feet away from Mr. Smith and went into action. Four 
husky Guardsmen began to proclaim, more or less in unison : 

" 'Good-by Broadway. Hello, France.' 

"When the last barber shop chord had died away and Lieuten- 
ant Barrell arose to speak, Mr. Smith began to make harsh re- 
marks about the wearers of khaki. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 475 

" 'They do crazy things like that for $30.00 a month/ he 
shouted. 'They try to drown me out, when I'm doing my best 
to keep them from going to France to be killed. ' 

''Suddenly there was no soap box under Mr. Smith, and he was 
being hauled, pulled and cuffed by the crowd until several police- 
men arrived. Mr. Smith hopped through a jeering mob on one 
foot and clambered aboard a Seventh Avenue 'bus ! ' ' 

* ' In a meeting of the Midday Minute Men yesterday, at which 
an overflowing assemblage of men was handled in Billy Sunday 
style. Earl Carroll, Arthur Fields, Stanley McAvoy and other 
members of the double recruiting quartette of the Seventy-first 
Regiment sang twenty-one new men into that organization and 
sent every other man in the place away tingling. That they had 
the methods of the great revivalist in mind was shown when 
Lieutenant E. J. Orsenigo, who commands the detail, waved his 
arm and shouted above the singing 'Who will hit the trail for 
Uncle Sam?' " 

' ' IMidday Minute Men audiences have heard about every great 
star of the stage, man or woman, since last January, and might 
be supposed to be getting blase, but announcement that the sing- 
ers and composers who have forsaken successful careers for the 
olive drab were going to appear packed the big room at 280 
Broadway until a gas mask would have been useful. 

"Lieutenant Orsenigo started it all off in a quiet little speech 
saying the Seventy-first needs men to get up to the new war 
strength, and ended by introducing Private Carroll as a man 
who 'gave up $50,000 a year to get $30.00 a month in the army.' 
which gave the young man a good introduction. He carried his 
welcome along by saying that he would sing the last song he will 
write until he comes back from over there — ' When I am through 
with the Arms of the Army I '11 come back to the Arms of You. ' 
This set the audience humming, just as the recruiters hoped it 
would. They even insisted on an extra chorus or two to get the 
words fixed. 

"Then came Private Arthur Fields with 'Throw no stones in 
the well that gives you water,' which aroused them still more. 
After which Private Stanley McAvoy threw in his vocal clutch 



476 71sT NEW YORK 

and everybody went over the top of enthusism as they heard: 
'It's a long way to Berlin but we'll get there.' 

''Now they were shouting and waving, which again was what 
the recruiters wanted. Before they had finished Private Car- 
roll was standing on top of the piano. 'Now, together!' he 
shouted. 'Sing the chorus with me!' His arms became his 
batons and the whole audience roared out. 

' ' ' Again ! ' shouted the leader, and it went again. Then Lieu- 
tenant Orsenigo took a hand. 

" 'Every time we sing that chorus we want some man to hit 
the trail for Uncle Sam with the 71st!' Carroll's arm swung, 
the piano struck a chord, and again the chorus rang out. The 
moment the chorus stopped a young man stepped forward. 

" 'You've got me,' he announced. 

' ' ' Let her go again ! ' yelled Carroll. It went and another man 
came forward. For sixteen times by actual count those yelling 
men declared that it was a long way to Berlin, but they were 
going and every time a man or men stopped forth. Once it was 
three. 

"They might have been singing yet, only at the sixteenth 
chorus the recruiting sergeant announced that he had run out of 
blanks. That made them stop, but the crowd gave the quartette 
one thunderous cheer before they went out into Broadway." 



One of the notable features of the work of the new Guard 
regiment was the seriousness with which the officers and men 
took up their work. The greenest recruit seemed to have but 
one idea — to become an efficient soldier. The billiard room and 
bowling alleys were closed ; there were no dances, games or even 
a review until the late spring of 1918. Company drills were held 
three or four nights a week, which resulted in such efficiency 
that the exhibition drills given in the review of the spring of 
1918 were the best given in the armory up to that time. 

In March, 1918, the Adjutant General, in General Orders No. 
13, requested the Guard regiment to facilitate in every way the 
enlistment of members of the Guard in the Federal service and 
to train men for non-commissioned offices. Also that the Guard 



IN THE WORLD WAR 477 

should by prompt action facilitate the transfer of men to the 
Federal organizations. 

As the time for the selective draft approached the question 
frequently arose as to whether membership in Guard organiza- 
tions exempted from the draft. The 71st promptly and clearly 
went on record with new recruits that its fundamental purpose 
was the winning of the war and that not to the slightest degree 
would the regiment assist any man in evading the draft. The 
record of the regiment in discharging over 600 officers and men 
into the Federal service indicates how closely the regiment co- 
operated with the Federal authorities. Discharges from the 
ranks were constant, but when it became known that the 71st 
was specializing on preparing men for overseas, the recruiting 
was stimulated so that the losses were more than made up. 

How our chests swelled when in December, 1917, our newly 
enlisted volunteer band got together for the first time on the 
drill room floor and gave an impromptu concert. Colonel Wells 
had secured a contribution of some of the necessary instruments 
from one of our good friends and others were purchased from 
the scant treasury of the regiment. Colonel Wells would him- 
self occasionally take up the baton, and "Over There" and 
"Pack Up Your Troubles," and "There's a Long, Long Trail 
a Winding" would take on a new tempo and the listening crowd 
would have tears in their eyes and shout "Fine!" 

But the patriotism of the band was always stronger than its 
wind. It was never quite equal to ' ' The Star Spangled Banner. ' ' 
When it would start on a parade it would begin like the middle 
of March and wind up like a June day. Finally, as the regiment 
grew in numbers it seemed clear that the band was a weak sis- 
ter and that it would be impossible to recruit it to a strength 
of accomplishment worthy of our fine big organization and orders 
were sorrowfully given to put the "dis" before the band. The 
spirits were always willing, some of the men coming from con- 
siderable distances to attend and making financial sacrifices, but 
the wind was weak. 



It would not be difficult to divide the regimental organization 
into periods, each rather distinctly identified. Members of the 



478 71sT NEW YORK 

'90 's, for instance, point with pride to the days of Colonel Greene 
and are prone to say "Yes. You have a good organization now, 
but it is not the same as in my day. Those were the days. ' ' And 
then there was the fine personnel that went to Pine Camp and 
later to the Mexican Border. ' ' The best the regiment ever had, ' ' 
etc., etc. And surely, the men who served up-state in 1917 
and later went over-seas, many of them never to return; they 
were the best lot that ever gave the friends of the 71st rea- 
son to feel proud. And just so, when the men of the Guard 
regiment of 1917-1919 get together, one is sure to hear comments 
about "The finest body of men that ever got together in a mili- 
tary organization." The great seriousness and magnitude of 
the war problems wove them together in a bond of determination 
and sympathy greater than will be found except in war time. 
Harmony prevailed in every effort; unqualified support and 
enthusiasm was given to every project. With such a spirit great 
things were always possible and the reputation of the 71st for 
efficiency and dependability grew as it was bound to grow under 
such circumstances. Men of high standing in the business world, 
bankers, lawyers, engineers, etc., were common among the officers 
and in the ranks, making financial sacrifices to do their bit for 
the great cause. 

The great heroic figure of the 71st Guard regiment was Chap- 
lain Cooper. Young, handsome and filled with the spirit of the 
Crusaders, he was discovered at a recruiting meeting, pouring 
out his heart and soul to a noonday crowd to enlist them for 
the repression of the Hun. He had at the beginning of the war 
applied for appointment as an army chaplain, but delays in the 
receipt of a commission had left him chafing at the delay but 
giving the best that was in him to the work of the war on this 
side until he could go to the front. 

It was announced to him that a vacancy existed in the 71st 
for a Chaplain and he was asked if he would care for the ap- 
pointment. His introduction to Colonel Wells was sufficient for 
an appointment, for he was the ideal Chaplain; militant, active 
and vigorous, but with a knowledge of men and their ways, their 
strength and their weaknesses. He gloried in the 71st uniform, 
visiting the military camps and giving particular attention to the 






IN THE WORLD WAR 479 

regiment's company at the aqueduct. One day he came to the 
armory with glowing eyes. He had received an offer from the 
Y. M. C. A. and^ weary of waiting for his army commission, had 
accepted, with the understanding that he should be assigned to 
front line work. He was young and unmarried ; there was work 
for clergymen on the firing line; it seemed to him that he was 
one who could be best spared. 

And he sailed for France, with the love of all who knew him, 
and a letter of good wishes and a traveling outfit from the offi- 
cers of the regiment. From the ship he wrote : 

''I may get mine early in the game, but if I do, I die happy. 
Here's to all. Good night and God bless you." 

And he did get his ''early in the game"; while acting as a 
stretcher-bearer and ministering to the wounded and dying on 
the battle-field, he was gassed and died on May 26th, 1918. 

On Memorial Day, 1921, a bronze tablet was erected by the 
regiment on the pilaster adjacent to the door leading to the Ad- 
jutant's Office, reading: 

"In memory of 

Captain Hedley H. Cooper, 

Chaplain of the Seventy-first Infantry, 

New York Guard, 

Who died gloriously on the Battlefield of France, 

May 26, 1918, 

That Humanity and Democracy might live. ' ' 

Captain Cooper served in France, as Chaplain of the 71st 
Infantry, New York Guard, on leave of absence and wearing its 
uniform. 



In the early days of the new regiment the organization was 
badly handicapped by the impossibility of getting from the State 
authorities necessary uniforms and equipment. The Government 
had requisitioned the entire output of the mills making olive 
drab uniform cloth and there was also a great scarcity of khaki 
material suitable for the purpose. Notwithstanding this, the 
regiment progressed in its development, drilling its men in 
civilian clothes or uniforms made up from odds and ends, ac- 



480 71sT NEW YORK 

quired by the companies from any available sources. Some of 
the company commanders even purchased hats, leggings, etc., at 
their own expense, the question of uniformity at that particular 
time being secondary to progress in the training of the men, 
many of whom w^ere soon to enter the army or navy. Some uni- 
forms were received in the latter part of 1917, but these were 
mainly made from shoddy material, which in a comparatively 
short length of time became unfit for service. 

During the first few months the regiment could get no rifles 
whatever from the State. The State issued in the place of the 
rifles wooden dummies, and a company presented the appear- 
ance of a gathering of school boys drilling with broomsticks. 
Later a supply of Ross rifles, purchased by the State from the 
Canadian Government, was issued. These rifles had some advan- 
tages over the dummies, but had certain very decided disadvan- 
tages which the dummies did not possess. They had been dis- 
carded by the Canadian Government because of faulty bolt con- 
struction. It was commonly believed that one of these rifles 
when fired was more dangerous to the man holding it than to the 
objective. 

Later these Canadian rifles were withdrawn and replaced by a 
rifle made by the Remington Arms Company for the Russian 
Government. These guns possessed a very long, heavy barrel, 
were of non-standard calibre, and because of their particular 
magazine construction, the magazine being placed ahead of the 
trigger-guard, were most awkward when carrying the piece at 
right-shoulder. The so-called ' ' Bolsheviki " rifles were later re- 
placed by the Standard Springfield, which caused great rejoicing. 

It was early in 1919 before the regiment could have been said 
to be uniformed in an approximately satisfactory manner and 
when a company could be expected to appear with hats, leggings 
and other pieces of the same vintage and appearance. 

At various times during the war, the question of whether the 
Guard regiments should wear the regulation uniform, with the 
standard special collar designations, received more or less dis- 
cussion. In General Orders No. 1, January 8, 1918, the Governor 
not only approved of Guard soldiers wearing the regulation uni- 
form upon occasions of a military character, but emphasized 
that the frequent appearance of the uniform in public places 



IN THE WORLD WAR 481 

would make for an observance of law and order and expressed 
the desire that officers of the New York Guard should wear it 
''in public, and on all occasions when not engaged in the trans- 
action of private business incompatible therewith. ' ' 

Evidently this wide use of the uniform by the Guard troops 
caused uneasiness, because later fuller instructions were issued 
in this connection and discretion was directed. But even this 
action seems to have been unsatisfactory, for on August 23, 1918, 
in General Orders No. 38, it was directed that officers and en- 
listed men, in addition to the regularly prescribed distinguishing 
marks, should wear upon their uniforms ^'a scarlet five-pointed 
star of cloth or felt." No further reference is found on the 
records to this star, but the writer never saw such a distinguish- 
ing mark on any uniform. 



When the old 71st Regiment was mustered into the service of 
the United States the men were discharged from the State of 
New York and the old 71st was a New York regiment only as a 
matter of history. New organizations were at once formed under 
the military law to take up the work of the old and to carry on 
under the old designations. 

It was but natural that men who had built up organizations 
should be concerned when it was proposed that new organizations 
should fall heir to their honors and property, but the old regi- 
ments had been automatically relieved of this property. 

This situation was greatly aggravated by scandal-mongers 
who became active after the armistice. A rumor had it that cer- 
tain high officers overseas had remarked that they would not 
permit new organizations to occupy their armories when the over- 
seas troops returned, but they would march in and take posses- 
sion and throw out the intruders. So much malicious talk was 
heard that at one time the situation appeared to be growing 
serious and it seemed as though there might be lasting bad feel- 
ings between the old and the new. 

The Adjutant General in January, 1918, issued General Orders 
No. 4, stating that in the new organizations, the traditions of the 
old had been safeguarded and the property of the old regiments 
cared for. He suggested that the practice already adopted by 



482 71sT NEW YORK 

some of the old organizations of formally turning over their prop- 
erty and funds to the new organizations should be generally car- 
ried out. That word should be communicated to the old organi- 
zations in the field that there would always be a place for them in 
the armories and a hearty welcome. 

In addition to the above the military authorities of the State 
issued a circular to the effect that the new regiments were the 
logical heirs of the property of the old regiments. This circular 
contained the opinion of the State Judge-Advocate-General that 
the new organizations were legally entitled to any pre-war funds 
in the possession of the old organizations. 

In the 71st Regiment a friendly spirit prevailed. Company 
after company turned over to its successor the company-room 
furniture and other property belonging to it, and this action 
had much to do with the success of the different units of the new 
regiment. The wisdom of this action has been apparent since 
many overseas men have joined the new regiment, and it is but 
a matter of time when a dividing line between the two organiza- 
tions will be an imaginary one. 



Naturally there were many requests for the use of the armory 
during 1917-1918. War societies of every description had sprung 
up and it seemed as if all of them immediately selected the 
71st armory as the place for their activities. The regiment co- 
operated to the fullest possible extent and hardly a day passed 
without preparatory drills or meetings. The regiment, however, 
had grown in numbers and with its daily participation in im^ 
portant functions was greatly inconvenienced. It began to look 
like the case of the camel who was permitted to put his head into 
a tent and finally crowded out the occupant. 

The armory was constantly in use by the Allied Nations for 
functions running all the way from the gathering of batches of 
recruits for Czecho-Slovakia^ sent from all parts of the country 
to the front in large units, to the very impressive ceremony when 
the flag of the new Polish nation was adopted and shown for the 
first time in this country. On that occasion the armory was full 
of Polish recruits who kissed the flag and swore allegiance to the 
new Polish nation. Probably no more impressive ceremony was 



IN THE WORLD WAR 483 

ever held in the armory and certainly none so directly identified 
with the history of the world. 

Most attractive of the many guests in the armory were the 
army nurses, thousands of whom were drilled there prior to their 
departure for France. The officers acted as drill-masters of these 
noble women, whose faithful and intelligent attention to the work 
at hand soon resulted in proficiency. Unit after unit received 
the course of military training, only to depart for France and be 
replaced by others mobilized in New York. At times after the 
drill informal receptions would be held in the company rooms, 
where light refreshments and dancing held sway, and no doubt 
many incipient romances were started. 

Then there was the avalanche of the Police Reserves. Or- 
ganized as an auxiliary to the municipal police to meet the very 
serious local conditions, this organization, which started drilling 
in the armory in a small way, grew to such proportions that the 
building could hardly hold them. They might have been seen in 
every corner of the building. On the drill room floor it became 
difficult for one of their companies to move without interfering 
with the others. The drill- masters, however, by good work and 
much skill, in time licked them into more or less proficiency, and 
when the patience of the regiment had been sorely tried and the 
opportunities for its own work hampered, a final review was held 
and they departed with our blessing. 

Other organizations using the armory were the War Camp 
Community Service, Woman's Motor Corps and the New York 
Scottish Battalion. At one period of several weeks boys from 
Camp Merritt, who were giving a show in New York, were quar- 
tered in the gymnasium and the bowling alley, with their "jazz" 
orchestra, and the officers of the regiment saw the performance 
in a body at the Lexington Opera House, as the guests of these 
temporary tenants. 

Base Hospital No. 116 was mobilized at the armory in Decem- 
ber, 1917^ consisting of 35 officers and 200 enlisted men. Because 
of other activities in the building it was with great inconvenience 
that these men could be quartered. 

In September, 1917, the armory was selected by the authorities 
as the place of incarceration for prisoners arrested for evading 
the selective draft. No provision was made for quartering the 



484 71sT NEW YORK 

men by the Draft Board and they were allowed to sleep in the 
armory without blankets, until Colonel Wells, through the kind- 
ness of his heart, supplied them. The regiment was compelled to 
feed these prisoners on an allowance of 75 cents a day, as many 
as 100 prisoners being housed at one time. The regiment was 
also compelled to incur considerable expense with but a promise 
of the Exemption Board that it would be reimbursed. This in- 
cluded the pay and subsistence of the guard, on duty day and 
night. At times the prisoners would become violent and cause 
much trouble, and in at least one case a prisoner who had tried 
to break the guard had to be taken from the building in an am- 
bulance. They were, as would be expected, a most unattractive 
and unwelcome lot but work in connection with them was ac- 
cepted as a necessary part of the great war game. 

In May, 1917, under S. 0. No. 565, Headquarters New York 
Division, a school for the instruction of cooks was established 
in the armory for each evening from 8 to 10 o'clock and cooks 
from each company, troop or battery from the organizations in 
the district were ordered to report for instruction on given dates. 
An officer of each organization was ordered to be present, the 
classes to consist of approximately 32 enlisted men. No doubt 
the excellence of many a meal served to hungry soldiers in Prance 
was due in a large measure to the good work done in the 71st 
kitchens, where every facility was given to bring about the best 
results. 

The armory was used two nights previous to the parade of the 
returned 27th Division to quarter the 105th Infantry; also to 
quarter the 307th Infantry the night before the parade of the 
draft regiments prior to their departure for France. A very 
large number of men were cared for on both of these occasions, 
every inch of the drill room floor being used for the sleeping men 
and their equipment. 



The success of the American and Allied armies during the 
great war depended greatly upon the inviolability of the City of 
New York; the safeguarding of its water supply was the most 
important military operation on this side of the Atlantic. 

From February, 1917, until August 10th, 1917, the Aqueduct 



IN THE WORLD WAR 485 

had been g:uarded by federalized troops. When these troops 
were ordered to other stations it became necessary to furnish 
another guard and a provisional regiment of about 1,200 under 
command of Colonel John B. Rose, who took up the work. This 
involved covering 95 miles of territory, with more than 156 
miles of posts and outposts and some 267 more or less Anilnerable 
points. This regiment, made up of various units from differ- 
ent parts of the state, operated until November, when it was 
arranged to have the work taken over on a more permanent basis. 

Special Orders No. 296, Adjutant General's Office, November 
22nd, 1918, provided for a provisional company from the 71st 
Infantry, which served from that time until the end of the war. 

The official report of the 1st Provisional Regiment states : 

''These men, under Captain Frederick C. Kuehnle and 2nd 
Lieutenant J. Noble Braden, were addressed by Colonel Rose at 
the armory at the time of their acceptance and the difficulties and 
hardships of aqueduct work explained to them. It was a severe 
picture that Colonel Rose painted, but when the opportunity 
was given to any who did not wish to serve to fall out, there was 
no response. The unit reported to Regimental Headquarters for 
a period of intensive training, after which it took over Sector 
S-3 and 4. Captain Kuehnle, one of the most efficient line offi- 
cers ever brought into the field with the 1st Provisional, con- 
tinued to ser\^e until the demobilization period of the regiment. ' ' 

Captain Kuehnle was promoted to Major while on duty with 
the 1st Provisional and commanded one of the battalions. Other 
71st officers who served with the 1st Provisional were Captain A. 
N. Keener, Captain Kiernan, Lieutenants Hofer, Le Doux and 
Rehm. 

Private Antonio Pernice, Llachine Gun Company of the 71st, 
died of pneumonia while serving with the 1st Provisional. The 
new 71st furnished the 1st Provisional for service at various 
times 250 men. The Sector covered by these men extended from 
Yorktown Heights to Peekskill. 

Special Orders No. 306, the Adjutant General's Office, Albany, 
December 19, 1917: 

''On behalf of the people of the State, the Governor desires to 
thank the officers and men of the 1st Provisional Regiment for the 



486 71sT NEW YORK 

very valuable and patriotic service which they have rendered to 
the State and Nation in guarding the New York Aqueduct. They 
have performed their onerous and dangerous duties in a manner 
which reflects great credit upon themselves and upon the New 
York Guard. Their devotion to duty, their zeal and patriotism, 
their high spirit of cheerful service under most trying conditions 
cannot be commended too highly." 



The Guard regiment started without funds. It was necessary 
for it to incur expenses almost at the start for stationery and 
routine matters, but no provision had been made by the State 
for such necessities. The first funds received were $375, a quar- 
terly Headquarters Allowance, and this sum seemed more or less 
a godsend. Late in the fall a few hundred dollars were received 
from a "World's Series Baseball exhibition, which amount, how- 
ever, had to be deposited with the City Chamberlain, under the 
Military Law. 

Financing became a matter of mighty quick turn-overs and 
Boards of Audit were rushed along, one after another, until 
further rentals and the annual Military Fund gave us something 
to work with. It is the proud record of the Guard regiment that 
it has paid without delay for its purchases from the beginning 
and in many cases has discounted its bills. 



A number of chapters might be written regarding the work 
done by the 71st in the Liberty Loan, Red Cross, and other war 
drives. Scarcely a day passed when the officers and men were 
not actively engaged. At one meeting held in the armory Octo- 
ber 18th, 1918, subscriptions were received for Liberty Loan 
Bonds, and officially credited to the regiment, amounting to 
$1,077,750. On October 22nd, 1918, the total amount credited to 
the regiment, directly and indirectly, was reported as $4,952,750. 
A battalion participated in a rally on October 18th, at 34th 
Street and 8th Avenue ; a battalion paraded in co-operation with 
Liberty Loan Speakers on April 13th, 1918 ; and again on April 
20th, when the Governor reviewed the parade. 

General Dyer, on April 22nd, wrote to Colonel Wells : 



IN THE WORLD WAR 487 

''I desire to express to you my most sincere congratulations 
upon the splendid appearance of your command on Saturday in 
the New York Guard Day Parade for the Liberty Loan. 

' ' It seems almost incredible that the fine regiment which made 
its first public parade Saturday has only been organized a trifle 
more than six months. What you, your officers and men have 
accomplished in this short space of time, cannot be stated in this 
letter; nor can the citizens of this city realize how many and 
great sacrifies have been made by you all to bring your regiment 
to its high state of efficiency. 

' ' In case of serious riots, fires and other outbreaks here, which 
might arise during the period of this war, the New York Guard 
would surely be called upon to assist the local authorities in the 
protection of life and property. It is greatly to the interest of 
every citizen of New York to do all in their power to encourage 
you all in the splendid work you have done and are now doing 
to make impossible any disorder, and by your active military and 
patriotic service discourage all alien outbreaks and propaganda. 

' ' As your brigade commander, I do not only want to congratu- 
late you upon the efficiency of your command, its personnel and 
all the unselfish work you all have done in the service of your 
state and more especially during this Liberty Loan drive, but 
also to thank you for making the parade of Saturday such a 
distinct success by the splendid appearance of your command. 

' ' I sincerely hope that the citizens of this city wiU give to you 
all of the New York Guard, the credit you so richly deserve. 
They will, I am sure, when they realize how broad your activities 
are — covering nearly every kind of patriotic and military service, 
to the instruction of the young men in your ranks of draft age, 
so that when they are called to their country 's service, they may 
be of greater value to the military forces and thereby greatly 
hasten the work of our preparedness. At no time in recent 
years have our armories been as actively employed as they are 
now; at no time, also, have the services of the members of the 
Guard been so arduous and diversified; and all this service be- 
cause it is ' home work, ' so little realized by those among us who 
are unfamiliar with what is being done by those in authority to 
make our State and City safer and to bring help and comfort to 
the families of those who are fighting that we might dwell in 
peace and the future of our country be made secure. 

' ' Let us not forget in our own work the splendid example which 
the members of our parent organizations have set for us to fol- 
low ; for no matter how much we are and may be called upon to 



488 71sT NEW YORK 

sacrifice we can never give half what they have given, for they 
have given themselves. ' ' 

The regiment not only assisted in the Liberty Loan, Red Cross 
and other drives by working up enthusiasm by means of parades 
with its band and the free use of the armory for meetings, but 
took part in the actual raising of funds. Its men would go to the 
theatres and work individually among the audiences, or they 
would descend upon Times Square, for instance, when huge 
crowds were collected, and working with the committee in charge 
of the drives, do much that added to the great results obtained. 

The Adjutant General, on May 16th, 1918, wrote: 

''Reports have been received from all the four brigades of the 
New York Guard concerning the amount of Third Liberty Loan 
bonds which they sold. To this total there has been added the 
number of bonds sold by these headquarters, and the grand total 
is the impressive sum of $20,008,580." 

"You will please convey to the Commanding Officers of your 
Brigade the very hearty appreciation felt at these headquarters 
for the work of their commands in this patriotic undertaking. 
Splendidly as the New York Guard has done during the few 
months of its existence, it is evident from such manifestations as 
this sale of bonds, that it is destined not only to continue the 
excellent discharge of its military duties, but also to produce 
many other useful and patriotic bi-products beneficial to the 
State and the Nation alike." 

The prophesies of the Adjutant General proved one hundred 
per cent, true, as far as the 71st was concerned, for it took part 
actively in every War Bond sale, every Red Cross or other war 
society drive, performing the double function of being the pro- 
tector of the City and State in a military way and a prolific aid 
to all war enterprises. 

In 1918 a beautiful classical structure, known as the ''Altar 
OF Liberty," was erected in Madison Square Park, facing 
Broadway. This structure had a two-fold purpose ; to keep con- 
stantly before the people a symbol of Liberty and the other prin- 
ciples for which the United States was fighting; and secondly, 
to provide a setting for outdoor patriotic meetings to be held at 
that point. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 489 

In September and October twenty-two meetings were held by 
commissions representing allied nations, viz.: Belgium, Brazil, 
British Empire, China, Cuba, Czecho-Slovak, France, Greece, 
Guatamala, Haiti, Honduras, Japan, Liberia, Montenegro, Italy, 
Nicaragua, Panama, Portugal, Russia, Serbia, Siam and the 
United States. The days for these meetings were designated 
Great Britain Day, France Day, Italy Day, etc. The programme 
for each day included a parade to the Altar of Liberty where the 
flag of that particular nation was dedicated and hoisted to the 
top of the flag pole at that point. The various countries on 
these occasions were represented by their ambassadors, military 
and naval attaches and members of the diplomatic corps. Fol- 
lowing these ceremonies there was a parade each day to one of 
the large hotels where luncheon was served followed by speeches, 
etc. The military escort for these parades was provided largely 
by the 71st Infantry and the marshals for these parades were 
largely officers of the 71st, General Dyer having designated Lieu- 
tenant (later Captain) Gaillard as liaison officer for these occa- 
sions. The flags came to be known as "The Flags of the Allies" 
and were given a very prominent place in patriotic parades and 
functions during the later days of the war. 

The flags of the Allies were provided by the Fifth Avenue 
Association. They were regarded as having great historic value 
and ^vhen it became necessary to select a custodian for them the 
71st Regiment was designated for this very great honor. The 
flags are now in the custody of the regiment, in the armory, 
carefully preserved against the future when they will be looked 
upon with reverence by the children and grandchildren of those 
who served in the great conflict. 

During the week of July 16-22, 1917 (British Recruiting 
Week), the 71st had the great pleasure of quartering in the ar- 
mory 220 McLean and Gordon Highlanders from Canada with a 
piper 's band and several brass bands. It was originally intended 
to quarter these men at the various hotels but since no single 
hostelry could care for the entire contingent, they decided to 
keep together at the armory. The Highlanders wore their kilts 
and presented a most soldierly appearance. The newspapers 
during their stay in this city were full of articles describing their 
work and the cooperation of the 71st. The Gordon Highlanders 



490 71sT NEW YORK 

were from the 48th Regiment of Canadian Infantry which al- 
ready had three complete units at the front. The McLean High- 
landers were about to depart for France. 

After the Highlanders had completed a successful week of 
recruiting in New York they entrained for other large cities of 
the country, taking with them on their tour an American flag 
loaned by the 71st. When the Highlanders returned to Canada, 
the Stars and Stripes loaned by the 71st were signally honored by 
a salute at a public celebration to welcome home the detachment. 
As the colors were borne to a place in front of the battalion by 
an escort of non-commissioned officers, their band played '*The 
Star-Spangled Banner." Lieutenant-Colonel Darling addressed 
the people telling them of the cordial reception his men had 
received in the United States. 

The flag, with a suitably engraved silver ring on its pike, was 
later returned to Colonel Wells together with a silver plate 
bearing the coat of arms of the 48th Regiment and the inscrip- 
tion ^'To Colonel Hollis Wells and Officers of the 71st Infantry, 
New York Guard, from Lieutenant-Colonel C. W. Darling and 
officers of the 48th Regiment, Canadian Highlanders, Toronto, 
Canada, July 15-21, 1917. 



The new regiment supplied a band and four companies for 
the provisional regiment, the Guard of honor, incident to the 
reception of the Serbian Mission at the City Hall, January 19, 
1918, Colonel Wells commanding the provisional regiment. Gen- 
eral Dyer expressed his satisfaction with the appearance of the 
71st by writing: 

' ' May I most warmly congratulate you upon the splendid show- 
ing made by the officers and men of your command at the cere- 
monies incident to the reception of the Royal Serbian Commis- 
sion, at the City Hall. The fine bearing, personnel and steadiness 
were most favorably commented upon by everyone. The march- 
ing review given to the Adjutant General at Lafayette Street 
after the ceremonies was also most excellently performed. It 
augurs well for the future of the New York Guard and will serve 
as an example of efficiency for other organizations to follow. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 491 

At one period in its early history the regiment supplied a 
compan}'^ to guard Red Cross property on the city docks. This 
detail lasted for a number of weeks, the property being especially 
valuable for early use overseas, and for this reason, particularly 
liable to incendiarism. One dark night a sharp "Halt!" was 
given by the sentry at an important point. A man had been 
observed sneaking along the string-piece of the dock. He failed 
to obey the order, a shot followed and a body was seen to fall 
into the river. Just another example of the value of the 71st 
to the city during those stirring times and of the constant pres- 
ence of enemies, ever ready with the torch to destroy property 
of value to our army abroad or to our allies. 

The 71st took an important part in the First Annual Show- 
men's Benefit, under the auspices of the Showmen's League of 
America and Society of American Magicians, held at the Hip- 
podrome April 21st, 1918. The relations between the theatrical 
profession and the regiment have always been of the most cordial 
nature and when the 71st had this opportunity to reciprocate 
for the many favors received at the hands of the actors, it was 
delighted to be of assistance. Feature N in the programme was 
the appearance of the 1st Battalion, commanded by Major Lyon, 
and the entertainment included setting-up exercises, close order 
drill and an exhibition comprising troops returning from a mili- 
tary hike; companies dismissed; Adjutant's call for retreat; the 
National Anthem ; dismissing colors ; companies dismissed ; camp 
recreation; tattoo; camp-fire songs; taps. 

The exhibition was enthusiastically received by a large audi- 
ence. The programme contained a double-page advertisement 
for the 71st, asking for recruits for the 54th Pioneers, then at 
Spartanburg, and for the new Guard organization. 

The new regiment held its first annual dinner at the Railroad 
Club, December 27, 1917. Among the distinguished guests were 
Major-General Francis V. Greene, Brigadier General George R. 
Dyer and General W. A. White of the British Recruiting Mission. 

The annual dinner in 1918 was a complimentary one given to 
the officers of the regiment by Lieutenant George T. Brokaw. 



492 71sT NEW YORK 

A dinner was also tendered to the officers of the regiment by 
Lieutenant-Colonel John G. Bates in the early part of 1919. 

General George R. Dyer gave the regiment its first review on 
January 15, 1918. Although it had been recruited from 175 
men to over 700 in four months, consistent and hard work had 
built a well drilled organization. Notwithstanding the poor 
equipment issued, the regiment made a remarkable showing and 
General Dyer expressed himself amazed that so much should 
have been accomplished in the short time available. 

Governor Whitman reviewed the regiment May 2, 1918. The 
new organization had attained a strength of over 900 men and 
made a very fine showing. The day was the 20th anniversary 
of the departure for the Spanish War and the Governor ex- 
pressed his pleasure at the display of strength and steadiness. 
The newly enlisted band furnished the music for this review, but 
it must be confessed that several professionals had to be in- 
serted in the ranks to carry the melodies over some of the diffi- 
cult places. 

The regiment had enjoyed the closest relations with the Fifth 
Avenue Association up to November 28, 1918, adding military 
color to all of the wonderful war work of that association, and 
on that date it was reviewed by the Association, representatives 
of all of the great business concerns of the district being present. 
The membership was over 1300 at that time and the very suc- 
cessful review caused most favorable comment on the part of 
the Association and an even closer cementing of the two or- 
ganizations. 

The review by Governor Alfred E. Smith on March 21st, 1919, 
was also a notable one. The Governor had shown great interest 
in the 71st and a programme was arranged to include exhibition 
drills, regimental singing, and other features. A stand of colors 
was presented by the Veteran Corps of Artillery. The Governor 's 
personal and official families came down from Albany and the 
social part of the programme received particular attention. 

The presentation of the war service colors of the 3d Battalion, 
105th Infantry, U. S. A., was a feature of the review held May 
16th, 1919, by the late Major-General Francis Y. Greene and the 
71st Regiment Veteran Association. The regiment, strong in 
numbers^, made a splendid appearance and the presence of a 



IN THE WORLD WAR 493 

large number of overseas men in the galleries and on the floor 
gave the affair a re-union color. General Greene was in fine 
spirits and reviewed his old command with keen enjoyment and 
many expressions of satisfaction. 

The following, comments clipped from the New York papers 
after the review^s by General Dyer and Governor Whitman, indi- 
cate the favor wdth which the regiment was held by the people 
of the city and by the New York press : 

"The first inspection and review of the 71st Infantry, New 
York Guard, w^as held at the armory. Park Avenue and Thirty- 
fourth Street, last evening, with Brig.-Gen. George R. Dyer, 
commander of the 1st Brigade, as inspecting and reviewing 
officer. Besides the inspection-review there was an evening 
parade, the thousands in the gallery standing as the band played 
the National Anthem. Then the colors were escorted off the 
floor, passing the length of the regiment at arms. 

' ' Gen. Dyer, in a short speech to the regiment, which mustered 
full strength of fifteen companies and a sanitary detachment, 
complimented the command on its splendid showing. The regi- 
ment, replacing the Federalized 71st, has been under organiza- 
tion only a few months. The showing last night was somewhat 
of a surprise to those not familiar with the rapid strides being 
made by the regiment under Colonel J. HoUis Wells. 

''Colonel Wells came in for a high tribute by the Inspecting 
General in the course of his speech. General Dyer congratulated 
the regiment on having Colonel Wells for its commander, declar- 
ing that the showing made last night was clearly indicative that 
the newest 71st — the fourth to be formed — would carry on the 
excellent record set by its predecessors." 

''Those tw^o-fisted boys in khaki who 'double in brass,' not 
only making themselves ready for service abroad but also con- 
stituting themselves a training school for others who are anxious 
to get into the fighting in France — in other words, the 71st In- 
fantry, New York Guard — held a jubilee celebration last night 
in the Regimental Armory, Park Avenue and Thirty-fourth 
Street, at w^hich Governor Whitman, Commander-in-Chief of the 
New York Guard, reviewed them as they went through their 



494 71sT NEW YORK 

drills as snappily as regulars. About the biggest crowd that 
ever packed the armory lifted the roof with its applause. 

''There were fully 6,000 people crowded within the armory 
walls to watch the review, bulging over the galleries' railings in 
their eagerness to watch the scene. A dozen or more big blue 
banners with the names of places lettered in gold at which the 
old 71st had fought since its organization sixty-nine years ago 
hung along the walls, chief among them being the word ' Gettys- 
burg. ' 

"The flags recorded, too, the service that the regiment did at 
both the battles of Bull Run, losing 10 per cent, of its men in 
the first battle without flinching; its service in strike riots in 
this city during the Civil War and the fact that it took and 
held the brow of San Juan just twenty years ago. 

**It saw service on the Mexican Border two years ago and its 
contribution to the present war, though unrecorded by the ar- 
mory flags, is its brightest crown. Because, since the old 71st was 
drawn upon a year ago to fill up the quotas of other regiments, 
hundreds of its men have been serving in France and scores of 
them have been wounded. 

''In April, 1917, the transfer of 1,375 men from the 71st to 
the old 2nd, now the 105th, was ordered. One- hundred and 
fifty-eight were sent to the 106th Field Artillery. Eighty-seven 
were sent to the 102nd Engineers. One of its highest officers, 
James M. Hutchinson, was made Lieutenant-Colonel of the 107th 
Regiment, the old 7th. And so the story went. 

"Nearly the entire personnel of the old 71st has been drawn 
upon to contribute to the four infantry regiments of the Twenty- 
seventh Division. Two hundred men of the old 71st are with 
the 165th (the old 69th) and some, falling on the field, have 
added lustre to that famous fighting force. 

' ' Since the reorganization of the New York Guard last October 
the present 71st Regiment has sent several hundred men into 
the national service. From one company alone. Company F, 
commanded by Capt. George D. Morris, fifty men have gone 
into the Federal service. 

' ' Another big contribution of men has been made by Company 
B, commanded by Capt. "Al" Downs, who himself is soon to 
leave for France. Enlistment in the regiment does not exempt 



IN THE WORLD WAR 495 

from draft. The men who join it are eager to get military train- 
ing preliminary to that which will fit them for service at the 
front. 

''An address in which the organization was told right to its 
face how splendidly it was conducting its work was delivered 
by Gov. Whitman after the Regiment has been put through its 
paces by its commander, Col. J. Hollis Wells. ''Big Bill" Ed- 
wards, Internal Revenue Commissioner, then made a stirring 
appeal in behalf of the Liberty Loan, winding up with a punch 
that made everybody cheer. 

* ' ' If you put any money aside for a rainy day, remember it 'a 
pouring now ! ' 

''Dancing, to the music of the regimental band, followed, on 
the drill floor of the armory, and 'spreads' were served to the 
various companies in their company rooms." 



An impressive memorial service was held at St. Thomas's 
Church, Fifth Avenue, on Sunday, April 27, 1919. The regi- 
ment paraded to the church, strong in numbers, and escorted 
by the Veteran Association, and a representation of Army 
Nurses, Red Cross workers and others. At the head of the line 
a representative of each company carried a beautiful wreath 
which was deposited in the chancel of the church and added to 
the flags and military display already in place. 

At this memorial service members of the diplomatic corps and 
other representatives of various nations were present as well as 
representatives of a number of patriotic organizations, and so- 
cieties, some of these people having come from Washington espe- 
cially for the occasion. The attendance was so great that one 
whole battalion of the regiment could not be accommodated in 
the church and remained outside during the service. 

A special invitation was extended to the relatives of the men 
who had died in the Great War and a large number called for 
tickets and completely filled the space reserved in the church for 
their accommodation. 

The details of the service were worked out by the regimental 
chaplain. Rev. Charles Barker Scovil, the band assisting in the 
impressive music rendered by St. Thomas's male choir. Dr. 



496 71sT NEW YORK 

Stires, the rector, made an address of welcome, in whicli he dis- 
closed a close acquaintance with the regiment and particularly 
with its men who had been in service abroad, as he had come in 
close contact with the 71st men in the war areas, while acting as 
a chaplain. A cordial invitation was extended by Dr. Stires for 
the regiment to come to St. Thomas's regularly for its church 
parade. 



A set of athletic games that broke all 71st Regiment records for 
attendance and financial success were run at the armory on 
January 17th, 1919. 

Up to 1919 the games had for years been run at a considerable 
financial loss. The committee for the 1919 games was composed 
of Captains Heather and Boyntan and Lieutenants Graillard and 
Lawson. The games were widely advertised through attractive 
posters and clever press work, the prizes of an especially attrac- 
tive and appropriate nature exhibited for several weeks in the 
armory, and prizes offered for placing advertising in the official 
programme and for selling tickets. 

It was decided not to cater to ''pot hunters," but to make the 
games as far as practicable open to all members, the rank amateur 
receiving every encouragement to enter and every possible op- 
portunity to win. The price of general admission was reduced 
to twenty-five cents and the new personnel, these being the first 
games the Guard regiment had run, was asked to bring along 
the family. 

Three A. A. U. events were included in the programme, but 
the interest of the audience in these events was slight compared 
to the events in which Bill, Henry or Mose took part. It became 
necessary to close the doors. Every available inch of seating 
and standing room was taken long before the time of beginning 
and people were packed in solid between the west line of pillars 
and the wall. Hundreds were turned away. Visiting officers 
from the U. S. Army saw with amazement and were free with 
their remarks that never before had they seen any such gather- 
ing or any such enthusiasm in a set of military games. 

The programme brought a nice profit from the advertising" 
over the cost of production and the profits from the games, not- 



IN THE WORLD WAR 497 

withstanding extra expense for music, prizes, and special fea- 
tures, were over one thousand dollars. 



There was never a chance that the Regiment would not cele- 
brate Armistice Day in a fitting manner. When the false news 
of the armistice was given out by the afternoon papers on No- 
vember 7th, 1918, efforts were at once made to get in touch with 
the bandmaster but it was found impossible to locate him until 
an hour when the falsity of the report had been demonstrated. 

The wild celebration of the people of the city on the receipt 
of this false report, lasting from early afternoon until midnight, 
had shown that an element of danger existed in such an unre- 
strained gathering of the people and that when the armistice 
should be truthfully announced gatherings of a riotous nature 
might occur that would be beyond the control of the police. One 
of the New York papers on November 8th stated : 

' ' The city was in the hands of a mob in a way which had never 
been seen before — more completely than in the days of the draft 
riots.'' 

As a result of the experience obtained by the authorities, when 
the true armistice was announced in the morning papers of 
November 12th, the Sheriff hastened to the 71st Regiment Ar- 
mory for a consultation with Colonel Wells with a view to pro- 
tecting the 5th Avenue district if the revellers should get beyond 
control of the police. 

Arrangements had already been made with the band-leader to 
have a band at the armory on the evening of the true Armistice 
Day. The Sheriff when he learned that it was the purpose of 
the 71st to parade in honor of the occasion was rather disposed 
to offer objection arguing that the regiment should be held at the 
armory to await any needed call. Colonel Wells, however, suc- 
ceeded in convincing the Sheriff that a demonstration of a large 
body of armed men, such as the regiment would give in its 
parade, would be most effective in keeping the people within 
bounds, and the 71st, probably the only regiment in the city 
parading that day, covered the District. Fifth Avenue was 



498 71sT NEW YORK 

occupied from house line to house line with joyous people, many 
of them with their spirits reinforced by refreshments that added 
to their joy but not good judgment. It was necessary to march 
the regiment in the avenue in columns of squads in order to 
get through, but it was received with the greatest enthusiasm 
and also had the effect of informing the people that the regiment 
was mobilized ready for any rioting. 

At the Public Library Building the regiment received the 
custody of the Flags of the Allies, referred to elsewhere. In the 
afternoon the Fifth Avenue Association gave a Victory Luncheon 
to representatives of the Allied Nations at the Ritz, at which 
Colonel Wells and other officers of the 71st were guests. 



Soon after the armistice, November, 1918, the men of the old 
regiment who had enjoyed special details began to drift into 
New York. They had no thought in their minds that there 
would be no room for them at the armory or that a hearty wel- 
come would be lacking. On the contrary, every mother's son of 
them came to the armory at the first opportunity, to be met with 
a hearty hand-shake and warm congratulations. When asked if 
they were coming into the new organization, almost all replied 
that they were ''fed up" on military affairs and would rest. 

Then came the news early in March that the 105th was on its 
way home on the Leviathan, and plans were immediately started 
for a rousing welcome. The weather had been cold and most of 
the large steamboats were tied up in winter quarters. Colonel 
Wells, however, would have nothing but the biggest available 
boat, and after much dickering, the new regiment chartered the 
Grand ReptiMic at a cost of $2,000 for the day. The name was 
about the only thing "grand" left to the old steamer, but she 
was big and imposing and would hold a huge crowd of relatives 
of the home-coming troops. 

The band-master was told to be on hand with a band of 35 
pieces, and a blue flag was ordered with "71" on it so big that 
the numerals could be read from the tall downtown buildings. 
Two enormous signs with "71 Infantry" on them were hung on 
the sides of the boat, forward, and the big blue flag from the 
main flag-staff. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 499 

But our best laid plans suffered two severe shocks. In the first 
place, the Mayor's Committee confused our welcome trip with 
some purely commercial excursions that were being run by others 
not interested in the patriotic side of the matter, and widely 
advertised that citizens and relatives should not purchase our 
tickets, as the committee would provide for all. This was most 
unfortunate for the regiment, as the trip had been advertised at 
large expense^ and the amount which would have been received 
for the tickets would have been but a small percentage of the 
cost of the boat, etc. But we had a good crowd in spite of all. 

When, on the day of the arrival, March 6, 1919, the welcoming 
party had assembled at the dock designated for the purpose, at 
a very early hour, no boat was in sight and the committee was 
informed that the Grand Republic was tied up at a dock in Har- 
lem, the boatmen having been called on a strike by the union. A 
search of the surrounding saloons located the crew, and when it 
was explained to them that the trip was to welcome home-com- 
ing soldiers and that a large number of relatives would be bit- 
terly disappointed, to say nothing of the men themselves on the 
Leviathan, they finally agreed to get the boat under way and we 
started, an hour late, for the lower bay. 

The home-coming troops knew nothing of the welcome, but 
they knew a lot about Colonel Wells, and had a hope in their 
hearts that they would see some of the 71st people down the bay. 
Great disappointment was felt when the Mayor's Committee 
fleet of ferry boats and small craft arrived and no sign of any 
71st outfit, but great elation followed when the big old Grand 
EepubUc camouflaged into splendor by the brilliant morning 
light and the spirit of the occasion, came into sight, with the 
big band playing, the huge blue flag flashing welcome from 
the bow. 

We learned later that our appearance had moved many a war- 
hardened veteran to tears and that when they first saw us a 
cheer went up that was carried from bow to stem of the trans- 
port. The 71st boat followed the Leviathan to her dock in 
Hoboken. 

In June, 1918, the regiment learned that the 54th Pioneers, 
commanded by Colonel Bates, and with a number of other offi- 



500 71sT NEW YORK 

cers and men of the old regiment among tlie personnel, would 
return home. The best information obtainable was that the 
transport would reach Newport News about June 25th, and a 
committee of welcome, composed of Major Kuehnle, Major 
Bleecker, Captain Maslin, Lieutenant Merz, Lieutenant Doyle 
and Mr. Sutliffe proceeded to Newport News that the 71st rep- 
resentation in the Pioneer Regiment might be fittingly received. 

The committee arrived at Old Point June 25th, but the trans- 
port did not get within wireless distance until the 26th and it 
was impossible therefore to communicate with the returning 
regiment. The committee was at the docks bright and early on 
the 26th and ascertained that the Aft'&mis was at anchor in the 
Rhodes. The War Camp Community people at the News showed 
a great interest in the welcome and provided a tug free of ex- 
pense. The wives of Major A. E. Wells, Captain Kehlbeck and 
of several other officers and men of the Pioneers had come to 
Newport News and they joined the committee in its call upon 
the Artemis. 

The appearance of the tug with the New Yorkers was a com- 
plete surprise, and after greetings had been sounded across the 
intervening water, the transport headed for the landing dock 
with the tug closely following. The regiment was landed and 
paraded through the town, en route to its temporary camp ; the 
committee and ladies had taken up a position in a reviewing 
stand that happened to be handy, and waved welcome to the 
New Yorkers. 

On March 19, 1919, a dinner was given by Colonel Wells and 
the officers of the Guard regiment to the officers of the 105th. 
This was one of the happiest and most successful affairs of the 
kind ever held by the 71st. The dinner was given in the thea- 
tre of the armory, which had been cleverly decorated with flags 
and other material. The Keith Booking Company again showed 
the friendship of the treatrical profession by furnishing free of 
cost a vaudeville show of the highest merit, many stars appear- 
ing. The enlisted personnel of the 105th was at about the same 
time entertained at dinner by the various hotels of the city. 

On July 29th, 1919, a dinner was given by Colonel Wells and 
the officers of the regiment to the newly returned officers of the 
54th Pioneers. This dinner, which was held at the Martinique, 



IN THE WORLD WAR 501 

was one that will long be remembered because of its good fellow- 
ship and the spirit of co-operation. A very large number of 
officers of the old and new organizations were present. 

A dinner was also given by Colonel Wells to the enlisted men 
of the 54th Pioneers who had been members of the 71st, at one 
of the large hotels. 



On May 9, 1919, the Adjutant General advised Colonel Wells 
that the 71st had been selected as one of the four infantry regi- 
ments in the State for federalization, effective July 1st. The 
following is quoted from the official communication, which ended 
the life of the Guard organization, but heralded the birth of the 
new and greater regiment: 

' ' 1. The War Department has authorized for the State of New 
York, the organization of the following National Guard units, 
prior to July 1st, 1919: Four regiments of Infantry. . . . 

''2. Your command has been selected as one of the organiza- 
tions for federal recognition under the above authority and it is 
therefore desired that you prepare your organization for such 
recognition and for the preliminary inspection. ..." 

It is the intention to terminate this history as of July 1st, 1919, 
the date when the tremendous amount of work incident to fed- 
eralizing of the regiment began. It is but fair to say here, how- 
ever, that the proposed federalization gave the men of the Guard 
regiment an opportunity to obtain discharges from the service 
if they so desired. But when it was explained that the federali- 
zation would be a test of their loyalty and further a test of the 
stability of the regiment as a whole, they met the situation with 
the old spirit, and the support of the men of the Guard organiza- 
tion was the greatest single factor in making the federalization 
a success. 

The 71st has the proud distinction of being the first regiment 
in the State of New York to be federalized since the war, and the 
facts that in 1921 it broke all records for attendance at the State 
Camp, at Peekskill, since the inception of that camp, and that 
the regiment is making a brilliant record for shooting this year, 
shows how well the efforts of the old and new, working together. 



502 71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 

have overcome the discouraging features incident to the federal- 
ization, and have made the 71st again a leader in National Guard 
affairs. 

Though changes in designation may make dividing lines in 
the history of the 71st, though all of its members way back to 
'50 may know of a time when the regiment was "at its best" 
according to their individual ideas, the lines are but imaginary 
ones. One with a vision can see the same old spirit, running 
along through the years, overcoming obstacles, and always mak- 
ing the 71st a leader in efficiency and accomplishment. 



SOME INTERESTING WAR-TIME EXHIBITS 

IN CONNECTION WITH 

THE SEVENTY-FIRST INFANTRY, NEW YORK GUARD 

1917-1919 

2 November, 1917. 
General Geo. R. Dyer, 
71st Regt. Armory. 

Dear General Dyer : 

I am in receipt this evening of a copy of General Orders No. 9, 
1st Brigade, defining the organization of a regiment and among 
other things limiting the companies to 28 privates. 

This leaves the 71st in a very embarrassing position, as under 
S. 0. No. 47, A. G. 0., Oct. 9, 1917, and G. 0. 50 the companies 
of the 71st have been recruited greatly in excess of 28 men to a 
company. Paragraph III of G. 0. 50 states : 

*'The importance of completing the organizations of the 
New York Guard cannot be too strongly urged. ' ' 

I have gone ahead with the understanding that it was most 
desirable that I should organize a complete regiment and last 
Tuesday night requested authority to form fifteen companies. 
We have already recruited men for a machine gun company and 
in fact the constant and efficient work done in the formation of 
the new regiment has resulted in an influx of new men that make 
it impossible to cut down the companies to any such strength as 
28 privates without almost seeming guilty of bad faith with the 
men recruited. As an evidence of the success Ave have had I 
may state that we have made fine progress in recruiting an 
enlisted band and are arranging for rehearsals to start at an 
early date. 

I have succeeded in interesting in the new 71st what I believe 
to be a very efficient lot of officers. They are enthusiastic and 
are working hard for success of their companies and from the 

503 



504 71sT NEW YORK 

results so far obtained we can see nothing to prevent the forma- 
tion of a regiment here that will in a reasonable time compare in 
efficiency and size with any of the old National Guard regiments. 

You will readily appreciate, under the circumstances enumer- 
ated above, how embarrassed I am to receive an order limiting 
my companies to 28 privates. Surely some mistake must have 
been made so far as this applies to the 71st. We desire to or- 
ganize a complete regiment ; one that will not only be a credit to 
a city of the size of New York and the Borough of Manhattan, 
but one capable of rendering such duty as the Borough of Man- 
hattan might require during war times; and it seems to me that 
Par. III. G. 0. 50, AGO, comprehended the formation of such an 
organization. 

Will you do us the favor to take this matter under considera- 
tion and advise me what I am to do with my organization? We 
have, through strenuous work all through the hot summer months, 
got the ball rolling and it is going to be almost impossible to stop 
making a real regiment here, except under most embarrassing 
consequences to all of us who have worked so hard and promised 
so much to those who have come in. 

Sincerely, 

J. HoLLis Wells, 

Colonel. 



State of New York, Adjutant General's Office, Albany, January 
17, 1918, General Orders, No. 2. 

In case disorders arise which necessitate calling into active 
service troops of the New York Guard, those disorders may pos- 
sibly be accompanied by the outbreak of accidental or incendiary 
fires, and, in that event, it could be of great advantage for a com- 
manding officer to have ready to hand and grouped together the 
men of his command who have had special training as firemen. 

It is therefore ordered the commanding officer of each com- 
pany, troop and battery of the New York Guard at once desig- 
nate one squad of his command for fire-fighting and assign to it 
men who have had experience therein, or who in his opinion are 
fitted therefor. This squad should be given special exercises 
appropriate to its duties as specified above. 

By Command of the Governor, 

Charles H. Sherrill, 

Adjutant General. 



IN THE WORLD WAR 505 

WESTERN UNION TELEGRAM 

New York, Aug. 31, 1918. 

Commanding Officer, 71st Inf. N. Y. G., 105 E. 34th St., N. Y. C. 

The Brigade Commander has received the following telegram : 
War Dept. requests full cooperation of N. Y. Guard through- 
out N. Y. City in rounds of draft slackers next week. You will 
please communicate this to the commanding officers of regiments 
in your brigade and advise them that the matter is under the 
supervision of Mr. Moddy of Dept. of Justice, and that every 
assistance possible should be rendered him for this purpose. 

Frank J. Foley, 

Major Q. M. C. 

July 4th, 1919. 

From : Armorer 71st Inf. 

To : Regimental Adjutant, 71st Inf. 

Subject : Detail of Armory Employees. 

In compliance with par. 4, S. 0. No. 324, July 2, 1919, I am 
submitting the following report of arrangements made to protect 
this Armory on July 4, 1919. 

All gates found locked on relieving night watchman at 8 A. M. 
Balance of employees to the number of eleven (11) were posted 
as follows : 

Lt. Doyle, Armorer. 

Vidal, Janitor, Armorer's Office. 

Tobin, Engineer, vacation. 

Patterson, Asst. Eng., 33rd St. Fire Escape. 

McDonnell, Employee, 33rd St. Fire Escape. 

Carr, Main Gate, 34th St. 

Harvey, Main Gate, 34th St. 

Neid, roof, east end, facing flats, 

Millerns, roof, east end, facing flats. 

Lind, 33rd St., main entrance. 

Balzer, covering basement floor. 

Houlihan, messenger Armorer's Office. 

Scanlon, night watchman. 

Each employee was armed with a magazine rifle and five 
rounds of ball cartridges, with instructions not to load unless it 



506 71sT NEW YORK 

became absolutely necessary, and if this occasion should arise 
they were instructed to shoot to kill any person or persons who 
should attempt to force an entrance to the building, or damage 
it in any manner after being warned to desist. 

George H. Doyle, 

Armorer. 



MILITANT CHAPLAIN WINS WAR POST 

Unable to pass the physical test regarding eyesight for active 
service, the Rev. H. H. Cooper, chaplain of the Seventy-first 
Infantry, New York Guard, has had his desire to go "over 
there" gratified by accepting an assignment to work for the 
Y. M. C. A. on the firing line. The Rev. Mr. Cooper retires as 
rector of the Protestant Episcopal Parish at Piermont, Rockland 
County, and will leave shortly. 

Captain Cooper was formerly a most ardent pacifist, but after 
the sinking of the Lusitania he adopted as his slogan : ' ' If thine 
enemy smites thee on the right cheek, turn the left to him. If he 
smites thee on the left cheek, sail into him, for he means busi- 
ness." 

Colonel J. Hollis Wells, commanding officer of the Seventy- 
first Infantry, invited the militant minister to become his chap- 
lain, and he has been untiring in his efforts to make conditions 
for the men on duty on the aqueduct more comfortable. 

Rev. Mr. Cooper was so vehement in his denunciation of the 
Hun that he was warned that he would lose the support of the 
persons in Rockland suspected of being German sympathizers. 

''Tell them to go to the devil. No ; worse than that, send them 
to the Kaiser, ' ' he is reported to have replied. 

HEADQUARTERS FIRST BRIGADE, N. Y. G. 
PARK AVENUE AND THIRTY-FOURTH STREET 

New York, April 9th, 1918. 

Colonel J. Hollis W^ells, 
32 Nassau Street, 
New York City. 

My dear Colonel Wells : 

I would appreciate very much if it could be arranged to have a 
parade of a battalion of your command on Saturday, April 13th, 



IN THE WORLD WAR 507 

1918, in co-operation with the Liberty Loan Speakers, as out- 
lined by the enclosed circular; the battalion to be assembled at 
4 o'clock and to remain out not less than two hours, along the 
lines of the parade on IMonday evening. 

On Saturday, April 20th, 1918^ it is suggested that each regi- 
ment parade in territory to be announced later, all eventually 
arriving at a given point where an evening may be held and the 
bands of all organizations massed and play several patriotic 
marches, concluding with the Star Spangled Banner, or some 
other ceremonies which will be decided on later. 

The parade on Saturday, April 13th, will take the place of any 
other parades this week; thereafter, there will be two parades 
each w^eek — one on Wednesday night and the other on Saturday 
afternoon. Although I may be wrong, I believe that the parade 
on Saturday, April 20th, will complete the work of the New 
York Guard in connection with the Liberty Loan. 

Please advise me by phone or in writing, as soon as possible, 
whether it will be possible or not for your organization to par- 
ticipate in the parades mentioned. 

I am very much gratified at the hearty co-operation which you 
and your command have shown with the Liberty Loan work and 
enclose herewith a copy of a letter received from Governor Strong 
of the Federal Reserve Bank. 

Very sincerely yours, 

George R. Dyer. 



LIBERTY LOAN COMMITTEE 

120 BROADWAY, 
NEW YORK 

April 9, 1918. 
Brig. Gen. George R. Dyer, 

Commanding 1st Brigade, New York Guard, 

66 Broadway, 

New York City, N. Y. 

Dear Sir : — 

Governor Strong and I have heard from the Military Commit- 
tee of the good showing made by the various units of the New 
York Guard which were on parade last evening here in New York 
and the marked effect which was obtained by their appearance. 
The speakers who took advantage of the opportunity to drive 



508 71sT NEW YORK 

home the necessity of subscribing, say that the appearance of the 
Guard was most helpful and I am appreciative of your co-opera- 
tion and whole-hearted assistance. 

Very truly yours, 

A. M. Anderson, 

Director of Distribution. 

Military Program for remainder of Liberty Loan Campaign 
as suggested by Speakers' Committee. 

Parades by various units beginning promptly at eight o'clock 
on each Wednesday night and on Saturday afternoon (time to 
be decided upon). 

The following districts to be covered : 

West Side — 

1. Between 145th St. and 184th St. — terminating point to be 
181st St. and St. Nicholas Ave. 

2. Between 42nd St. and 92nd St. — terminating point at 
Third Ave. and East 72nd St. 

3. Between 72nd St. and 110th St. — terminating point at 
Broadway and 96th St. 

4. Motor Car Detachment to have a roving commission car- 
rying speakers. 

5. Between 34th St. and 72nd St. — terminating point at 
72nd St. and Broadway. 

6. Between 125th St. and 145th St. and east and west be- 
tween 7th, 8th and Lenox Aves. — terminating point at 
135th St. and 7th Ave. 

7. Between Greenwich Village and 34th St. — terminating 
point at 17th St. and Union Square. 

East Side — 

8. Between 14th St. and 42nd St. — ^terminating point at 
East 17th St., Union Square and 4th Ave. 

9. Between Manhattan Bridge and 14th St. — terminating 
point, Houston St. and 2nd Ave. 

10. The Bronx territory in the vicinity of McKinley Square, 
which will be the terminating point. 

It is suggested that, if possible, every unit should have either 
a band or field music and that the service uniform should be 



IN THE WORLD WAR 509 

worn. It is further suggested that automobiles containing speak- 
ers accompany the units and that various stops be made, same 
to be suggested by the Speakers' Committee, subject to the ap- 
proval of the C. 0. of the battalion. 

HEADQUARTERS FIRST BRIGADE, N. Y. G. 

PARK AVENUE AND THIRTY-FOURTH STREET 

New York, April 11th, 1918. 
Colonel J. Hollis Wells, 
71st Infantry, N. Y. G., 
New York City, N. Y. 

My dear Colonel Wells : 

Following up my letter to you dated April 9th, will you kindly 
arrange to have the battalion of your regiment reach the Public 
Library, 42nd St. and 5th Avenue, at 5:30 P. M. on Saturday 
afternoon, April 13th, at which time and place it is expected 
there will be a large gathering of people listening to the speakers 
of the Liberty Loan? It is expected that the arrival of the bat- 
talion will very largely increase the enthusiasm of the several 
crowds. 

The above will supplement any previous instructions with ref- 
erence to territory to be covered, although it is expected that, 
wherever it is possible, the districts mentioned in the circular 
sent you on April 9th be covered. 

Will you also please instruct the commanding officer of the 
battalion to work in co-operation with the speakers after his 
arrival at the designated point. I should think that the bat- 
talion could start to return to its armory by 6 :15. 

Very sincerely yours, 

George R. Dyer. 

HEADQUARTERS FIRST BRIGADE, NEW YORK GUARD 

PARK AVENUE AND THIRTY-FOURTH STREET 

New York, May 15th, 1918. 
Colonel J. Hollis Wells, 
71st Infantry, N. Y. G., 
New York City. 

My dear Colonel Wells : 

Acting upon the earnest request of the Civil Service Commis- 
sioner, Mr. MacBride, representing the Red Cross in collecting 



510 71sT NEW YORK 

contributions from the various theatres and places of amusement 
in Manhattan and the Bronx, I shall ask you, in the very near 
future, for 200 volunteers from your enlisted men, preferably 
non-commissioned officers, under the direct charge of your Ser- 
geant-Ma j or. 

These men will report in uniform and will be assigned to the 
various theatres to take up collections from the audiences during 
the performance. This will probably occupy the entire time of 
each man every evening, as well as that of as many men who can 
spare the time during the afternoon performances, for the period 
of one week. 

I realize that this is asking a very great deal of the men and 
causing them to make additional sacrifices, but I know that their 
zeal in every patriotic work is so great that they will be only too 
glad to again cooperate to their fullest extent. 

Yours very sincerely, 

George R. Dyer, 

Brigadier General. 

From one of the daily papers : 

''Regulars of the kind that already are in France were the 
outstanding feature of the parade last night of the recruiting 
battalion of service men of the Mayor's Committee on National 
Defense. In addition to the men of the army, navy and marines, 
and at least a company from seventeen different National Guard 
organizations, at least 2,000 veterans marched. These former 
service men formed the speakers' squads, which, eight strong, 
stopped at each corner along the double line of march of the 
parade. 

' ' Buglers and drummers played at the corners with the speak- 
ing squads. In the parade itself were bands and then more 
bands. Forming at Forty-First Street and Madison Avenue, the 
parade moved at 7 :45 P. M. It went down Madison Avenue to 
Thirty-Fourth Street. . At Thirty-Fourth Street it split into two 
sections. One went west to Eighth Avenue, up to Sixty-First 
Street, across Broadway and down to Forty-Sixth Street, where 
it disbanded. The other section marched along Thirty-Fourth 
Street to Third Avenue. 

"Then came the National Guardmen, with a company of each 
infantry organization. 

' ' Next came the veteran members of the recruiting battalion of 
service men, most of them in their uniforms. Behind them 



IN THE WORLD WAR 511 

marched the field musicians, two of whom dropped off at each 
corner to play for the squads of speakers. Recruits for all 
branches of the service were in the parade, marching behind the 
uniformed men of particular branches. ' ' 



OFFICERS 

of the 

SEVENTY-FIRST INFANTRY, NATIONAL GUARD, 
NEW YORK 

1899 to 1916 
Both Inclusive 

ALPHABETICALLY ARRANGED WITH HIGHEST 
RANK AND DATE OF RANK 

(Compiled from The Adjutant General's Annual Reports.) 

Addy, Arthur R., Captain 1907 

Bates, William G., Colonel, 1899 ; Brv. Brig.-Gen 1903 

Beatty, John H., 1st Lieut 1899 

Beekman, William S., Lt.-Colonel 1916 

Beglin, Francis H., 1st Lieut 1916 

Bellah, Jas. W., 2nd Lieut 1909 

Bird, Harrison K., 2nd Lieut 1898 

Blauvelt, Lester J., Captain 1902 

Bleecker, Anthony J., Major 1905 

Boyle, John, Jr., Captain 1909 

Boynton, Chas. F., 1st Lieut 1899 

Braun, John S., 1st Lieut 1915 

Breckenridge, Lucien S., Captain 1910 

Briner, Chas. H., 2nd Lieut 1900 

Brown, Ames T., 2nd Lieut 1915 

Bruch, Edward B., Major 1907 

Bulkley, Stanley, Captain 1916 

Byars, Robert, Captain 1903 

Callahan, John J., 1st Lieut 1911 

Canterbury, Arthur E., 1st Lieut 1907 

Casey, Kellogg K. V., 1st Lieut 1902 

Chard, James A., Captain 1898 

Chatfield, John E., Captain 1898 

de la Chesnaye, Paul, 1st Lieut 1907 

512 



71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 513 

Clarke, Lewis L., Captain 1900 

Comstoek, Albert E., 2nd Lieut 1916 

Connell, Karl, Major 1911 

Conway, Harry L., 2nd Lieut 1916 

Cook, David R., 2nd Lieut 1909 

Corwin, Geo. W., Captain 1902 

Crocker, Wm. T., Chaplain 1912 

Crockett, Wm. F., 1st Lieut 1899 

Davidson, Henry F., 1st Lieut 1908 

De Lamater, Walter L., Major 1916 

De Lanoy, Stephen J., Captain 1914 

Dowling, John W., Captain 1899 

Downes, Albert E., 2nd Lieut 1907 

Dreher, Ernest C, 1st Lieut 1914 

Eben, James, Captain 1909 

Eliot, Walter G., 1st Lieut 1907 

Ely, W. A. H., Captain 1913 

Fearn, Wm. R., Captain 1904 

Firth, Wm. De F., 2nd Lieut 1916 

Flack, Edward J., Major 1910 

Fort, Harry F., 1st Lieut 1911 

Gallagher, Wm. E., 1st Lieut 1899 

Garrigues, Louis L., 1st Lieut 1901 

George, James H., 2nd Lieut 1916 

Gerhardt, Christian, 2nd Lieut 1908 

Goff, John W., Jr., 1st Lieut 1911 

Granat, Alex'r, 2nd Lieut 1916 

Gray, William, 2nd Lieut 1905 

Greene, Carleton, Captain 1902 

Groff, Frank F., 2nd Lieut 1908 

Hart, Geo. C, 2nd Lieut 1913 

Hazen, Conrad P., 2nd Lieut 1913 

Hazen, Wm. L., Captain 1894 

Heun, Robert E., Captain 1905 

Higgins, Lucius C, 2nd Lieut 1912 

Hill, Wm. R., Captain. . 1899 

Hipkins, Howard, Captain 1911 

Hodgdon, Ray F., Captain 1915 

Hough, David L., Captain 1899 

Hudson, Ralph C, 2nd Lieut 1899 

Hunter, Jeremiah, 1st Lieut 1899 

Hutchinson, James M., Major 1910 

Hynds, Rufus C, 1st Lieut 1903 



514 71sT NEW YORK 

Jenkins, John F., Captain 1907 

Johns, Wm. F., 2nd Lieut 1900 

Juch, Justin M., 2nd Lieut 1910 

ICehlbeck, Harvard A., Captain 1913 

Kopper, Fredk., Jr., 2nd Lieut 1900 

Kuehnle, Fredk. C, 1st Lieut 1907 

Kyle, James 0., 2nd Lieut 1904 

Lane, John J.^, 2nd Lieut 1915 

Le Wald, Leon T., Captain 1899 

Linson, Wm. H., Major 1900 

List, John, 1st Lieut 1907 

Little, Arthur W., Captain 1898 

Lovell, Fred. K., 1st Lieut 1915 

Lyon, John W., Captain 1907 

Mackey, Martin L., Captain 1909 

Macy, John W., Captain 1914 

Marion, Clyde F., 2nd Lieut 1915 

Marsh, Edward T. T., Major 1885 

Maslin, Henry, Captain 1905 

Mason, Albert B., 2nd Lieut 1915 

Maxwell, Fredk. S., 1st Lieut 1900 

Merz, Harry, 1st Lieut 1907 

Moore, Fredk. C, 1st Lieut 1907 

McDermott, Joseph H., Captain 1915 

McLean, Boyd, 1st Lieut 1907 

McLeod, Lincoln W., Captain 1899 

McMahon, James F., 2nd Lieut 1900 

McManus, Terence B., 2nd Lieut 1909 

Oglesby, Woodson R., 1st Lieut 1904 

Orsenigo, Eugene J., 2nd Lieut 1914 

Palmer, Russell B., 2nd Lieut 1911 

Baton, Thomas B., 2nd Lieut 1915 

Beet, Edward W., Captain 1902 

Perrine, George, Captain 1911 

Better, Frank R., Captain 1915 

Brentice, Alfred C, Captain 1906 

Ranges, John F., Captain 1916 

Rannev, Ambrose E., 1st Lieut 1901 

Reinhold, Edgar V., 2nd Lieut 1916 

Ritch, Albert T., Captain 1915 

Robertson, Alfred C, 2nd Lieut 1908 

Robertson, Arthur L., Captain 1899 

Robertson, Ellis A., 1st Lieut 1916 



IN THE WORLD WAR 515 

Salisbury, Lucius A.^ Captain 1914 

Satterlee, Francis Le R., Jr., 1st Lieut 1909 

Schroeder, Ernest C, Captain 1916 

Scott, Charles H., 1st Lieut 1916 

Schumacher, Wm. A., Captain 1907 

Sheppard, Wm. B., 1st Lieut 1904 

Short, Peter H., Jr., 2nd Lieut 1899 

Smith, Clinton XL, Major 1894 

Smith, Sanford E., 2nd Lieut 1910 

Spotts, Ralph L., Captain 1907 

Stewart, Wm. D., 1st Lieut 1902 

Strong, Ernest W., 1st Lieut 1916 

Terry, Geo. F., 1st Lieut 1914 

Thomas, Edward C. 0., 1st Lieut 1915 

Thompson, Lynn W., Captain 1914 

Tilton, Edgar, Jr., Chaplain 1900 

Trull, Wm. E., 2nd Lieut 1898 

Turner, Charles P., 1st Lieut 1910 

True, Clarence F., Captain 1898 

Van Wagenen, Cornelius D., Captain 1899 

Veenfliet, Fredk. W. J., 1st Lieut 1907 

Vogel, Fredk. W., Captain 1913 

Wager, Burton G., 1st Lieut 1904 

Warner, Selden G., 1st Lieut 1913 

W^ells, Arthur E., Major 1913 

Wells, J. Hollis, Lt.-Colonel 1901 

Westermann, Julius T., Captain 1911 

Weyman, Fredk. H., Captain 1901 

Whittal, Wm. H., Captain 1900 

Williams, Alexr. S., Captain 1899 

Wilson, Geo. H., 1st Lieut 1899 

Wilson, Henry C, 1st Lieut 1905 

Young, Edward W., 2nd Lieut 1903 



A 

SUMMARY 
OF THE HISTORY OF THE 71ST INFANTRY, N. G. N. Y. 

1899-1917 

By 

CoLONELi William Graves Bates 

The year 1899 found the 71st in a more or less disrupted con- 
dition. In Cuba, in 1898, practically the whole regiment had 
suffered from fever and few of them had entirely recovered when 
they returned. Colonel A. T. Francis had been detailed to com- 
mand and the work of rehabilitating the organization was taken 
up in 1899. Colonel Francis was placed on the retired list and 
Adjutant Bates was elected Major. 

The regiment took an active part in the reception to Admiral 
Dewey and received a wonderful ovation from the thousands 
lining the streets. On October 29th the 71st took part in the 
funeral of General Guy V. Henry. 

On November 20 Major Bates was elected Colonel. 

During 1900 the regiment was reviewed by General Hawkins, 
General F. V. Greene, General Roe and General George Moore 
Smith. Captain Lewis L. Clarke was appointed Adjutant May 
22nd. A tour of field service began on June 16th at the Peekskill 
camp, which included a march-out to Lake Mohegan. The regi- 
ment obtained third place in the State rifle match and second in 
the Brigade match. 

In 1901 the regiment was reviewed by General Roe, General 
A. T. Mills, Governor Benjamin B. Odell and General George 
Moore Smith. The cornerstone of the regimental monument at 
Mount Hope was laid, with appropriate ceremonies. The regi- 
ment won second place in both the State and Brigade matches. 

516 



71sT NEW YORK IN THE WORLD WAR 517 

On September 19tli the regiment paraded at the armory in a 
memorial service to President McKinley. Captain J. Hollis 
Wells was elected Lieutenant-Colonel. 

In 1902 the regiment was reviewed by General Roe and Gen- 
eral Nelson H. Henry. 

The armory was destroyed by fire on the night of February 
21st-22nd. The Commanding Officer had left the building at 
nearly midnight when there was no sign of fire, but an alarm 
was turned in at 12 :28. The ground was covered with slush and 
it was raining and a gale was blowing, greatly hampering the 
firemen. The destruction of the building was complete except- 
ing the northeast corner. All of the uniforms, records, equip- 
ment, trophies and souvenirs were lost. The cause of the fire was 
never known. 

A review was to have been held by General Roe on March 6th, 
and the armory of the 12th Regiment was borrowed for the occa- 
sion and the affair carried through with borrowed uniforms and 
equipment. The Lenox Lyceum was hired temporarily for an 
armory, although inadequate in every way. During the occu- 
pancy of this building regimental drills and reviews were held 
in the 7th Regiment armory. A bill was passed by the legisla- 
ture and the officers and men of the regiment were reimbursed 
for their full-dress uniforms. A dinner was given to the officers 
of the 12th Regiment on May 17th and a silver loving cup pre- 
sented as a token of appreciation of the courtesy of the 12th 
regiment. 

The regiment turned out in khaki and blue flannel shirts as 
part of a parade to French delegates on May 27th and were 
enthusiastically received by the people. 

Field services at the state camp began June 21st. In August 
the regiment was third in the State match and first in the Bri- 
gade match. It won second place in the Inter-state Regimental 
match at Sea Girt. 

Reviews by General Roe, Colonel Appleton, Major-General 
A. R. Chaffee and General George Moore Smith were held in 
1903. Clinton & Russell were selected as architects for the new 
armory, and the work of construction was begun by the con- 
tractors, the Fleischman Realty Construction Company, Septem- 



518 71sT NEW YORK 

ber 21st. The Sinking Fund Commission appropriated $650,000 
for this work. 

The 71st won the Brigade match and the State match and 
made a fine showing at Sea Girt. It also won a match shot with 
the 1st and 2d Regiments of New Jersey. It took part in the 
ceremonies of opening the Williamsburg Bridge. In competition 
for the Palma trophy in England, out of a team of twelve men 
picked from the whole country, four were from the 71st. 

In 1904 the regiment was reviewed by Major-General H. C. 
Corbin, Hon. William G. McAdoo, Police Commissioner, and 
Colonel Appleton. The cornerstone of the new armory was laid 
on the 29th of April. On May 12th the officers gave a dinner to 
the officers of the 7th at Delmonico's, as a slight acknowledge- 
ment of the courtesies of the officers of that regiment. On July 
2d a tour of camp at Peekskill was commenced. The Regiment 
won the State match, got second in the Brigade match. Later 
in the season won second in the Skirmish Run match and won 
the Cruikshank match. The State of New York won the National 
Trophy at Fort Riley, half of the team being members of the 
71st. 

The regiment was re\dewed in 1905 by General Roe, General 
Henry and General George Moore Smith. Major Clinton H. 
Smith retired because of physical unfitness and Captain A. J. 
Bleecker was elected major. Arrangements were made for the 
annual rifle matches with the Naval Academy. Lieutenant- 
Colonel Wells presented the "David" bronze trophy for competi- 
tion in the Naval match. The regiment won second place in the 
Brigade match and third in the Major-General's match. 

In 1906 the 71st was reviewed by Major-General Fred D. 
Grant. An appropriation of $37,000 was made by the City for 
furnishing the new armory. On January 28th the regiment 
acted as part of the escort at the funeral of Major-General Joseph 
H. Wheeler. The new armory was accepted by the City May 
21st, and on May 26th the regiment occupied the new building. 
An eight days' tour of field service began at the State camp on 
June 9 th. 

In 1906 the 71st won the Company match, the 7th Regiment 
match, the Old Guard match and the Brigade match. The regi- 



IN THE WORLD WAR 519 

^ ment suffered a great loss by the death of its good friend and 
war-time commander, Colonel Henry P. Martin. 

Reviews for 1907 were by the President of the Veteran Asso- 
ciation, Mayor George B. McClellan, Governor Charles E. 
Hughes and General George IMoore Smith. In this year the mili- 
tary authorities issued orders prohibiting the use of the armory 
for other than military purposes. The renting of the armories 
was permitted again, however, at a later date. 

In 1907 the regiment was first organized on a basis of three 
battalions and Captain E. B. Bruch was elected Major. The 
foiTnal opening of the new armory was a review and reception 
on February 21st. A very large number of people were present, 
the building elaborately decorated, and special arrangements 
made for refreshments and entertainment of the guests. The 
Martin cup was presented on this occasion, also a bronze was 
presented by Lieutenant John N. Golding, as a memorial to Cor- 
poral Immins, killed in action in Cuba. Major Bleecker re- 
signed this year and Captain William S. Beekman was elected 
Major. 

The 71st lost the annual match at Annapolis, but won the 
Brigade match. It won third place in the State match. In 1907 
it was proposed to use the armory for the Courts, while a new 
court house was being built. This was, however, decided ad- 
versely. The Wainwright Legislative Committee was appointed 
to investigate the National Guard. On October 19th the regi- 
ment paraded in connection with the unveiling of the General 
Franz Siegel memorial on Riverside Drive. On Dec. 5th the 
officers presented a silver cup to Colonel Bates and tendered to 
him a dinner at the Hotel Martin. 

Reviews were held in 1908 by Major-General Fred D. Grant, 
General Hawkins and General George Moore Smith. The Dick 
Bill went into effect in January, with a new table of organization. 
The Headquarters Company was organized. The Kragg-Jor- 
gensen rifle was withdrawn and superseded by the Springfield 
in March. A new State Military Law, practically as proposed 
by the National Guard Association, was passed. The Van Cort- 
landt Park parade ground was used during the spring several 
times for drills. At the review by General Hawkins on May 2d, 
the tenth anniversary of the regiment being called into service 



520 71sT NEW YORK 

for the Spanish War, General Hawkins made an address which 
cleared up many points in connection with the Cuban campaign 
that theretofore had been unsettled. Small arms practice was 
held at Sea Girt. The 71st won the match with the Naval Acad- 
emy. Out of a team of 12 men to compete at the National match 
at Camp Perry the regiment supplied six men. The regiment 
inaugurated a mess in the armory for officers and enlisted men. 
The regiment paraded on November 14th in connection with the 
unveiling of the memorial in Fort Greene Park, Brooklyn. 

Reviews in 1909 were by General Greene, General Roe and 
Major-General J. Franklin Bell. Lieutenant Cook gave a din- 
ner to the Commanding Officer and his staff. Under the new 
military law, the regiment voted to have officers appointed rather 
than elected. Lieutenant James Eben was appointed Captain of 
Company E. The regiment paraded in the Hudson-Fulton cere- 
monies. The officers of the regiment gave a dinner to Colonel 
Bates on November 20th and presented him with a watch, Col- 
onel Bates having been in command for ten years. 

Reviews of 1910 were held by Captain Cowles, U. S. N., Gen- 
eral Roe, Vice-President Sherman of the United States, and 
Prince Tsai Tao of China. The question of using the armory as 
a Court House again came up but it was decided to be impracti- 
cable. Major Linson left the service and Captain E. J. Flack was 
elected Major. From August 1st to 9th the regiment was in 
camp at Pine Camp near Watertown, N. Y., where interesting 
maneuvers were conducted. In October the regiment paraded in 
the celebration of the 250th anniversary of the founding of 
Bergen, N. J. Because of the discontinuing of Creedmoor as a 
state range and the late date that Blauvelt was prepared but 
little shooting was done. 

Reviews in 1911 were by General Roe, Hon. John A. Dix, Gov- 
ernor of New York and General George Moore Smith. A sub- 
scription dinner was held by the officers at Reisenweber's. The 
year marked the 50th anniversary of the regiment's departure 
for the National Capital in 1861 and Hon. William Howard Taft, 
President of the United States, reviewed at the armory on April 
26th. The annual match at Annapolis was won by the Naval 
Academy. The 71st won the Brigade match, but won only fourth 



IN THE WORLD WAR 521 

place in the State match. The regiment was for the first time 
inoculated for typhoid. 

In 1912 the regiment was reviewed by Hon. Henry L. Stim- 
son, Secretary of War; Major-General Roe; General Verbeck, 
the Adjutant General of the State, and General Dyer. General 
Roe, who had always been much interested in the 71st, retired 
because of age limit. 

The annual match at Annapolis was won by the Naval Acad- 
emy. The regiment left August 10th for a tour of field service, 
the Connecticut Maneuver. The cook wagons designed by Cap- 
tain True were used with great success. At the State Fair, Syra- 
cuse, the point prize was captured by the 71st. The regiment 
took part in a Brigade Review by Governor John A. Dix at 
Piping Rock, Long Island. Annual rifle practice was held at 
Peekskill. 

Reviews in 1913 were by the Veteran Association, Major-Gen- 
eral John F. O'Ryan, Hon. W. F. Gaynor, Mayor of New York, 
and General Dyer. Major Flack resigned because of ill health, 
Chaplain Tilton resigned and was succeeded by Rev. William F. 
Crocker. 

In 1914 reviews were held by Hon. Ardolph Kline, General A. 
L. Mills, Superintendent at West Point, Governor Fielder of 
New Jersey and General Dyer. Church service was held at St. 
George's church. The regiment won the annual Annapolis 
match. The annual dinner was held in the Officers' Mess De- 
cember 26th. The mounted scouts were organized. An experi- 
mental company, to be paid by the State, was organized and 
Lieutenant A. T, Rich, 2d U. S. Infantry, placed in command. 

The reviews in 1915 were by Major-General 'Ryan, Mr. Sam- 
uel W. Fairchild, President of the Chamber of Commerce and 
Mr. William A. Marble, President of the Merchants' Association, 
and General Dyer. A new full-dress shako was adopted by the 
regiment. General McAlpin presented a tablet in memory of 
the men who served in the Spanish War, the sculptor being J. 
Massey Rhind. Church service was held at St. George's. 

A tour of field service was started at Fishkill Plains July 
17th, which included interesting maneuvers and a sham-battle, 
with trench digging, mines and artillery. 

The reviews for 1916 were by Governor Holcomb of Connecti- 



522 71sT NEW YOEK IN THE WORLD WAR 

cut, Hon. John Purroy Mitchel, Mayor of New York, and Gen- 
eral E. A. McAlpin. The annual dinner was held in the Mess 
on January 15th. The regiment took part in a military athletic 
carnival at Sheepshead Bay. On February 26th the officers of 
the regiment gave a dinner to Colonel Bates to celebrate his 15th 
anniversary as Colonel of the 71st. The regiment also took part 
in a celebration by the residents of Harlem. Field service was 
called for Camp Whitman, East of Beacon, beginning June 3d. 
The regiment was, however, mobilized for Federal service on 
the Mexican border on June 19th, and the field service was called 
off. The 71st left for the border on June 27th and camped at 
Mc Allen, Texas, until its return to New York, where it was mus- 
tered out on October 15th. 

On March 25, 1917, the President of the United States mobil- 
ized the 71st, among other Guard regiments, for service on the 
railroads of the State. The regiment left its home station April 
1st, and never again returned to the armory as the 71st Infantry. 
The various units which had been spread over the district to be 
guarded were concentrated at Van Cortlandt Park August 14th. 
Active recruiting continued, and on September 29th the regiment 
entrained for Camp Wadsworth. The regiment paraded through 
the city en route and. was most enthusiastically received. On 
October 15th the disintegration of the New York Division was 
begun. At Van Cortlandt Park 350 men were transferred to the 
165th Infantry, in the Rainbow Division. At Wadsworth the 
71st was skeletonized, all of its personnel being transferred to the 
105th Infantry, the 106th Infantry, the 106th Field Artillery, 
the 102nd Engineers, the 105th Field Artillery, the 102nd Field 
Signal Battalion, the 3rd New York Field Hospital and the 54th 
Pioneer Infantry. 



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